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REVIEWS 285 the text that had been used as epistle in the missa pro defunctis in the Missale Upsalense—also a paraphrase of the antiphon Media vita in morte sumus: the author studies in an appendix the various forms in which this text appears in the versions of Luther, Cranmer, and Cover- dale—it has retained its place in the modern Swedish hymn-book. The author expresses the opinion that the custom of casting earth three

times on the coffin, still a characteristic feature of the Swedish rite, is Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jts/article/V/2/285/1686642 by guest on 25 September 2021 an innovation of Olavus, but this seems doubtful. The last part of the manual contains an order for 'the visitation of prisoners under sentence of death' which seems to have no counterpart in any other liturgical collection. It ends with a word of consolation of which Dr. Yelverton rightly says that Olavus has here 'compressed into a very few words the whole gospel of Christ as necessary to the salvation of a man in his last moments in this world', and he adds that 'in no part of his Swedish manual has Olavus Petri shown more pastoral diligence and liturgical inventiveness than in this office for the visitation of prisoners.' There is in the manual no order of confirmation. The author devotes (in Appendix II) a special little study to the development of the rite of confirmation in the Swedish Church. The reformers disapproved of the ceremony as used in the Middle Ages with unction. The laying on of hands was retained in the baptismal service but has found no place in the modern rite of confirmation which after earlier attempts was re- introduced in the Church of Sweden at the end of the eighteenth century under influence from England but also from German pietism. Our best thanks are due to Dr. Yelverton for his careful and stimulat- ing study in which even a Swedish reader can gather information that is not elsewhere obtainable. We may hope that it may stimulate English students to a further study of a liturgical tradition that has so much in common with their own. YNGVE BRILIOTH

Coverdale and his . By J. F. MOZLEY. Pp. x+360. Lutter- worth Press, 1953. 27s. 6d. DR. MOZLEY has added an important and most welcome book to his excellent studies of Tyndale and Foxe. There is still much in the end- lessly fascinating story of the English which needs elucidation. Though Coverdale's contribution has long been known in outline, it is surprising how much new light Dr. Mozley has been able to throw upon the history and character of his versions. Beginning with a sketch of Coverdale's life, the book goes on to describe the fortunes of the Bible in English between Tyndale and Coverdale. Then a brief chapter on the Campensis Psalter leads to full 286 REVIEWS"" discussions of the making, text, and use of Coverdale's Bible of 1535. These are followed by similar studies of the and the , and there is a chapter on Coverdale's Diglot New Testa- ment and Psalter. I will draw attention first to Dr. Mozley's principal additions to our knowledge of Coverdale's life or of the external history of his translations, and also to the opinions given on some points of controversy. Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jts/article/V/2/285/1686642 by guest on 25 September 2021 1. He prints three letters of Coverdale for the first time. 2. He will not allow (against Westcott and Mombert) that Coverdale began his translation in 1527 under the patronage of Cromwell and More, arguing that some of the books Coverdale demonstrably used were not available till late in 1534, e.g. Tyndale's of November 1534 and the Zurich Bible of 1534. I am not sure that Dr. Mozley's own observation that Coverdale used the original version of parts of Luther's , not his 1534 revision, may not sug- gest that he had made a start before 1534, though not so early as 1527 since Tyndale's 1530 Pentateuch is the basis of his own version. 3. Even Pollard is convicted of occasional error, e.g; at the beginning of Pollard, Records, no. xxix, for Cromwell read Cranmer. 4. Pp. 40-42 give in full a little-known and informative preface of William Roye's, not in Pollard. 5. It is shown that 's 1534 Psalter was translated not ex Foelice (— Felix Pratensis) as Bale is printed, but ex Felino. Bucer's Psalter of 1529, published under the name Felinus, was used. 6. Examination of the text shows that the extant anonymous version of John Campensis's Psalter is almost certainly Coverdale's. 7. Dr. Mozley accepts as most probable, though not demonstrated, L. A. Sheppard's argument that Coverdale's first Bible was printed by Cervicorn and Soter, not Froschover; but he locates the printing at Cologne, not Marburg. 8. He clarifies the history of the Latin-English New Testaments of 1538, and reinforces the case for the attribution of the Latin-English Psalter of 1540 to Coverdale. 9. He goes some way towards disentangling the story of the 1539 Bible. In particular, he prints an important letter from the Constable Anne de Montmorency to Castillon, French ambassador in England, which has eluded writers on the English Bible though it was printed in France in 1666. Dr. Mozley has a strong case against Pollard's inter- pretation of Chapuys's report to Charles V (Pollard, Records, xxxixc) and shows that the printing of the Bible in France was probably 'stayed through the practice of English bishops' as Foxe said, whereas Pollard wished to make it a matter of secular politics only. I am troubled by one REVIEWS 287 point in this chapter. Why did no one who was pleading on behalf of Grafton to Francis I make any allusion to Francis's own licence (Records, xxxv) ? Was it ever issued authoritatively ? On a smaller point, I doubt whether the licence can be made to refer to bibles in either Latin or English. Dictam sacram bibliam tarn latina quam anglicana lingua sounds more like one book.

A substantial part of the book is devoted to the study of Coverdale's Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/jts/article/V/2/285/1686642 by guest on 25 September 2021 sources and the way he used them. Westcott-Wright paved the way, but Dr. Mozley adds much detail. In the case of the 1535 Bible he is able to be more precise than earlier scholars about Coverdale's use of the G. H. edition of Tyndale, Luther, Pagninus, and the Zurich Bible. It is not true, as has been assumed, that Zurich 1534 is a mere reprint of 1531 and Dr. Mozley finds about a dozen places where Coverdale follows 1534 against 1531 as well as against all his other interpreters; the marginal references of 1534 are also used. As to style, those of us who know Coverdale from the B.C.P. Psalter are probably most conscious of his debt to Latin. But he was always affected by the model he was following and could be very Germanic. Dr. Mozley points out how many compound nouns he adopted from Luther and Zurich in 1535, and also how he dropped them in 1539. His attitude to the 'ecclesiastical words' is another matter of interest. The Great Bible is supposed to be more conciliatory than that of 1535, and so it was in some of the accessories and in the presence of words (bracketed) found only in the . But 'the four words church, priest (for Christian ministers), charity and penance, which Tyndale excluded altogether from his New Testament, find no place in the Great Bible, save that at 1 Timothy 4: 14 priesthood appears as a rendering for Erasmus' sacerdotii. Over penance Coverdale had wavered a little in his 1535 bible, but now he returns to the full rigorism of Tyndale.' Finally, though this is not a study of Coverdale's theological writings, Dr. Mozley gives a usefully annotated list of them, as well as an ap- pendix of new points about Joye's works. I cannot vouch for Dr. Mozley's collations, and there may be mistakes here and there. Even if there are, there can be no doubt that he has made a very notable contribution to the study of the English Bible. S. L. GREENSLADE

The Conception of the Inner Light in Robert Barclays Theology. By LEIF EEG-OLOFSSON. Pp. 258. Studia Theologica Lun- densia, 5. Lund: Gleerup, 1954. FOR Dr. Eeg-Olofsson, Barclay's significance lies in the thoroughness