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The Roots of Modern Conservative Thought from Burke to Kirk Edwin J No. 19 The Roots of Modern Conservative Thought from Burke to Kirk Edwin J. Feulner, Ph.D. merica is the most successful and enduring exper- who nurtured the roots with their law and social Aiment in democracy in human history. It has sur- awareness. vived foreign invasion and terrorist attacks, world The roots intertwined with “the Christian under- wars and a civil war, a great depression and not so standing of human duties and human hopes, of man small recessions, presidential assassinations and scan- redeemed,” and were then joined by medieval custom, dals, an adversary culture and even the mass media. It learning, and valor.2 is the most powerful, prosperous, and envied nation The roots were enriched, finally, by two great exper- in the world. iments in law and liberty that occurred in London, What is the source of America’s remarkable suc- home of the British Parliament, and in Philadelphia, cess? Its abundant natural resources? Its hardworking, birthplace of the Declaration of Independence and the entrepreneurial, can-do people? Its fortuitous loca- U.S. Constitution. Kirk’s analysis thus might be called tion midway between Europe and Asia? Its resilient a tale of five cities—Jerusalem, Athens, Rome, London, national will? and Philadelphia. Why do we Americans enjoy freedom, opportunity, Much more could be said about the philosophi- and prosperity as no other people in history have? cal contributions of the Jews, the Greeks, and the In The Roots of American Order, the historian Rus- Romans to the American experience, but I will limit sell Kirk provides a persuasive answer: America is not myself to discuss the roots of modern conservative only the land of the free and the home of the brave, but thought that undergird our nation and which for a place of ordered liberty. more than 50 years have explicitly reinforced the The roots of our liberty run deep. They were idea of ordered liberty. planted, Kirk says, nearly three thousand years I will focus on two great champions of liberty and ago by the Hebrews, who perceived “a purposeful order: Edmund Burke, the eloquent British parliamen- moral existence under God.”1 The Greeks strength- tarian of the late 18th century who was a supporter of ened the roots with their philosophical and political American rights even as he was an implacable opponent self-awareness, and were followed by the Romans, of the French Revolution, and Russell Kirk, the Ameri- 1 Russell Kirk, The Roots of American Order (LaSalle, Ill.: Open Court, 1974), p. 672. 2 Ibid. Published by 214 Massachusetts Avenue, NE Washington, DC 20002-4999 (202) 546-4400 • heritage.org The Heritage Foundation’s First Principles Series explores the fundamental ideas of conservatism and the American political tradition. For more information call 1-800-544-4843 or visit heritage.org/bookstore. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Heritage Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. 2 No. 19 can master of letters whose seminal work The Conserva- speare, declaring, “His words contain an ampler store tive Mind, published in 1953, “catalyzed a self-conscious, of political and moral wisdom than can be found in unabashedly conservative movement” in America.3 any other writing whatever.”5 Two significant political thinkers who provided Married in 1757 to Jane Mary Nugent, the daugh- an intellectual bridge in the 19th century: Alexis de ter of a Catholic physician, Burke now called London Tocqueville, the French historian and author of the his home. classic work Democracy in America, and Lord Acton, Burke took on the editorship of a new publication— the British historian and eminent apostle of liberty which continues to this day—The Annual Register, cov- also merit consideration. ering the major political events and papers and unusual events of the year. It was excellent training for Burke’s EDMUND BUrke political career, for he had to “analyze the whole com- Although separated by almost 200 years, Burke and mercial, financial, constitutional, and foreign interests Kirk shared much, including a deep respect for cus- of Great Britain and its empire.”6 tom and tradition, an abhorrence of ideology and radi- While editing the annual volume brought Burke calism, and a belief in the politics and policies of pru- prestige, it could not pay his way. And so, with a wife dence. Kirk’s biography of Edmund Burke is superb, and children and household expenses, he was drawn and I have used it freely in this essay. into politics and the Rockingham faction of the Whig Born in Dublin in 1729, Edmund Burke was the party. It was a natural alliance, as the Whigs were lov- son of a successful but not wealthy lawyer. Reared ers of freedom and private property. as an Anglican, he was enrolled at the age of fifteen In