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The Astor Place Riot: Anti-Aristocratism Voiced with a Cobblestone Jackson Loop and Dr

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The Astor Place Riot: Anti-Aristocratism Voiced with a Cobblestone Jackson Loop and Dr. Sean Adams College of Liberal Arts and Sciences, University of Florida The first half of the nineteenth century in America witnessed several economic and political changes. Andrew Jackson's election corresponded with a rise of the "common man," a name given to lower classes who obtained new clout at the polls through more inclusive suffrage laws. However, there were some discrepancies in this trend, which this project aims to explore. Artisans were ousted in favor of unskilled labor centered in metropolitan areas, and income inequality ran rampant. This project aims to contextualize the Astor Place Riot as an event steeped in class, vigilantism and identity. INTRODUCTION The Astor Place Opera House represented this desire for international recognition, and catered mostly to the The city and its presses were well aware of the rising "uppertens," the richest ten thousand citizens of New York. tensions in the days before New York's Astor Place Riot of A dress code was enforced, intent on preventing the 1849. A feud between American actor Edwin Forrest and admission of any ill-mannered New Yorkers. However, his British rival William Charles Macready had already just a short walk away was the less elite Bowery Theatre, a achieved as much publicity as nineteenth century hall emblematic of "lowbrow" entertainment, whose technology allowed. Macready was scheduled to perform performances reduced the importance of acknowledgement Macbeth, and on May 10th a crowd of 10,000 besieged the from the Old World, and instead sought to establish a more Astor Place Opera House. The state militia arrived, egalitarian form of theatre.1 In the 1800s, performing on a attempting to maintain order through warning shots and raised stage did not entitle an actor to many privileges, and vocal demands. After being jostled and heckled, they this was becoming particularly true in the United States. If eventually aligned themselves, aimed into the crowd at a heckler demanded an alteration in the performance, close range, and fired several times. At least 25 died, and actors were expected to oblige. In a nation founded on the well over 100 were injured. substitution of hierarchy with meritocracy, the relationship Although often oversimplified by popular histories and between spectator and entertainer became fluid. It was in legend as a "riot," the events that night were in fact a this decidedly political form of theatre that the rivalry sophisticated political discourse articulated at the street between Forrest and Macready would become the origin of level. While their republican form of government was more the worst riot in antebellum America. than a half-century old, Americans had yet to solidify the The American Edwin Forrest became a working-class interplay between liberty, law, and money. Combing hero by the 1820s for his distinctively nativist adaptations through newspapers, eyewitness accounts, and numerous of European characters, focusing on developing an image pamphlets and publications distributed in the months that of masculinity, individual strength, and physicality, even if followed reveals that the riot of Astor Place embodied a this process involved diversion from the original text.2 strange interaction between the masses and authority; one Photographs of Forrest (the actor was rarely painted, in steeped in issues of vigilantism, identity, and class. some ways an argument against classicism in and of itself) reflect this persona aptly. His portraits depict him as stern, ORIGINS: THE EDINBURGH HISS with broad features and a mess of shaggy hair. These details, while seemingly frivolous to the modern viewer, The 23-year-long relationship of Forrest and Macready were paramount in the nineteenth century, a time in which is often cited as the main cause of the riot, and fortunately a man's stage presence spoke volumes not only about his for historians, the celebrity culture revolving around them abilities as an actor, but also his political allegiance. is well recorded. While at times lighthearted, a more In contrast, when Macready toured the United serious analysis of the interaction between these two actors States from September of 1843 to October of 1844, his offers insight into exactly how and why cultural reception was lukewarm, and the local presses continually productions like theatre were often highly politicized, compared his performances to Forrest's. Macready's diary particularly in the early United States, which was in the characterizes him as exceedingly frustrated with being process of establishing its own artistic merit on the global considered alongside the American: "He is not an artist. stage. Let him be an American actor—and a great American actor—but keep on this side of the Atlantic, and now one University of Florida | Journal of Undergraduate Research | Volume 16, Issue 2 | Spring 2015 1 JACKSON LOOP AND