Reassessing the Role of U.S. Nuclear Weapons in Turkey

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Reassessing the Role of U.S. Nuclear Weapons in Turkey By Mustafa Kibaroglu Reassessing the Role of U.S. Nuclear Weapons in Turkey ATO is revising its Strategic Concept; 1960s, to the deployment of U.S. nuclear weapons on its soil. the alliance is due to complete work The issue is contentious within NATO, which makes its decisions by consen- on the document in November. A key sus—an approach that was reaffirmed by N the alliance’s foreign ministers at an April issue in the revision is the deployment of U.S. meeting in Tallinn, Estonia, and by an Experts Group report released in May. tactical nuclear weapons in Europe as part of the Although final decisions on the de- ployment of U.S. nuclear weapons prob- alliance’s policy of extended nuclear deterrence. ably are not imminent, the debate has already been joined, and Turkey should Although Turkey has long been in agreement be an active participant. If Turkey con- tinues to sit on the sidelines of that with its allies on the value of these forward de- debate, as it has done until now, it could find itself in an uncomfortable spot: A ployments, it may soon find itself in a delicate decision to remove the U.S. weapons from Belgium, Germany, and the Neth- position on the question of how to continue the erlands would likely leave Turkey and policy effectively. Italy as the only NATO members with foreign nuclear weapons on their soil.1 Such a situation would put pressure on Turkey to reverse its long-standing policy of hosting U.S. nuclear weapons With other NATO countries such as drawal of U.S. weapons from Europe, on its territory—even more so if the 10 Luxembourg and Norway supporting Turkish decision-makers might conclude U.S. nuclear weapons are removed from 20 them, Belgium, Germany, and the Neth- that two fundamental principles of the Italy as well. Turkey’s calculus must erlands have indicated a desire to reassess alliance, namely solidarity and burden include an additional element because June the case for continued deployment of sharing, have been seriously weakened. it has Middle Eastern neighbors that U.S. nuclear weapons on their territories. Those principles have been the basis are a source of concern to some allies ODAY ODAY T Should these countries advocate with- for Turkey’s agreement, since the early but with whom Turkey is developing Mustafa Kibaroglu teaches courses on arms control and disarmament in the Department of International Relations at Bilkent University in Ankara, Turkey. He has held fellowships at Harvard University’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, the Center for Nonprolif- ARMS CONTROL eration Studies at the Monterey Institute of International Studies, the International Atomic Energy Agency, and the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research. 8 increasingly close diplomatic ties after a the challenges and threats that the allied nuclear strategy of the alliance, Secretary- long period of animosity that extended countries are facing now and are likely to General Anders Fogh Rasmussen has said beyond the end of Cold War rivalry. confront in the future. that, “in a world where nuclear weapons The most sensible course for Turkey is The Strategic Concept has therefore exist, NATO needs a credible, effective to support the efforts of other host na- been under revision since the alliance and safely managed deterrent.”4 tions to create a consensus within the summit convened in Strasbourg/Kehl, That statement suggests that nuclear alliance that would lead to a withdrawal on April 3-4, 2009. At the summit meet- weapons are likely to retain their central of U.S. nuclear weapons from Europe. ing, NATO heads of state and govern- role in NATO’s forthcoming Strategic That step would help Ankara to con- ment tasked the secretary-general with Concept. That would satisfy Turkey’s ex- tinue cultivating relationships with its assembling and leading a broad-based pectations; Ankara is looking for the con- non-European neighbors and could be group of qualified experts who would tinuation of extended deterrence, which achieved without undermining extended lay the groundwork for the new Strategic has traditionally relied on U.S. nuclear nuclear deterrence. Concept with the active involvement of weapons deployed in Europe. ARCTIC OCEAN NATO’s highest decision-making body, Nevertheless, the positions of the Euro- NATO’s New Strategic Concept the North Atlantic Council.2 The report, pean allies are not fully compatible with Since 1999, when NATO last revised its “NATO 2020: Assured Security; Dynamic that of Turkey. Some western European Strategic Concept, the world has