DOCSLIB.ORG

French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville This page intentionally left blank FRENCH POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM MONTESQUIEU TO TOCQUEVILLE This study makes a major contribution to our understanding of one of the most important and enduring strands of modern political thought. Annelien de Dijn argues that Montesquieu’s aristocratic liberalism – his conviction that the preservation of freedom in a monarchy required the existence of an aristocratic ‘corps intermediaire’´ – had a continued impact on post-revolutionary France. Revisionist historians from Furet to Rosanvallon have emphasized the impact of revolutionary republicanism on post-revolutionary France, with its monist concep- tion of politics and its focus on popular sovereignty. Dr de Dijn, however, highlights the persistence of a pluralist liberalism that was rooted in the Old Regime, and which saw democracy and equality as inherent threats to liberty. She thus provides a new context in which to read the work of Alexis de Tocqueville, who is revealed as the heir not just of Restoration liberals, but also of the Royalists and their hero, Montesquieu. annelien de dijn is a postdoctoral researcher in the History Department of the University of Leuven. She has also been a visit- ing scholar at the Columbia University History Faculty and at the Cambridge University History Faculty. This is her first book. ideas in context 89 French Political Thought from Montesquieu to Tocqueville Liberty in a Levelled Society? ideas in context 89 Edited by Quentin Skinner and James Tully The books in this series will discuss the emergence of intellectual traditions and of related new disciplines. The procedures, aims and vocabularies that were generated will be set in the context of the alternatives available within the contemporary frameworks of ideas and institutions. Through detailed studies of the evolution of such traditions, and their modification by different audiences, it is hoped that a new picture will form of the development of ideas in their concrete contexts. By this means, artificial distinctions between the history of philosophy, of the various sciences, of society and politics, and of literature may be seen to dissolve. The series is published with the support of the Exxon Foundation. A list of books in the series will be found at the end of the volume. FRENCH POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM MONTESQUIEU TO TOCQUEVILLE Liberty in a Levelled Society? ANNELIEN DE DIJN University of Leuven CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521877886 © Annelien de Dijn 2008 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published in print format 2008 ISBN-13 978-0-511-38690-9 eBook (EBL) ISBN-13 978-0-521-87788-6 hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of urls for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. Contents Acknowledgements page viii Introduction 1 1 Political thought in eighteenth-century France: the invention of aristocratic liberalism 11 2 Liberty and inequality: the royalist discourse 40 3 A society of equals: the liberal response 68 4 Liberty in a levelled society: Charles Dunoyer, Benjamin Constant, and Prosper de Barante 89 5 The new aristocracy: a theme in Restoration liberalism 111 6 The danger of democracy: Orleanist´ liberalism and Alexis de Tocqueville 129 7 The French predicament: aristocratic liberalism in the Second Empire 155 Epilogue 185 Bibliography 195 Index 210 vii Acknowledgements This book began life as a doctoral dissertation at the History Department of the University of Leuven. I am most indebted to all members of that department for the congenial atmosphere which has sustained me while doing research, and, perhaps even more importantly, while writing. In particular I wish to thank my supervisor Emiel Lamberts for his unfailing support of my work over the years. Many thanks are also due to my teachers Isser Woloch and David Armitage, and my fellow students at the Columbia History Department, for sparking my interest in the history of ideas and in French history, during my time there as an MA student. I will be for ever indebted to the members of my dissertation committee, as well as to the readers of Cambridge University Press for their many suggestions which have helped to turn this dissertation into a book. Special thanks go out to Quentin Skinner, who was not only kind enough to be part of my dissertation committee, but also encouraged me to submit the manuscript to the series in which it is now published. The New York University Remarque Institute and the Columbia Uni- versity History Department provided me with a hospitable environment while I was reworking the manuscript, and I received invaluable help and encouragement from a number of scholars based in the New York area, in particular Helena Rosenblatt and Samuel Moyn. My gratitude, no less heartfelt although its recipients are impersonal, also goes out to a number of institutions who have funded me over the years. The Fund for Scientific Research – Flanders sponsored my doctoral research, and has continued to support me as a postdoctoral researcher, while the Fulbright Foundation allowed me to spend a year abroad while rewriting the manuscript. viii Introduction Since the 1980s, many important books have been written on the his- tory of nineteenth-century liberal thought. The writings of canonical