The NPT and the Origins of NATO's Nuclear Sharing Arrangements
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October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force'
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified October 02, 1963 Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force' Citation: “Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 'Paper Regarding Dutch Participation in Talks Regarding a Multilateral Nuclear Force',” October 02, 1963, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, National Archives, The Hague, Council of Ministers, access number 2.02.05.02, inventory number 753 and 723. Obtained and translated by Bastiaan Bouwman. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117766 Summary: Paper presented at 4 October 1963 meeting of the Dutch Council of Ministers. The paper lays out the reasons for declining to participate in the Multilateral Force so far, but argues that due to changes in the situation – principally a turn on the part of the British toward participation – the Netherlands now should move to participate in the talks. The paper lists the (political) advantages of such participation. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation and Carnegie Corporation of New York (CCNY). Original Language: Dutch Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] SECRET Paper regarding Dutch participation in talks regarding a multilateral nuclear force . On 1 August of this year, the Council of Ministers agreed that for now the invitation by the American government to participate in talks of a working group in Washington regarding the establishment of a NATO multilateral nuclear force, consisting of surface ships with mixed crews, would not be acted upon. This invitation had been accepted by the Federal Republic, Italy, Greece and Turkey. Along with the Netherlands, the UK and Belgium decided to remain on the sidelines for the time being. -
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: Challenges for the for 10th and Disarmament: Challenges Conference NPT Review Non-proliferation of Nuclear and the Frameworks NATO Research Paper Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina International Security Programme | May 2020 NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Challenges for the 10th NPT Review Conference Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina with Yasmin Caughley, Tim Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Background 5 3 NATO and the NPT 8 4 NATO: the NPT and the TPNW 15 5 NATO and the TPNW: Legal Issues 20 6 Conclusions 24 About the Authors 28 Acknowledgments 29 1 | Chatham House NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Summary • The 10th five-yearly Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (the NPT) was due to take place in April–May 2020, but has been postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. • In force since 1970 and with 191 states parties, the NPT is hailed as the cornerstone of a rules-based international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and an essential basis for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. But successive review conferences have been riven by disagreement between the five nuclear weapon states and many non-nuclear weapon states over the appropriate way to implement the treaty’s nuclear disarmament pillar. • Although the number of nuclear weapons committed to NATO defence has been reduced by over 90 per cent since the depths of the Cold War, NATO nuclear weapon states, and their allies that depend on the doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence for their own defence, favour continued retention of the remaining nuclear weapons until the international security situation is conducive to further progress on nuclear disarmament. -
Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War
Journal of Political Science Volume 29 Number 1 Article 5 November 2001 Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Domin, Gregory Paul (2001) "Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War," Journal of Political Science: Vol. 29 : No. 1 , Article 5. Available at: https://digitalcommons.coastal.edu/jops/vol29/iss1/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Politics at CCU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Journal of Political Science by an authorized editor of CCU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Rethinking Atomic Diplomacy and the Origins of the Cold War Gregory Paul Domin Mercer University This paper argues that the conflict between nuclear na tionalist and nuclear internationalist discourses over atomic weapons policy was critical in the articulation of a new system of American power . The creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roosevelt's vision of a post war world order while confronting United States (and Soviet) policymakers with alternatives that, before the bomb's use, only a handful of individuals had contem plated. The bomb remade the world . My argument is that the atomic bomb did not cause the Cold War, but without it, the Cold War could not have occurred . INTRODUCTION he creation of the atomic bomb destroyed the Roose veltian vision of a postwar world order while confronting TUnited States (and Soviet) policymakers with a new set of alternatives that, prior to the bomb's use, only a bare handful of individuals among those privy to the secret of the Manhattan Project had even contemplated. -
George Washington University Undergraduate Review