under- Engagement,” was released May 17. allies have expressed strong reserva- gone dramatic changes and witnessed The details of the new Strategic Con- tions about the presence of U.S. nuclear tragic events, such as the September 11 cept are not yet final, but the Experts weapons on their territories, while some terrorist attacks on the United States, Group report and media accounts of the central and eastern European allies still followed by others in Bali, Istanbul, ongoing deliberations give an idea of support the deployment of these weapons Madrid, London, and Amman. Since the general principles that are likely to in Europe as a visible sign of U.S. security the September 11 attacks, NATO, while govern the new document. For instance, guarantees for Europe. maintaining its identity as a collective during their April 22-23 meeting in The foreign ministers of Belgium, security organization, has accelerated Tallinn, Estonia, NATO foreign minis- Germany, Luxembourg, the Nether- the pace at which it is transforming ters discussed ways to modernize the lands, and Norway stated in a February itself from one focused on defending a organization and held talks on the new 26 letter to Rasmussen that they “wel- particular geographical area against a Strategic Concept. In those discussions, come the initiative taken by President well-known enemy to one that would be they shared the view that “the new Obama to strive toward substantial capable of dealing with emerging threats concept must reaffirm NATO’s essential reductions in strategic armaments, and such as international terrorism, which and enduring foundations: the politi- to move towards reducing the role of may manifest itself in different forms cal bond between Europe and North nuclear weapons and seek peace and se- and almost anywhere in the world. America, and the commitment to defend curity in a world without nuclear weap- This process of transformation within each other against attack,” according to ons.”5 The letter emphasized that there NATO has called into question the rel- a NATO press release.3 should be discussions in NATO as to evance of the 1999 Strategic Concept to More specifically, concerning the what the allies “can do to move closer Istanbul ATLANTIC Ankara Turkey Incirlik Syria Iraq Iran PACIFIC ARMS CONTROL TODAY ARMS CONTROL TODAY PACIFIC June 20 10 9 INDIAN OCEAN OCEAN OCEAN OCEAN 1 0 0 0 K ilo m e te1 rs 0 0 0 K ilo m e te1 rs 0 0 0 K ilo m e te rs P a ra lle l s c a le aP t a ra lle l s c a le aP t a ra lle l s c a le a t 0 n o rth 0 e a s t3 0 n o rth 0 e a6 s t 0 n o rth 0 e a s t Tarik Tinazay/AFP/Getty Images A U.S. Air Force F-16 fighter jet prepares to land at Incirlik Air Base in November 2001. to this overall political objective.”6 which was negotiated prior to the admit- ish F-100, F-104, and F-4 “Phantom” Some central and eastern European tance of the Czech Republic, Hungary, aircraft at air bases in Eskisehir, Malatya allies of NATO attach great importance to and Poland to NATO, the alliance declared (Erhac), Ankara (Akinci/Murted), and the continuation of the extended nuclear it had “no intention, no plan and no Balikesir.12 All such weapons, whether on deterrence strategy of the alliance and reason to deploy nuclear weapons on the U.S. or Turkish aircraft, have been under the forward deployment of U.S. nuclear territory of new members, nor any need to the custody of the U.S. Air Force. weapons, which they consider to provide change any aspect of NATO’s nuclear pos- Turkey still hosts these U.S. tactical credible assurances against the potential ture or nuclear policy.”10 Hence, it would nuclear weapons on its territory, albeit threat that they perceive from Russia.7 be fair to assume that if nuclear weapons in much smaller numbers.13 They are There is unanimous support for includ- are withdrawn from Belgium, Germany, limited to one location, the Incirlik ing tactical nuclear weapons in the next and the Netherlands, there are no new base near Adana on the eastern Medi- round of nuclear arms control, and there candidates to take them. terranean coast of Turkey.14 All other are also views suggesting concomitant Should this be the case, Turkey might nuclear weapons have been withdrawn withdrawal of all Russian and U.S. tactical have to revise its stance vis-à-vis the U.S. from the bases mentioned above.15 nuclear weapons from Europe.8 nuclear weapons on its soil.11 Moreover, the Turkish air force no lon- However, even the central and eastern ger has any operational link with the 10 European countries that favor the con- U.S. Nuclear Weapons in Turkey remaining tactical nuclear weapons 16 20 tinuation of nuclear sharing do not want Turkey has hosted U.S. nuclear weapons deployed at Incirlik.