liberal thinkers, such as Benjamin Constant and Alexis de Tocqueville have engendered new and intellectually stimulating interpretations.1 At the same time, scholars have recovered a number of lesser-known nineteenth- century liberal thinkers, such as Franc¸ois Guizot, or T. H. Green, from oblivion.2 But historical interest has not remained limited to individual liberal thinkers. Over the past few decades, several histories have appeared which analyse the discourse of nineteenth-century liberal movements in their various national contexts. The intellectual landscape of mid-Victorian liberalism, for instance, is now a familiar one.3 We have gained more insight into the ideological preoccupations of both English and Dutch progres- sive liberals of the late nineteenth century.4 Likewise, our knowledge of the French liberal movement in its manifold manifestations has increased 1 E.g. Stephen Holmes, Benjamin Constant and the making of modern liberty (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1984); Biancamaria Fontana, Benjamin Constant and the post-revolutionary mind (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1991); Franc¸oise Melonio,´ Tocqueville et les Franc¸ais (Paris: Aubier, 1993); George Armstrong Kelly, The Humane Comedy: Constant, Tocquevilleand French liberalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992); Roger Boesche, The strange liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1987); Sheldon Wolin, Tocqueville between two worlds. The making of a political and theoretical life (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2001). 2 Pierre Rosanvallon, Le moment Guizot (Paris: Gallimard, 1985); Aurelian Craiutu, Liberalism under siege: the political thought of the French doctrinaires (Maryland: Lexington Books, 2003); R. Bellamy, Victorian liberalism: nineteenth-century political thought and practice (London: Routledge, 1990). 3 Eugenio Biagini, ed., Citizenship and community: liberals, radicals and collective identities in the British Isles, 1865–1931 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996); Eugenio Biagini, Liberty, retrenchment and reform. Popular liberalism in the age of Gladstone, 1860–1880 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992). 4 M. Freeden, The new liberalism. An ideology of social reform (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978); Henk te Velde, Gemeenschapszin en plichtsbesef: liberalisme en nationalisme in Nederland, 1870–1918 (’s-Gravenhage: SDU, 1992); Siep Stuurman, Wacht op onze daden: het liberalisme en de vernieuwing van de Nederlandse staat (Amsterdam: Bakker, 1992); Stefan Dudink, Deugdzaam liberalisme: sociaal- liberalisme in Nederland 1870–1901 (Amsterdam: IISG, 1997). 1 2 French Political Thought From Montesquieu to Tocqueville considerably.5 In addition to these national histories, a number of scholars have attempted to capture the nature of nineteenth-century liberalism as a European phenomenon.6 The increased attention for nineteenth-century liberalism in recent his- toriography can be attributed to different factors. Interest in the history of political thought has been stimulated over the past few decades, in partic- ular in the Anglophone world, by the work of scholars such as Quentin Skinner and J. G. A. Pocock. In their methodological writings, and in their own work on early-modern political thought, these authors have shown that it is possible to study political thought as any other field in the history of mankind, thus turning what had long been a philosophical activity into a historical discipline. At the same time, the ‘cultural’ or ‘linguistic’ turn in history has contributed much to encouraging an interest in the world of
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Political Story, 1814-1900
    The Political Story: 1815-1900. From Monarchy to Republic, the struggle for stability and compromise • Republicanism a minority allegiance up to 1880 • Critics associate it with Jacobinism, violent democracy, “Bolshevism” in its day. • By 1880, a permanent majority of the French converted to the republican ideal (Wright, 205) • Transition was exceptional, not normal, it its day A series of experiments in search of stability and compromise (Wright) • The Bourbon Experiment (1814-1830) • The Orléanist Experiment (1830-1848) • The Republican Experiment (1848-1852) • The Imperial Experiment (1852-1870) • The Rooting of the Republican System (1870-1919) Louis XVIII, King of France (1814-1824) Louis-Philippe, King of the French, 1830-1848 Official portrait of Louis XVIII by Jean-Baptiste-Louis Gros Official portrait by Franz Xavier Winterhalter, 1839 Louis XVIII and the Royal Family Charles X, King of France 1824-1830 Official portrait François GERARD, 1825 1814-1848 Struggles for Compromise that Failed How to blend the Revolution and the Old Regime? How to bridge deep divisions created by the Revolution? • Louis XVIII (1814-1824) & the Charter—divine right and a nobility with a legislature • 1817—90,000 men of the wealthy elite had the right to vote • The Chamber: ultras, moderates, liberals (constitutional monarchists, a few republicans) • Charles X (1824-1830) “Stubbornly Unwise” • Coronation at Reims (symbol of the Old Regime) • Compensation of noble émigrés • Partial restoration of the Church—seminaries and missions • Trio of unpopular
    [Show full text]
  • I Was Not Dull
