The Effects of Neo-Conservatism on Park Science, Management, and Administration: Examples and a Discussion
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Privatization: An Overview The Effects of Neo-Conservatism on Park Science, Management, and Administration: Examples and a Discussion John Shultis Introduction A GROWING NUMBER OF SCIENTISTS ACKNOWLEDGE THAT SCIENCE IS CULTURALLY MEDIATED, affected by the hegemonic structures and powers that exist in Western society. For example, Proctor (1991) suggests that societies’ overt actions and policies advance the interests of cer- tain special-interest groups over others, intruding into even so-called “pure” science through consciously choosing which topics are studied and how the results are interpreted. Explicit examples related to protected areas are provided by Chase (1986) and Wilkinson (1998), who describe in troubling detail how park scientists and managers were asked, among other requests, to obscure research results and make public statements contrary to their profes- sional judgment. The latter author concluded that science is forever a hostage to political meddling (see also Behan 1997). But there are also less visible effects of the impact of one particular political ideol- politics; often politics exercises its power ogy—neo-conservatism —on protected not on but through dominant institutional areas. After defining and reviewing the structures, priorities, and practices. Almost importance of neo-conservative thought in invisibly,this latter type of influence implic- contemporary Western nations, I identify itly and systematically legitimizes hegemon- common policies and practices of neo-con- ic institutions and practices, making it diffi- servatives, focusing on economic policies cult for the status quo to be questioned or associated with fiscal conservatism, and changed (Harding 1992). Yet it seems diffi- their impact on park planning and manage- cult for park managers and scientists to ment. Examples from Ontario, British acknowledge that resource management Columbia, New Zealand, and the United issues are inherently based on values, and States are used to illuminate how fiscally are thus both directly and indirectly influ- conservative policies affect park research, enced by political ideologies (McCool and management, and administration. Finally, Stankey 2003; Rohde 2004). the shared histories and characteristics of The purpose of this paper is to chal- these case studies are reviewed. lenge park scientists, managers, and admin- istrators to acknowledge the influence of The rise of neo-conservatism political ideology on park issues. More Following the horrors of World Wars I specifically, I wish to describe and analyze and II, Western nations enjoyed a consider- Volume 22 • Number 2 (2005) 51 Privatization: An Overview able and sustained increase in their resi- social programs (Harrison and dents’ standard of living, disposable in- Johnston 1996: 163). come, leisure and vacation time, and con- sumption patterns. Keynesian economics Thus, due to structural changes in eco- relied on an expansionist welfare state to nomic and social conditions in the 1970s, create and maintain this post-war prosperi- neo-conservatism began to rise in many ty, and citizens became accustomed to Western nations. Margaret Thatcher (first increasing levels of government interven- elected in 1979) and Ronald Reagan (elect- tion (i.e., spending) in areas of economic ed in 1980) are seen as the major leaders and social policy (e.g., health care and espousing the doctrines of neo-conser- unemployment). vatism in the West.They,like most neo-con- By the 1970s, this sustained economic servatives, used an amalgam of classical eco- growth had stagnated, with inflationary nomic liberalism (i.e., fiscal conservatism) pressures and increased unemployment and moral conservatism to establish their beginning to erase the gains in economic economic and social doctrines. Rather than growth and discretionary incomes. At first, using the traditional Keynesian policies of government responded to these problems government intervention and regulation by increasing spending, as this had been an (i.e., the use of “big government” through effective policy in the past. However, the taxation), the neo-conservatives champi- world economic system had changed: with oned “small government,” decreased indi- increased globalization, capital became vidual and corporate taxes, and increasing more internationally mobile, new labor reliance on the free market and individual markets in developing nations were operat- choice to drive economic growth (Green ing, and nation-states could no longer sus- 1987). tain completely independent fiscal policies. Just as Keynesian policies infiltrated var- High inflation led to high interest rates, ious political parties earlier in the twentieth which