Recommended publications
  • NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament
    NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: Challenges for the for 10th and Disarmament: Challenges Conference NPT Review Non-proliferation of Nuclear and the Frameworks NATO Research Paper Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina International Security Programme | May 2020 NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Challenges for the 10th NPT Review Conference Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina with Yasmin Caughley, Tim Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Background 5 3 NATO and the NPT 8 4 NATO: the NPT and the TPNW 15 5 NATO and the TPNW: Legal Issues 20 6 Conclusions 24 About the Authors 28 Acknowledgments 29 1 | Chatham House NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Summary • The 10th five-yearly Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (the NPT) was due to take place in April–May 2020, but has been postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. • In force since 1970 and with 191 states parties, the NPT is hailed as the cornerstone of a rules-based international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and an essential basis for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. But successive review conferences have been riven by disagreement between the five nuclear weapon states and many non-nuclear weapon states over the appropriate way to implement the treaty’s nuclear disarmament pillar. • Although the number of nuclear weapons committed to NATO defence has been reduced by over 90 per cent since the depths of the Cold War, NATO nuclear weapon states, and their allies that depend on the doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence for their own defence, favour continued retention of the remaining nuclear weapons until the international security situation is conducive to further progress on nuclear disarmament.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkey, NATO & and Nuclear Sharing
    Arms Control Association (ACA) British American Security Information Council (BASIC) Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg (IFSH) Nuclear Policy Paper No. 5 April 2011 1 Mustafa Kibaroglu Turkey, NATO & and Nuclear Sharing: Prospects after NATO's Lisbon Summit In the run-up to the Lisbon summit meeting of NATO on November 19-20, 2010, where the new Strategic Concept of the alliance was adopted, the status of U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in five European countries, namely Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey was a significant topic of debate, and remains so afterwards. Some have suggested the speedy withdrawal of these weapons while others have endorsed their extended stay on the continent for as long as there are nuclear threats to the alliance.2 Turkey, as a host, has long been supportive changes in the deployment of theater of retaining U.S. nuclear weapons on its nuclear weapons in other NATO states is territory for various reasons and also more doubtful. expected others to continue to deploy these weapons as part of the burden sharing and This being the case for the allied countries solidarity principles of the alliance. Turkey in general, and from Turkey’s perspective in believes that the presence of U.S. nuclear particular, this paper will present primarily weapons in Europe strengthens the U.S. the views in the political, diplomatic, and commitment to transatlantic security, and military circles in Turkey with respect to the contributes to the credibility of the extended prolonged deployment of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO and Nuclear Disarmament
    North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Factsheet October 2020 NATO and Nuclear Disarmament NATO Allies are strongly committed to arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation, which play an important role in preserving peace in the Euro-Atlantic region. NATO actively contributes to effective and verifiable nuclear disarmament efforts through its policies and activities, and the commitments of its member countries. Allies recognise the threat posed by weapons of mass destruction (WMD), as well as their means of delivery, by state and non-state actors. NATO designs its partnership programmes to provide effective frameworks for dialogue, consultation, and coordination on a wide range of arms control-related issues, including nuclear disarmament. NATO’s Role in Nuclear Disarmament Disarmament is the act of eliminating or abolishing weapons, either unilaterally or reciprocally. It may refer either to reducing and limiting the number and types of arms, or to eliminating entire categories of weapons. NATO’s policies in this field support consultation and practical cooperation on nuclear policy issues, including arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. NATO supports and facilitates policy-making among members, and consultations with partners and other countries, and aids in the implementation of international obligations. All NATO Allies are parties to the most important of the global treaties on WMD, such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. NATO consults and cooperates with relevant international organizations, including the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs, the African Union, the League of Arab States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the European Union.
    [Show full text]
  • NATO Nuclear Deterrence
    North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Factsheet February 2020 NATO Nuclear Deterrence Nuclear deterrence has been at the core of NATO’s collective defence for 70 years. In an uncertain world, nuclear weapons continue to play a critical role in NATO’s deterrence and defence. The purpose of NATO’s nuclear capability is to preserve peace, prevent coercion, and deter aggression. Nuclear weapons are unique, and the circumstances in which NATO might contemplate the use of them are extremely remote. However, if the fundamental security of any Ally were to be threatened, NATO has the capabilities and resolve to defend itself – including with nuclear weapons. NATO is committed to creating the conditions for a world without nuclear weapons, in line with Allies’ commitments to the Non-Proliferation Treaty. Since the end of the Cold War, the number of nuclear weapons available to NATO in UK MOD - Crown Copyright Europe has been reduced dramatically, by around 90 percent. However, as long as nuclear weapons exist, NATO will remain a nuclear Alliance and Allies will continue to take all steps necessary to ensure NATO’s nuclear deterrent remains safe, secure and effective. Nuclear Forces Three NATO members - the United States, France and the United Kingdom – have nuclear weapons. The strategic forces of the Alliance, particularly those of the United States, are the supreme guarantee of the Alliance’s security. The independent strategic nuclear forces of the United Kingdom and France have a deterrent role of their own and contribute significantly to the overall security of the Alliance. NATO’s nuclear deterrence also relies on US nuclear weapons deployed in Europe and supporting capabilities and infrastructure provided by Allies.