    What, Me Dull? Listen, one of the reasons those crazy French overthrew me, supposedly, was because I was dull and boring. I want you to know the truth. Just listen to a bit of my life and let me know if you think it was dull. I was born in Paris (never a boring city) on October 6, 1773. My father was Louis Philippe Joseph. He was a member of the younger branch of the royal family known as the Orleans branch. He was probably the richest man in France. Did you ever hear of him? Probably not, because he is better known as Philippe Egalite, which means Philip Equality. You see, he supported the French Revolution to such a great extent that he was elected to the most revolutionary body of that period, the Convention. In fact, he also voted for the execution of King Louis XVI. My father’s vote was crucial because the vote to have King Louis executed was close and passed by only one vote. So you see, he was a loyal son of the French Revolution even to the point that my father was guillotined (the revolution had a reputation of devouring its own children). Anyway, I also supported the French Revolution and fought in important battles. I liked our general, Dumouriez, so much that I followed him right down to the time he went over to the Austrians—the Revolution. I spent a lot of time in exile during the First French Republic and later while Napoleon reigned. Since you are Americans, it might interest you to know that among the places I lived was Philadelphia, where I stayed for four years.
    [Show full text]
  • View That Government Should Interfere Minimally in the Economic Affairs of a Geographical Space and Leave the Decisions to Market Forces
    Vol: 1 Social Work Bulletin June, 2020 A Social Democratic Liberal Perspective on the Development of Education Policy (Reflections from the West) Amira Wali1 Dr Shazia Manzoor2 * Abstract Every developmental activity has a context, a historical background, enabling factors and political will. No policy develops in vacuum. It is pertinent to understand the economic situation of times in order to trace and contextualize the development of policies that were formed and the intentions of the governments behind formulation of such policies. The economic system is in a crisis for sure when unemployment soars high. Educational policies, with their many positive externalities, have also been developed in response to certain climates that were of urgent nature. This paper discusses the shift of thought related to employment situation from classical liberalism to social democratic liberalism, paving a way for the intervention of state authorities by assuming the role of welfare state and the consequent repercussions on the Education policy. The paper deliberates that such shifts and the proactiveness of government intervention is relevant in the present times of globalization, as well. 1. Introduction In order to understand the evolution of the economic thought, it is important to start from the start. The Classical liberalism thought had the basic assumptions of liberalism. These were essentially the free market, laisse faire, and the minimal interference of state for maximization of self interests. The basis of classical liberalism was the classical economic theory (Name invented by Marx). This theory was pioneered by Ricardo, Mills, Marshal, Edgeworth and Pigou. One would question the name- Why classical? The answer is that this theory comprised of an established body of doctrine which forms the core of analytical material presented in the principles of economics text books prior to 1947.
    [Show full text]
  • Nineteenth-Century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia
    Ezequiel Adamovsky Russia as a Space of Hope: Nineteenth-century French Challenges to the Liberal Image of Russia Introduction Beginning with Montesquieu’s De l’esprit des lois, a particular perception of Russia emerged in France. To the traditional nega- tive image of Russia as a space of brutality and backwardness, Montesquieu now added a new insight into her ‘sociological’ otherness. In De l’esprit des lois Russia was characterized as a space marked by an absence. The missing element in Russian society was the independent intermediate corps that in other parts of Europe were the guardians of freedom. Thus, Russia’s back- wardness was explained by the lack of the very element that made Western Europe’s superiority. A similar conceptual frame was to become predominant in the French liberal tradition’s perception of Russia. After the disillusion in the progressive role of enlight- ened despotism — one must remember here Voltaire and the myth of Peter the Great and Catherine II — the French liberals went back to ‘sociological’ explanations of Russia’s backward- ness. However, for later liberals such as Diderot, Volney, Mably, Levesque or Louis-Philippe de Ségur the missing element was not so much the intermediate corps as the ‘third estate’.1 In the turn of liberalism from noble to bourgeois, the third estate — and later the ‘middle class’ — was thought to be the ‘yeast of freedom’ and the origin of progress and civilization. In the nineteenth century this liberal-bourgeois dichotomy of barbarian Russia (lacking a middle class) vs civilized Western Europe (the home of the middle class) became hegemonic in the mental map of French thought.2 European History Quarterly Copyright © 2003 SAGE Publications, London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi, Vol.