SEAN ADAMS will gainsay his comparative excellence."3 To Macready, it Fifteen minutes before curtain time Astor Place was was obvious that his lack of success was due to the "packed almost solid" with demonstrators and onlookers.9 unrefined tastes of American audiences, which were ill- By the third scene all action onstage was drowned out by a trained and undiscriminating. group of Forrest supporting attendees. Meanwhile, the Unlike Macready, Forrest's second European tour of crowd outside the theatre—described by presses as 1845 was garnering improved reviews from newspapers. consisting of mostly young men—began assaulting the Despite this, as historian Richard Moody articulates, there building with bricks. In his testimony the Clerk of the were "concerted catcalls and hisses" occurring "with Police Sidney H. Stewart described the crowd as organized regularity" at Forrest's performances.4 It is "determined to accomplish some particular act."10 Though difficult to say whether or not such heckling was young, the purposeful nature of the crowd noted by Stewart orchestrated by Macready himself, who was perhaps bitter should be given weighty consideration. Perhaps, as the about the tepidity of his reception in America, but it is Post argued, being "that age when the temperament is most probable that measuring over a column and a half, clearly excitable," assisted in the first stones being cast, but the implying that this rivalry was becoming a source of great rioters apparently shifted away from simple mischief, attention in the city. The letter stated that social elites—including considering that of the forty-seven total arrests made, most Washington Irving and Herman Melville—implored Macready to were older, employed craftsmen.11 reconsider his decision to cancel his remaining shows, and In a time before policemen carried guns—in fact, the assured the actor "that the good sense and respect for order, Astor Place Riot would become a strong example for those prevailing in this community, will sustain you on the subsequent nights of your performances."5 Historian Sam Haynes writes that wishing to arm them later on—the state militia was the secondary tier of law enforcement, akin to today's National "In rallying around the beleaguered British actor, the city's th cultural elite added a new element to the tense situation, stirring Guard. On the afternoon of the 10 , Major-General Charles pent-up resentment among laboring classes toward Gotham's 'kid W. Sandford mustered 200 men and awaited further orders, glove aristocracy.'"6 "Pent-up resentment" could hardly which arrived between eight and nine o'clock. As he and summarize the state of New York City. Aside from the minor his troops came closer to the theatre, it became clear that riots that were occurring in the city with striking regularity, the rioters found a new target. The barrage of stones on the employment remained inconsistent, and working-class men was described by Sandford as "incessant." Claiming consciousness—while unable to gain much recognition in the 7 that he warned the crowd several times to disperse political sphere—was, at the very least, becoming palpable. beforehand, he ordered his troops to fire above the rioters' This fact was demonstrated on the night of the 9th when, in light of the petition released by the representatives of the city's heads. "A shout then came from the mob, 'They have only blank cartridges, give it to them again,' and another volley wealthy, individuals posted an inflammatory notice throughout 12 various working-class districts. Focusing on a rumor that the of stones came instantly." By attempting to disperse the crew of a British vessel in port was attempting to "make a show crowd, the militia appeared to be defending Macready and of support" for Macready, it read: the "aristocratic" Opera House. This shift in attack from the building to the "WORKINGMEN, SHALL representatives of authority is well documented, and AMERICANS OR ENGLISH RULE critical to a more theoretical interpretation of the rioters' IN THIS CITY? The crew of the actions. Many sources discuss civilians angrily intervening British steamer have threatened all Americans who in arrests, deeming the actions of the police unlawful, or shall dare to express stealing the badges of policemen as trophies of victory. their opinions this night, at the Quotes from the crowd cited widely include "Burn the ENGLISH ARISTOCRATIC damned den of the aristocracy," or "You can't go in there OPERA HOUSE! We advocate no without kid gloves on. I paid for a ticket, and they would violence, but a free expression of not let me in, because I hadn't kid gloves and a white vest, opinion to all public men! damn 'em!" Another man bared his chest shouting "Fire WORKINGMEN! FREEMEN! into this. Take the life out of a free-born American for a Stand By Your LAWFUL bloody British actor. Do it, Ay, You darsn't!"13 RIGHTS!"8 Considering these quotes, it becomes clear that the events of May 10th could not have represented simply the The Astor Place Opera House, with its dress code and savagery of a few young boys.
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