    [Show full text]
  • Building a Safe, Secure, and Credible NATO Nuclear Posture
    Building a Safe, Secure, and Credible NATO Nuclear Posture NUCLEAR THREAT INITIATIVE 1776 Eye St, NW | Suite 600 | Washington DC 20006 www.nti.org Steve Andreasen, Isabelle Williams, Brian Rose, @NTI_WMD Hans M. Kristensen, and Simon Lunn www.facebook.com/nti.org Foreword by Ernest J. Moniz and Sam Nunn ABOUT THE NUCLEAR THREAT INITIATIVE The Nuclear Threat Initiative works to protect our lives, environment, and quality of life now and for future generations. We work to prevent catastrophic attacks with weapons of mass destruction and disruption (WMDD)—nuclear, biological, radiological, chemical, and cyber. Founded in 2001 by former U.S. Senator Sam Nunn and philanthropist Ted Turner, who continue to serve as co-chairs, NTI is guided by a prestigious, international board of directors. Ernest J. Moniz serves as chief executive officer and co-chair; Des Browne is vice chair; and Joan Rohlfing serves as president. www.nti.org Cover: A Dutch F-16 takes off from Leeuwarden Airbase in the Netherlands in 2011. PHOTO BY ROBIN UTRECHT/AFP/GETTY IMAGES Building a Safe, Secure, and Credible NATO Nuclear Posture Steve Andreasen Isabelle Williams Brian Rose Hans M. Kristensen Simon Lunn Foreword by Ernest J. Moniz and Sam Nunn January 2018 The views expressed in this publication are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect those of NTI, its Board of Directors, or other institutions with which the authors are associated. © 2018 Nuclear Threat Initiative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission of the publisher and copyright holder.
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of US Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO
    The Future of U.S. Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons and Implications for NATO Drifting Toward the Foreseeable Future Jeffrey A. Larsen, Ph.D. A report prepared in accordance with the requirements of the 2005-06 NATO Manfred Wörner Fellowship for NATO Public Diplomacy Division 31 October 2006 UNCLASSIFIED US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen ii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Table of Contents List of Figures vii List of Tables vii Foreword ix Methodology x Disclaimer x Executive Summary xi I. Introduction 1 Background to Today’s Situation 2 Defining Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 6 Findings 8 II. Historical Background 11 Historical Summary of Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons in Europe 12 Recurrent Themes in Alliance Nuclear History 16 Modernization Episodes in Europe 21 The Nuclear Planning Group 22 The High Level Group 23 The Montebello Decision and SNF Modernization 25 The End of the Cold War 27 The Presidential Nuclear Initiatives 30 Russian Response to the PNIs 33 Arms Control and Relations with Russia in the 1990s 35 Key Nuclear Documents 37 Summary 38 III. Is There a Future for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons? 39 Recent Developments 40 Current Status of NSNW in States of Interest 42 United States 42 Russia 46 Issues Regarding NSNW 48 Arguments For and Against Future Roles for NSNW 49 Arguments For 49 Arguments Against 50 Future Roles for Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons 51 Political 51 Extended Deterrence 51 Arms Control 52 Military 52 Escalation Dominance 52 Target Coverage 53 Counter NBC 54 Supporting the Strategic Nuclear Arsenal 54 Robustness 54 iii US NSNW and Implications for NATO Larsen Hedging 54 Summary 55 IV.