    [Show full text]
  • Holland and the Rise of Political Economy in Seventeenth-Century Europe
    Journal of Interdisciplinary History, xl:2 (Autumn, 2009), 215–238. ACCOUNTING FOR GOVERNMENT Jacob Soll Accounting for Government: Holland and the Rise of Political Economy in Seventeenth-Century Europe The Dutch may ascribe their present grandeur to the virtue and frugality of their ancestors as they please, but what made that contemptible spot of the earth so considerable among the powers of Europe has been their political wisdom in postponing everything to merchandise and navigation [and] the unlimited liberty of conscience enjoyed among them. —Bernard de Mandeville, The Fable of the Bees (1714) In the Instructions for the Dauphin (1665), Louis XIV set out a train- ing course for his son. Whereas humanists and great ministers had cited the ancients, Louis cited none. Ever focused on the royal moi, he described how he overcame the troubles of the civil war of the Fronde, noble power, and ªscal problems. This was a modern handbook for a new kind of politics. Notably, Louis exhorted his son never to trust a prime minister, except in questions of ªnance, for which kings needed experts. Sounding like a Dutch stadtholder, Louis explained, “I took the precaution of assigning Colbert . with the title of Intendant, a man in whom I had the highest conªdence, because I knew that he was very dedicated, intelli- gent, and honest; and I have entrusted him then with keeping the register of funds that I have described to you.”1 Jean-Baptiste-Colbert (1619–1683), who had a merchant background, wrote the sections of the Instructions that pertained to ªnance. He advised the young prince to master ªnance through the handling of account books and the “disposition of registers” Jacob Soll is Associate Professor of History, Rutgers University, Camden.
    [Show full text]
  • Brazilian Images of the United States, 1861-1898: a Working Version of Modernity?
    Brazilian images of the United States, 1861-1898: A working version of modernity? Natalia Bas University College London PhD thesis I, Natalia Bas, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Abstract For most of the nineteenth-century, the Brazilian liberal elites found in the ‘modernity’ of the European Enlightenment all that they considered best at the time. Britain and France, in particular, provided them with the paradigms of a modern civilisation. This thesis, however, challenges and complements this view by demonstrating that as early as the 1860s the United States began to emerge as a new model of civilisation in the Brazilian debate about modernisation. The general picture portrayed by the historiography of nineteenth-century Brazil is still today inclined to overlook the meaningful place that U.S. society had from as early as the 1860s in the Brazilian imagination regarding the concept of a modern society. This thesis shows how the images of the United States were a pivotal source of political and cultural inspiration for the political and intellectual elites of the second half of the nineteenth century concerned with the modernisation of Brazil. Drawing primarily on parliamentary debates, newspaper articles, diplomatic correspondence, books, student journals and textual and pictorial advertisements in newspapers, this dissertation analyses four different dimensions of the Brazilian representations of the United States. They are: the abolition of slavery, political and civil freedoms, democratic access to scientific and applied education, and democratic access to goods of consumption.
    [Show full text]
  • The Restless Liberalism of Alexis De Tocqueville
    FILOZOFIA ___________________________________________________________________________Roč. 72, 2017, č. 9 THE RESTLESS LIBERALISM OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE JAKUB TLOLKA, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK TLOLKA, J.: The Restless Liberalism of Alexis de Tocqueville FILOZOFIA, 72, No. 9, 2017, pp. 736-747 This essay attempts to contextualise the purported novelty of Alexis de Tocqueville’s particular brand of liberalism. It regards the author not as an heir or precursor to any given political tradition, but rather as a compelled syncretist whose primary philosophical concern was the moral significance of the democratic age. It suggests that Tocqueville devised his ‘new political science’ with a keen view to the existential implications of modernity. In order to support that suggestion, the essay explores the genealogy of Tocqueville’s moral and political thought and draws a relation between his analysis of democracy and his personal experience of modernity. Keywords: A. de Tocqueville – Modernity – Liberalism – Inquiétude – Religion Introduction. Relatively few authors in the history of political thought have produced an intellectual legacy of such overarching resonance as Alexis de Tocqueville. Even fewer, perhaps, have so persistently eluded ordinary analytical and exegetical frameworks, presenting to each astute observer a face so nuanced as to preclude serious interpretive consensus. As writes Lakoff (Lakoff 1998), ‘disagreement over textual interpretation in the study of political thought is not uncommon’. However, ‘it usually arises around those who left writings of a patently divergent character’ (p. 437). When we thus consider the ‘extraordinarily coherent and consistent nature’ of Alexis de Tocqueville’s political philosophy, it appears somewhat odd that the academic consensus surrounding that author relates almost exclusively to the grandeur of his intellectual achievement (Lukacs 1959, 6).