KEYWORDS: MLF, Multilateral Force, non-proliferation, Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, U.S. Soviet Relations DOI: https://doi.org/10.4079/2578-9201.3(2020).01 "Das Vadanya" to the Multilateral Force: the Soviet Union's Role in the Johnson Administration's Decision to Abandon the MLF ALEXANDER CHANG International Affairs, ESIA '21, [email protected] ABSTRACT The Multilateral Force (MLF) was a proposed nuclear sharing arrangement between the United States and a number of its NATO partners. Proposed in 1958, the MLF was debated until about 1965 or 1966 and was often distinguished by its controversial nature and failure to gain traction. This paper examines documents from the Digital National Security Archive (DNSA), Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS), Record Group 59: General Records of the Department of State, and various secondary sources to evaluate the extent to which the Soviet Union contributed to the MLF's failure as an initiative. The Force is often treated as a narrow and highly technical policy debate by existing literature. However, examination of these documents highlighted the necessity of viewing the Force as a topic of distinct political import in American-Soviet nuclear negotiations. While technical disputes over the MLF's constitution was an immediate cause of its demise, U.S. policymakers also faced strategic incentives not to pursue the treaty. In particular, the documents reflect growing belief within the Johnson administration that exiting the agreement could improve broader bilateral relations with the Soviet Union and ensure that the international community could continue to make progress on the creation of a nuclear non-proliferation agreement . -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
THE END OF NUCLEAR WARFIGHTING MOVING TO A W E I DETERRENCE-ONLY V E R POSTURE E R U T S O P R A E L C U N . S . U E V I T A N September 2018 R E T L A Dr. Bruce G. Blair N Jessica Sleight A Emma Claire Foley In Collaboration with the Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. -
Russia and the United States
RUSSIA AND THE UNITED STATES With articles by Dmitri Trenin Barry Blechman, Alex Bollfrass, and Frank Valliere Edited By Barry Blechman July 2009 2 | KHAN Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from PH1 Michael J. Rinaldi/DefenseImagery.mil All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org PREFACE I am pleased to present Russia and the United States, the fifth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, to be published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This fifth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan and Iran and North Korea, examines the two nuclear superpowers that together posses more than 95 percent of the world’s nuclear weapons. -
The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 3
A HOOVER INSTITUTION ESSAY The US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency in 1961–63 A STUDY IN GOVERNANCE JAMES E. GOODBY Hoover Institution Hoover The Challenge of Existential Threats The security and well-being of the American people and of all humanity are threatened by several global challenges that can only be successfully met through international cooperation. My estimate of the top six: (1) climate change and water scarcity, (2) mass migration caused by armed conflict or climate change, (3) pandemics caused by international travel through regions ravaged by diseases that are resistant to treatment, (4) terrorism generated by organized groups of extremists, (5) massive disruption or physical damage caused by cyberwarfare, and (6) human and environmental devastation caused by use of nuclear weapons. The last of these challenges, unlike the others listed, is almost entirely under the control of a small number of governments, so improving the performance of the US federal government in this area would pay big dividends. Improving governance in the United States and elsewhere is not just a simple matter of a political choice. Governance of complex military/technical /political public policy issues in these rapidly changing times requires a combination of relevant expertise and leadership at several levels which, in the United States and elsewhere, is often missing in government institutions. The challenge is to create new institutions or reform existing ones so that they have the capacity to manage these complex issues. In this essay, I will draw on the experience of negotiating the limited test ban treaty (LTBT) during the period from 1961 to 1963 to demonstrate the unique role that a small federal agency with a crosscutting mandate and direct access to the president could play under proper conditions.1 I refer here to the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA), where I was a staff member with special responsibilities for test ban negotiations from 1961 to 1963. -
Pdf, Accessed 10 August 2013
Notes Introduction 1 . Kristan Stoddart, Losing an Empire and Finding a Role: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1964–1970 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012) and Kristan Stoddart, The Sword and the Shield: Britain, the USA, NATO and Nuclear Weapons, 1970–1976 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014). 2 . He eventually defeated Michael Foot in the leadership run-off. Foot would succeed Callaghan as leader in 1980, defeating Denis Healey. 3 . James Callaghan, Time and Chance (London: Fontana, 1988), pp. 385–408. 4 . David McKie, ‘Lord Callaghan Labour prime minister who, uniquely, held all four of the great offices of state, but whose consensus politics were washed away in the late 1970s’, The Guardian , 28 March 2005. 5 . ‘Why grass roots protests are now a “Must”’, The Guardian , 4 March 2010. 6 . Callaghan, Time and Chance , p. 400. 7 . Ibid. p. 448. 8 . Denis Healey, The Time of My Life (London: Penguin, 1990), pp. 388–464. 9 . Ibid. pp. 381, 393, 422–424, 429–435 and Callaghan, Time and Chance , pp. 413–447, 478, 498, 515. 10 . For a comprehensive synopsis see Richard Vinen, Thatcher’s Britain: The Politics and Social Upheaval of the 1980s (London: Simon and Schuster, 2009). 11 . Andy McSmith, ‘Margaret Thatcher obituary: the most divisive political leader of modern times’, The Independent , 8 April 2013. 12 . Quoted in Peter Hennessy, The Prime Minister: The Office and Its Holders Since 1945 (London: Allen Lane, 2000), pp. 408, 397–436. 13 . www.chu.cam.ac.uk/archives/collections/BDOHP/Coles.pdf, accessed 10 August 2013. 14 . John Nott, Here Today, Gone Tomorrow: Recollections of an Errant Politician (London: Politico’s, 2002), p. -
Turkey, NATO & and Nuclear Sharing