    [Show full text]
  • US Nuclear Weapons in the Netherlands: a First Appraisal
    US Nuclear Weapons in the Netherlands: A First Appraisal nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2021-01-15/us-nuclear-weapons-netherlands-first-appraisal January 7, 2021 1/22 During the Cold War, Dutch units had responsibility for nuclear-capable Honest John rockets that were deployed in West Germany. This is an Honest John on display in the National Military Museum at the site of the former airbase at Soesterberg. (Photo from Wikipedia Commons). Published: Jan 15, 2021 Briefing Book #736 Edited by Cees Wiebes and William Burr For more information, contact: 202-994-7000 or [email protected] January 1960 Agreement Led to Nuclear Sharing Arrangements Public Access to Key Historical Records in Doubt after Dutch Courts Affirm Secrecy Regime for U.S. Nukes Washington, D.C., January 15, 2021 – The stationing of U.S. nuclear weapons in Europe remains a controversial issue on both sides of the Atlantic. One of the less well- known cases involves the Netherlands, which first accepted atomic weapons shortly after the two governments signed a secret stockpile agreement in January 1960. That accord is part of a compilation of declassified documents posted today – most for the first time – by the National Security Archive. 2/22 That the U.S. has authorized deployments to numerous NATO states is one of those secrets everybody knows – Dutch former Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers acknowledged the facts of the matter involving his own country in 2013. Nevertheless, the arrangements are an official secret, as is the number of weapons currently in the Netherlands, and obtaining access to the historical record is a major challenge for historians.
    [Show full text]
  • Withdrawal Issues What NATO Countries Say About the Future of Tactical Nuclear Weapons in Europe
    Withdrawal Issues What NATO countries say about the future of tactical nuclear weapons in Europe Susi Snyder & Wilbert van der Zeijden March 2011 Acronyms used in this report DCA- dual capable aircraft NAC- North Atlantic Council NATO- North Atlantic Treaty Organisation NPG- Nuclear Planning Group NPT- Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty WS3- Weapons Storage and Security System TNW- tactical nuclear weapons NoNukes is IKV Pax Christi’s campaign for a world free of nuclear weapons. IKV Pax Christi is the joint peace organization of the Dutch Interchurch Peace Council (IKV) and Pax Christi Netherlands. We work for peace, reconciliation and justice in the world. We join with people in conflict areas to work on a peaceful and democratic society. We enlist the aid of people in the Netherlands who, like IKV Pax Christi, want to work for political solutions to crises and armed conflicts. IKV Pax Christi combines knowledge, energy and people to attain one single objective: there must be peace! The NoNukes campaign informs, mobilizes and speaks out for nuclear disarmament. We do so through research, publications, political and public advocacy. The written contents of this booklet may be quoted or reproduced, provided that the source of the information is acknowledged. IKV Pax Christi would like to receive a copy of the document in which this report is quoted. You can stay informed about NoNukes publications and activities by subscribing to our newsletter. To subscribe, or to receive additional copies of this report, please send your request to [email protected]. Authors Susi Snyder is the Nuclear Disarmament Programme Leader for IKV Pax Christi.
    [Show full text]
  • ITALY's NUCLEAR CHOICES Leopoldo Nuti
    UNISCI Discussion Papers, Nº 25 (January / Enero 2011) ISSN 1696-2206 ITALY’S NUCLEAR CHOICES Leopoldo Nuti 1 University of Roma Tre Abstract: Italy’s military nuclear policy throughout the Cold War was an attempt to foster the country’s aspirations to a position of parity among the other European powers. The issue of its own rank and collocation in the international hierarchy of powers had been central in its foreign policy since the birth of the country, and the new generation of politicians that shaped Italian foreign policy after the Second World was no less aware of this critical factor than their predecessors. The nuclearization of NATO made it inevitable that only those countries which had access to nuclear weapons would ultimately make the crucial decisions for the future of the alliance. The Italian government reached the conclusion that its only way to a nuclear status of some sorts would be through a close cooperation with NATO and the USA. Between 1955 and 1959, the acceptance of US nuclear weapons on Italian soil eventually evolved into a pattern that formed the basis for Italian nuclear policies for the next 10 years or so. Italy was very reluctant to ratify the NPT and this led to a strong behind the scenes alliance with the other main Western European opponents, the Federal Republic of Germany and a wide ranging series of contacts with all the other possible opponents to the treaty, from Japan to India. In 1979, Italy accepted the new Euromissiles on its territory. Again, Italy considered nuclear weapons as its winning card and the tool has to be used to shorten the gap with the other major European partners.