    [Show full text]
  • American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: an Appraisal of Alexis De Tocqueville’S Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 2-2017 American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and the Post-World War II Welfare State John P. Varacalli The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1828 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] AMERICAN CIVIL ASSOCIATIONS AND THE GROWTH OF AMERICAN GOVERNMENT: AN APPRAISAL OF ALEXIS DE TOCQUEVILLE’S DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA (1835- 1840) APPLIED TO FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT’S NEW DEAL AND THE POST-WORLD WAR II WELFARE STATE by JOHN P. VARACALLI A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Program in Liberal Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2017 © 2017 JOHN P. VARACALLI All Rights Reserved ii American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Post World War II Welfare State by John P. Varacalli The manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Liberal Studies in satisfaction of the thesis requirement for the degree of Master of Arts ______________________ __________________________________________ Date David Gordon Thesis Advisor ______________________ __________________________________________ Date Elizabeth Macaulay-Lewis Acting Executive Officer THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK iii ABSTRACT American Civil Associations and the Growth of American Government: An Appraisal of Alexis de Tocqueville’s Democracy in America (1835-1840) Applied to Franklin D.
    [Show full text]
  • Krise Der Fortschrittsauffassung Und Strukturreflexion Auf Die Bürgerliche
    HEINZ THOMA Krise der Fortschrittsauffassung und Strukturrefl exion auf die bürgerliche Formation: Aufklärung um 1900 in Frankreich I. Einleitung Das Rezeptions- und Wirkungsschicksal der Aufklärung war im 19. Jahrhundert noch wesentlich politisch vermittelt, Gegenstand direkter weltanschaulicher Ausei- nandersetzungen und bewegte sich in einem in der Regel national gefasstem Inter- pretationsparadigma. Nimmt man als Beispiel das Kernland der Aufklärung, Frankreich, so beginnt der Streit um die großen Orientierungen bereits im direk- ten Umfeld der Französischen Revolution. Hier wird sofort ein Zusammenhang dieser Ideen mit der gesellschaftlichen Umwälzung erörtert, so etwa in Madame de Staëls (1766–1817) De la littérature considérée dans ses rapports avec les institutions sociales (1800), eine erste große kulturgeschichtliche Bestandsaufnahme seit der Antike, die auch das Mittelalter einschloss. Dem Tableau littéraire de la France au XVIIIe siècle gilt eine Akademiepreisfrage (1805–1810) zum französischen 18. Jahrhundert, in deren Resultat ein Konglomerat aus Voltaire, Montesquieu und einem gereinigten Rousseau die Hauptlinie der auf Triumphalismus angeleg- ten Erbeaneignung der Mittelschichten bilden, und der einzige, dem Historismus zugeneigte, und anspruchsvollste Beitrag keine Chance auf angemessene Würdi- gung hat.1 Die Verbindung von Aufklärung und Revolution sehen ebenso, nur unter nega- tiven Vorzeichen, die französischen Th eoretiker der Konterrevolution, die, wie z. B. der Abbé Augustin Barruel (1741–1820) in seinen Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire du jacobinisme (1797–1799), in der Aufklärung eine Art Verschwörung mit dem Ziel des Umsturzes ausmachen, oder die, wie Louis de Bonald (1754– 1840) in Th éorie du pouvoir politique et religieux dans la société civile (1796) und schließlich Joseph de Maistre (1753–1821) in seinen Considérations sur la France (1797), die für die Kritik der Aufklärung als spezifi sch erachtete abstrakte Denk- weise am Beispiel von Rousseaus Contrat social für das Geschehen, speziell auch der Terreur verantwortlich machen.