July 1765, the Marquis of Rockingham became at Trinity College. His was the usual education of the prime minister and almost immediately appointed time. His favorite English authors were Shakespeare, Burke as his private secretary. In December of the Spenser, and Milton. Among the ancients he favored same year Burke was elected to the House of Com- Virgil, Cicero, Homer, and Juvenal. mons and began a career in Parliament that lasted 29 In the spring of 1750, young Burke moved to Lon- years. He became a national and international figure don to study law but eventually entered the profes- by his opposition to King George III’s colonial policies sion of letters, publishing several books over the next in America and India and his passionate condemna- decade, including Philosophical Inquiry into the Origins tion of the French Revolution. Wherever it occurred, of the Sublime and Beautiful—an indication of his far- “the denial of justice roused Burke to greatness.”7 ranging mind. In the Sublime and Beautiful, Burke chal- Burke’s Speech on American Taxation, his Speech on lenged the strict rationalism of the Enlightenment. He Conciliation, and A Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol were elo- knew that we cannot neglect the passions in the arts quent but unsuccessful attempts to persuade George III, or in politics. He aligned himself with the French phi- the Parliament, and the public of the folly of England’s losopher Pascal that “the Heart has reasons that the policy toward the colonies and the danger of forcing Reason cannot know.”4 Americans into accepting that policy. Burke became Not yet 30, Burke found himself a literary celebrity. convinced that the colonies were lost to Britain, and Sir James Mackintosh compared Burke with Shake- he was among the first to endorse our independence. At the same time, he remained a firm believer in and 3 George Nash, The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America Since 1945 (Wilmington, Del.: ISI Books, 1996), p. 67. 5 Ibid. 4 Russell Kirk, Edmund Burke, A Genius Reconsidered (New Ro- 6 Ibid., p. 37. chelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1967), p. 33. 7 Ibid., p. 41. No. 19 3 supporter of the institution of the British monarchy, of civil society,” Burke writes in Reflections, “and the although not of each individual monarch.8 source of all good and all comfort.”11 In the Bristol Sheriffs letter, Burke set forth his History too is central to Burke’s thinking because philosophy regarding the obligations of a represen- history reveals the divine purposes for man in the tative to his constituents—a philosophy, lamentably, temporal order. Burke believed that history taught that is little practiced in the modern U.S. Congress. those in public office the cardinal virtue of temper- Burke said that the wishes of constituents should ance and encouraged them to be restrained in their certainly carry weight with their Member of Parlia- use of power. History provided explicit warnings from ment, but: the days of ancient Rome to the present against those seeking radical change through revolution—a theme His own unbiased opinion, his mature judg- that Acton would immortalize almost a century later. ment, his enlightened conscience, he ought not Burke concurred with other political thinkers that to sacrifice to you, or any set of men living. These “society is indeed a contract,” but unlike Hobbes and he does not derive from your pleasure—no, nor Rousseau, he believed it was a contract between God from the law and the constitution. They are a and man and between all the generations of history— trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he the past, present, and unborn generations.12 is deeply answerable. Your representative owes Burke’s life was one long attempt to forestall you, not his industry only, but his judgment; and revolution. He foresaw the American Revolution he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacri- but was unable to prevent its coming. He predicted fices it to your opinion.9 that Ireland would go the way of America if reforms were not promptly made, and so it happened. He Burke’s reference to Providence provides another prophesied that the French Revolution “would rend clue to Burkean conservatism. “The principles of true Europe limb from limb until subdued by force and a politics,” Burke said, “are those of morality enlarged.” master,” and that too came to pass. He did not share Burke’s politics are a branch of ethics which separates the smug optimism of the Enlightenment that all him sharply from Machiavelli and the modern idea change was good and tradition was a thing lightly that power is supreme in politics. Burke’s basic politi- cast aside.13 He was for gradual change rooted in the cal principles are based on the classical and Christian institutions of society.
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