The King Never Smiles

the king never smiles The King Never Smiles a biography of thailand’s bhumibol adulyadej Paul M. Handley Yale University Press m New Haven and London Copyright ∫ 2006 by Yale University. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Handley, Paul M., 1955– The king never smiles : a biography of Thailand’s Bhumibol Adulyadej / Paul M. Handley. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-300-10682-4 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: 0-300-10682-3 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Bhumibol Adulyadej, King of Thailand, 1927– 2. Thailand—Kings and rulers—Biography. I. Title. ds586.h36 2006 959.304%4092—dc22 2005033009 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Pour mon petit Robin des bois Contents m Preface ix Introduction 1 1 A Dhammaraja from America 12 2 From Pure Blood to Dynastic Failure 26 3 1932: Revolution and Exile 44 4 Restoration to Regicide 64 5 Revenge of the Monarchists, 1946–49 80 6 Romance in Lausanne: Bhumibol Prepares to Reign 100 7 The Cold War, 1952–57 114 8 Field Marshal Sarit: The Palace Finds Its Strongman 139 9 Bhumibol in the 1960s: A Dhammaraja’s Brilliance Unfolds 156 10 Going to War 180 11 Reborn Democrat? 194 12 Royal Vigilantism and Massacre, 1974–76 214 13 What Went Wrong: Cosmic Panic, Business Failure, Midcareer Crisis 238 14 Who’s the Enemy? 257 viii contents 15 In the King’s Image: The Perfect General Prem 276 16 Family Headaches 299 17 Another Coup for the Throne 328 18 May 1992: October 1976 Redux 346 19 Sanctifying Royalty and Stonewalling Democracy in the 1990s 363 20 Another Family Annus Horribilis 394 21 The Economic Crash and Bhumibol’s New Theory 407 22 Going into Seclusion: Can the Monarchy Survive Bhumibol? 427 Notes 451 Index 477 Preface m any journalist or academic who takes an interest in Thailand soon learns that one topic is o√-limits: the modern monarchy. One is told variably that there is nothing more to say than the o≈cial palace accounts; that such matters are internal; that the subject is too sensitive and complex for palace outsiders to handle; or simply that it is dangerous, and one risks expulsion or jail for lèse- majesté. Most people give in to these explanations with little argument. It is easy to do: nearly every Thai one meets expresses unquestioning praise for the king, or at least equivocates to the point of suggesting that there is really not much to be said: the history that is in the open is the whole of it. Palace insiders sometimes concede that there is indeed more to the story, but then demur to say that only real insiders, only Thais within the inner royal circle, can comprehend the mysteries of the king’s reign. The subject, then, hardly seems worth the trouble to dig into, and so as even the most curious succumb to Thailand’s charm and King Bhumibol’s carefully crafted image, the palace remains an enigma. The result, however, is a crucial gap in modern Thai history and political analysis. In many accounts of Thai politics after the overthrow of the absolute monarchy in 1932, the palace is almost nonexistent, an innocent bystander to the struggle for power. When it does appear, the throne is ix x preface either a victim of a disrespectful politician or general, or else it is a momentary hero in a rare but successful intervention in a crisis. Most works acknowledge the king and his family only in passing for benign, inspirational leadership and minor good works. After several years in Thailand as a foreign correspondent, I began to understand just how deeply the king and the institution of the monarchy were involved politically, and the great impact of this on Thailand’s public a√airs and social development. It became most evident when I covered, for the Far Eastern Economic Review, the pro-democracy uprising in May 1992. By his eleventh-hour intervention the king emerged from the bloody tragedy as the protector of democracy and the people’s interest against a military-dominated government. But there were many other things before, during, and after the events that suggested a sharply di√erent interpretation. This was the main spark for this book, and over the years researching it I went through several sharp shifts in my view of Bhumibol and his lengthy reign. Some Thai readers will view my critical portrayal of their sovereign as a destructive attack. Yet in all I have never had any purpose but to satisfy my own curiosity and then to tell a more complete story of Bhumibol’s life and tenure on the throne. This book is in no way meant to be the definitive version of that story. Such a version awaits the day internal palace and government records regarding the monarchy are open to public scrutiny. Instead, my hope is to provide an initial perspec- tive from which other Thailand specialists can work in the future. Moreover, I hope to o√er for students of monarchy a case study of one kingship’s confrontation with modernity and rationalism. A note on names and spelling: there is no o≈cial system of romanization of Thai words and names, so I have tried to work with commonly accepted English spell- ings, and in the case of people’s names I have tried to use the spelling preferred by the people themselves. The highest hereditary royal ranks in Thailand are chaofa and phra-ong chao, both of which are typically given here as prince or princess. The princely ranks below these are designated by an honorific title before the name: M.C. (for mom chao), M.R. (mom ratchawong), and M.L. (mom luang). The palace also awarded peerage-like titles to commoners prior to 1932, including chao phraya, phraya, and luang, in descending order. In the text I have shifted at times between the use of Siam and Thailand. The di≈culty lies in the fact that the name of the country was changed twice between preface xi 1939 and 1949, a key period of the book. But generally Thailand is used to refer to the modern constitutional era (since 1932), and Siam to the period before that. A lot of people helped me with my research, not always knowing the full aim of it. Several read and commented on the manuscript in immensely helpful ways. And far more people helped me over the years to learn about Thailand, its virtues and its problems. I cannot thank enough the certain few who especially taught me about Isan, the Thai northeast. Given the di≈cult atmosphere within the country on matters regarding the monarchy, rather than single any of these people out by name—possibly bringing trouble to them—I would just like to express my im- mense gratitude for their patience, knowledge, sharing, and encouragement when there was not much available. A special acknowledgment is necessary for the underappreciated dissertation Thailand: The Soteriological State in the 1970s by anthropologist Christine Gray of the University of Chicago. As the only in-depth examination of the modern monarchy’s image, Gray’s work opened my eyes to the continuing significance of its mythology and rituals, and stood as a beacon of reassurance that Bhumibol’s story was indeed worth telling. Finally, as is necessary at the end of a preface—and I now understand deeply just why—I have to thank LN for not leaving me or murdering me while I was writing this book. Introduction m the image was scratchy, the sound poor, reminiscent of television 40 years before. Two men were prostrated on a thick carpet, one wearing the coarse indigo garb of a Thai peasant, the other a trim business suit. Legs tucked behind them submissively, they gazed up at a stern figure seated on a gilt-trimmed settee. With aides crouched at his flanks, the figure in the chair addressed the men, and even though his voice was mu∆ed, the image spoke loud and clear: a father calmly, but with utmost firmness and authority, scolding his sons for fighting, or some such transgression that requires public admonishment. The two men were neither brothers nor children, however, and their infraction was hardly trivial. The man in the suit was Thailand’s new prime minister, the corrupt, Machiavellian four-star general Suchinda Kraprayoon. The other man was the ascetic politician Chamlong Srimuang, who had led massive demon- strations against Suchinda for several weeks. Two days before, on May 18, 1992, Suchinda ordered combat troops to open fire on the demonstrators, killing scores and wounding hundreds. Just at that moment, Suchinda’s troops were bearing down on a university where thousands of students were gathered for a new confrontation. Neither side showed signs of compromise. The two men now knelt side by side, bowing to the fatherly figure seated in the middle, a man who held no political o≈ce, wielded no arms, and commanded no 1 2 introduction soldiers.

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