    [Show full text]
  • Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906
    Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906 Volker Sellin European Monarchies from 1814 to 1906 A Century of Restorations Originally published as Das Jahrhundert der Restaurationen, 1814 bis 1906, Munich: De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2014. Translated by Volker Sellin An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 4.0 License, as of February 23, 2017. For details go to http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. ISBN 978-3-11-052177-1 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-052453-6 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-052209-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2017 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Cover Image: Louis-Philippe Crépin (1772–1851): Allégorie du retour des Bourbons le 24 avril 1814: Louis XVIII relevant la France de ses ruines. Musée national du Château de Versailles. bpk / RMN - Grand Palais / Christophe Fouin. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Contents Introduction 1 France1814 8 Poland 1815 26 Germany 1818 –1848 44 Spain 1834 63 Italy 1848 83 Russia 1906 102 Conclusion 122 Bibliography 126 Index 139 Introduction In 1989,the world commemorated the outbreak of the French Revolution two hundred years earlier.The event was celebratedasthe breakthrough of popular sovereignty and modernconstitutionalism.
    [Show full text]
  • État Sommaire Des Fonds D'archives Privées Série AP
    AVERTISSEMENT TRÈS IMPORTANT Pour approfondir votre recherche, pour remplir une demande de consultation de documents dont l’accès est soumis à une autorisation ou à une dérogation, la consultation de l’État sommaire n’est pas suffisante. Il est indispensable que vous consultiez aussi au préalable les inventaires et répertoires plus détaillés. Ils sont consultables soit en ligne (voir la rubrique « Inventaires et répertoires en ligne »), soit en salle des inventaires des Archives nationales (site de Paris). Les demandes de consultation rédigées uniquement à partir de l’État sommaire risquent de vous être retournées, afin que vous précisiez votre recherche. ÉTAT SOMMAIRE DES FONDS D’ARCHIVES PRIVÉES SÉRIE AP (1 à 680 AP) État revu et mis à jour à la date du 20 juin 2011 Archives nationales (site de Paris) Section des Archives privées AVERTISSEMENT AU LECTEUR Chaque notice de fonds comprend : – la cote du fonds dans la série AP (archives personnelles et familiales), AB XIX (fonds d’érudits et collections d’autographes) ou Mi (microfilm) ; – l’intitulé du fonds ou de la collection : titre que porte le fonds de toute ancienneté (chartrier de Tournon) ou titre forgé sur le nom de son producteur. On a distingué les fonds organiquement constitués, résultant de l’activité d’une personne physique ou morale dans l’exercice de ses activités, des collections de pièces diverses rassemblées par des érudits ou des amateurs d’autographes (collection de Coppet, par exemple). Dans le cas d’un individu isolé, le fonds a reçu pour appellation le prénom et le nom du producteur (fonds Alexandre Millerand) ; dans le cas d’une famille, seul a été retenu le patronyme.
    [Show full text]
  • China Perspectives, 55 | September - October 2004 the Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 2
    China Perspectives 55 | september - october 2004 Varia The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 DOI: 10.4000/chinaperspectives.417 ISSN: 1996-4617 Publisher Centre d'étude français sur la Chine contemporaine Printed version Date of publication: 1 October 2004 ISSN: 2070-3449 Electronic reference Chen Lichuan, « The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century », China Perspectives [Online], 55 | september - october 2004, Online since 29 December 2008, connection on 28 October 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/chinaperspectives/417 ; DOI : 10.4000/ chinaperspectives.417 This text was automatically generated on 28 October 2019. © All rights reserved The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century 1 The Debate Between Liberalism and Neo-Leftism at the Turn of the Century Chen Lichuan EDITOR'S NOTE Translated from the French original by Nick Oates 1 From the beginning of the 1980s to the middle of the 1990s, three movements took centre stage on the Chinese intellectual scene: radicalism, conservatism and liberalism. This article sets out to retrace the debate between liberalism and neo-leftism by relying exclusively on the polemical texts of the Chinese writers1. How can we present an intellectual debate that is a process of questioning and clarification and that does not arrive at a consensual conclusion? How can we render intelligible the concepts debated in extracts from the original texts? How can we evaluate the impact that this debate has had on a society undergoing a profound transformation? These are just some of the difficulties with which we were confronted.
    [Show full text]