meant nations had to use a growing century, these neo-conservative fiscal poli- proportion of their national incomes to cies began to spread throughout the politi- service the debts caused by this increased cal spectrum. That is, while neo-conserva- government intervention. The spiraling tax- tive fiscal policies began at the right end of ation required to support increased govern- the political spectrum, most political par- ment spending became a central concern: ties—left, center, and right—began to adopt these economic policies (see Gandesha These government responses to the 2000). As a result, fiscal conservatism very fiscal crisis triggered intense hostility quickly diffused throughout Western toward taxation and fuelled the belief nations from the early 1980s. that a failure to restrain government expenditures would, inevitably, re- The impact of neo-conservative policies quire even more taxes. Consequently, cutbacks to government expenditures on park agencies began to be implemented, first for As noted above, the Keynesian welfare programs designed to meet the needs state had used an increasing amount of gov- of the most disadvantaged, but even- ernment funding (and taxation) to control tually also for universally accessible 52 The George Wright Forum Privatization: An Overview social problems, including the spiraling ment of Conservation in New Zealand were demand for municipal, regional, and to blame in part for the death of 14 college national parks. Parks and protected areas students, after an unsafe viewing platform were created and developed in response to collapsed in the Cave Creek area of Paparoa the boom in outdoor recreation and National Park. Judge Graeme Noble, who increased leisure and discretionary income authored the report of the Commission of during these years of sustained economic Inquiry on this event, concluded that the growth. When conservative fiscal policies victims “were all let down by faults in the were established, spending on environmen- process of government departmental tal issues and ministries did not escape the reforms…. In my opinion, it is up to gov- considerable budget cuts and downsizing ernments to ensure that departments that dominated this agenda. charged with carrying out statutory func- In 1995, Mike Harris in Ontario became tions for the benefit of the community are the first neo-conservative provincial pre- provided with sufficient resources to enable mier elected in Canada. One review of the them to do so” (Noble 1995: 93). decline of the Ontario Ministry of A similar series of budget cuts unfolded Environment concluded that “the neo-con- in the province of British Columbia, Can- servative ideology of Mike Harris’ ada. While governments doubled the size Conservative government accounts for the and number of protected areas in B.C. from major retrenchment of [the ministry in] the approximately 6% to 12% of the provincial late 1990s” (Krajnc 2000: 111). Operating land base, severe cuts were made to the rel- expenses at the ministry fell by 68% evant ministries. In addition, the provincial between 1991 and 1998, while ministry government disassembled B.C. Parks as a staff were cut by 40% between 1990 and separate government agency; park manage- 1997 (Krajnc 2000; O’Connor 2002). This ment is now simply one thread within the reduction in staff and funding, together Environmental Stewardship division of the with the elimination of programs, privatiza- Ministry of Water, Land and Air Protection. tion and devolution of services and activi- Between 2001 and 2005, the operating ties, and the move towards industry self- expenditures for the Environmental Stew- regulation of environmental practices all ardship division fell from CDN$83.5 mil- compromised the ability of the ministry to lion to $50.8 million (a 40% decrease), and provide in-house scientific expertise, set staff numbers decreased 31% from 1,298 to environmental standards, and monitor and 897 (Recreation Stewardship Panel 2002). enforce environmental problems (Water- This was in addition to substantial cuts stone 1997; Krajnc 2000). made in the 1990s. These cuts also affected public safety. As in Ontario, the B.C. government in- Justice Dennis O’Connor (2002) noted that corporated neo-conservative values in pro- these budget cuts were both directly and tected areas, primarily through the creation indirectly connected to the Walkerton of a “business approach” to agency admin- tragedy, in which seven people died and istration and the use of increased and new over 2,300 were infected from drinking user fees to help offset funds lost in budget contaminated water in a small Ontario cuts. The province’s new vision for park town. Similarly, budget cuts to the Depart- management reflected neo-conservative Volume 22 • Number 2 (2005) 53 Privatization: An Overview doctrines by cutting ministry