    [Show full text]
  • December 2020 © Author, December 2020
    ͳͳͲ BELGIUM SHOULD NOT CHANGE STRATEGY ON HER CONTRIBUTION TO NATO’S NUCLEAR ROLE SHARING DIDIER AUDENAERT ʹͲʹͲ ABOUT THE AUTHOR Col. (Ret.) Didier Audenaert is a Senior Associate Fellow at the Egmont – Royal Insti- tute for International Relations in Brussels. Previously, he served for 4 years as NATO expert advisor at Belgian Foreign Affairs and before that for 6 years as Defence Coun- sellor to the Belgian NATO Delegation. He also worked for almost 4 years at NATO Defense College. ABOUT THE EGMONT PAPERS The Egmont Papers are published by Egmont – The Royal Institute for International Relations. Founded in 1947 by eminent Belgian political leaders, Egmont is an inde- pendent think-tank based in Brussels. Its interdisciplinary research is conducted in a spirit of total academic freedom. A platform of quality information, a forum for debate and analysis, a melting pot of ideas in the field of international politics, Egmont’s ambition – through its publications, seminars and recommendations – is to make a useful contribution to the decision-making process. Table of Contents Introduction / Executive summary . 2 Many challenges in the European security environment . 2 NATO’s deterrence: aggression of any kind is not a rational option . 3 NATO’s “collective defence”: one for all and all for one . 4 Allies remain committed to arms control, non-proliferation and disarmament . 5 NATO’s Nuclear Planning Group (NPG) . 6 NATO’s Nuclear Forces. 6 1. “La France ne dépend d’aucune autre puissance pour ce qui est de sa sécurité” . 7 2. UK: “a nuclear deterrent to autonomously protect the UK”.
    [Show full text]
  • Nuclear Deterrence in Europe: Points of Convergence, Singularities and Prospects for Cooperation
    Nuclear deterrence in Europe: points of convergence, singularities and prospects for cooperation Recherches & Documents N°04/2021 Emmanuelle Maitre Research fellow, Fondation pour la recherche stratégique January 2021 www.frstrategie.org CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................... 1 1. NUCLEAR DETERRENCE IN EUROPE: A CONTRASTING PICTURE .................................................. 2 1.1. Different positions and singularities .................................................................. 2 1.2. An accepted role for NATO’s extended deterrence .......................................... 3 1.2.1. A policy that is regularly formalised and debated .............................................. 3 1.2.2. Capabilities inside and outside Europe ............................................................. 4 1.3. Growing reflection on the contribution of independent nuclear arsenals to European defence ............................................................................................... 5 2. SUBSTANTIAL INVESTMENTS TO PERPETUATE CAPABILITIES IN A REMODELLED STRATEGIC ENVIRONMENT .......................................................................................................................... 6 2.1. Participation in NATO's nuclear mission: a significant investment for some allies ..................................................................................................................... 7 2.2. Renewing
    [Show full text]
  • Articulating the Logic of Nuclear-Sharing Alexander Mattelaer
    No.No. 116 [ ] October[Date] 2019 Articulating the logic of nuclear-sharing Alexander Mattelaer weapons exist. By extension, it underwrites the NATO’s nuclear-sharing arrangements collective security of its members, which is based often get bad press. This is remarkable on a strategy of deterrence and defence. As given the fact that they have demonstrably nuclear-sharing makes for a politically sensitive contributed to (a) countering the subject, public discussion thereof has often proliferation of nuclear arsenals in Europe, remained muted. This has resulted in a widening (b) fostering alliance cohesion by giving gap between what is official policy and the public non-nuclear weapon states a voice on the understanding thereof. Yet sustaining leadership nuclear posture of the alliance, and (c) focus is premised on informing and educating the making nuclear deterrence more effective next generation of leaders with consideration and militarily by offering a wider array of force deliberation.1 In this sense, the desire to avoid options. When the relative merits of difficult debates with critical publics constitutes extended nuclear deterrence are perhaps the gravest risk to NATO’s deterrence unknown, public support thereof is likely posture today. to suffer. In order to enrich the debate about NATO’s nuclear policy, this The logic of nuclear-sharing revolves around three functions subsumed within the wider Security Policy Brief articulates the framework of NATO’s nuclear policy. First threefold logic of nuclear-sharing. comes the non-proliferation function: nuclear- sharing helps maintaining strategic stability by limiting the number of nuclear arsenals in INTRODUCTION Europe. Second comes the political cohesion Nuclear-sharing plays a critical, though little- function: nuclear-sharing ensures that the understood role in the nuclear posture of the benefits, responsibilities and risks that derive NATO alliance.
    [Show full text]