Arms Control Association (ACA) British American Security Information Council (BASIC) Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg (IFSH) Nuclear Policy Paper No. 5 April 2011 1 Mustafa Kibaroglu Turkey, NATO & and Nuclear Sharing: Prospects after NATO's Lisbon Summit In the run-up to the Lisbon summit meeting of NATO on November 19-20, 2010, where the new Strategic Concept of the alliance was adopted, the status of U.S. tactical nuclear weapons deployed in five European countries, namely Belgium, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Turkey was a significant topic of debate, and remains so afterwards. Some have suggested the speedy withdrawal of these weapons while others have endorsed their extended stay on the continent for as long as there are nuclear threats to the alliance.2 Turkey, as a host, has long been supportive changes in the deployment of theater of retaining U.S. nuclear weapons on its nuclear weapons in other NATO states is territory for various reasons and also more doubtful. expected others to continue to deploy these weapons as part of the burden sharing and This being the case for the allied countries solidarity principles of the alliance. Turkey in general, and from Turkey’s perspective in believes that the presence of U.S. nuclear particular, this paper will present primarily weapons in Europe strengthens the U.S. the views in the political, diplomatic, and commitment to transatlantic security, and military circles in Turkey with respect to the contributes to the credibility of the extended prolonged deployment of the U.S. -
NATO and Nuclear Disarmament
North Atlantic Treaty Organization www.nato.int/factsheets Factsheet October 2020 NATO and Nuclear Disarmament NATO Allies are strongly committed to arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation, which play an important role in preserving peace in the Euro-Atlantic region. NATO actively contributes to effective and verifiable nuclear disarmament efforts through its policies and activities, and the commitments of its member countries. Allies recognise the threat posed by weapons of mass destruction (WMD), as well as their means of delivery, by state and non-state actors. NATO designs its partnership programmes to provide effective frameworks for dialogue, consultation, and coordination on a wide range of arms control-related issues, including nuclear disarmament. NATO’s Role in Nuclear Disarmament Disarmament is the act of eliminating or abolishing weapons, either unilaterally or reciprocally. It may refer either to reducing and limiting the number and types of arms, or to eliminating entire categories of weapons. NATO’s policies in this field support consultation and practical cooperation on nuclear policy issues, including arms control, disarmament, and non-proliferation. NATO supports and facilitates policy-making among members, and consultations with partners and other countries, and aids in the implementation of international obligations. All NATO Allies are parties to the most important of the global treaties on WMD, such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the Chemical Weapons Convention, and the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention. NATO consults and cooperates with relevant international organizations, including the UN Office for Disarmament Affairs, the African Union, the League of Arab States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, and the European Union. -
The Baruch Plan Revisited
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1993-09 The Baruch Plan revisited Johnson, Robert Michael Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/39955 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL Monterey, California AD-A275 064. J4~~AN 3194 "THESIS THE BARUCH PLAN REVISITED by Robert M. Johnson September 1993 Thesis Advisor: Patrick J. Parker Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. 94 1t 2 8 i8Itlllhiliilitl 94-02881 Unclassified SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE la. REPORT SECURITY CLA•SIFICATION lb. RETRICTIVE NuMANGS Unclassified Unclassified OF REPORT 2a. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION AUTHORITY 3. ApprovedDISTRIBUTION/AVAILABILITY for public release; distribution is unlimited. 2b. DECLASSIIICATION/DOWNGRADING SCHEDULE 4. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S) 5. MONITORING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S) 6a. NAME OF PERFORMING ORGANIZATION 6b. OFFICE SYMBOL 7a. NAME OF MONITORING ORGANIZATION Naval Postgraduate School (if Applicable) Naval Postgraduate School 6c. ADDRESS (city, stato,and ZIP code) b. ADDRESS (city, utate, and ZIP code) Monterey, CA 93943-5000 Monterey= CA 93943-5000 8a. NAME OF FUNDING/SPONSORING 6b. OFFICE SYMBOL 9. PROCUREMENI INSTRUMENT IDENTIFICATION NUMBER ORGANIZATION (If Applicable) 8c ADDRESS (city. state, and ZIP code) 10. SOURCE OF FUNDING NUMBERS PROGRAM PROJECT7 TASK WORK UNIT ELEMENT NO. NO. NO. ACCESSION NO. 11. T ILE (Include Security Classification) The Baruch Plan Revisited. (U) 12. PERSONAL AUTHOR(S) Johnson, Robert M. 13a. TYPEOUREPORT 13b. TIME COVERED 14. DATE OF REPORT (year, monuAday) 15. PAGE COUNT Master's Thesis FROM TO 1993 September 15 49 16. SUPPLEMENTARY NOIAIION The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. -
Review Article Counting the Costs of the Nuclear Age
Review article Counting the costs of the nuclear age THEO FARRELL Atomic audit: the costs and consequences of US nuclear weapons since . Edited by Stephen I. Schwartz. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, . pp. Index. . America’s NBC radio was suitably dramatic in its report of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima. ‘Anglo-Saxon science has developed a new explosive , times as destructive as any known before’, it announced. The broadcaster went on to warn that ‘For all we know, we have created a Frankenstein! We must assume that with the passage of only a little time, an improved form of the new weapon we use today can be turned against us.’ As things turned out, the United States had indeed created a nuclear monster, which consumed huge amounts of public resources and quickly grew to threaten the very existence of humanity. Throughout the Cold War, the true costs and dangers of the nuclear age were hidden behind a veil of secrecy. However, recent years have seen far greater access to archival and interview material on this highly sensitive area of national security. This, in turn, has enabled scholars to construct a far more accurate and terrifying picture of the dangers faced in the nuclear age. Now with Atomic audit we also have a better idea of how much it cost: $. trillion for the American taxpayer alone. Cited in Paul Boyer, By the bomb’s early light: American thought and culture at the dawn of the atomic age (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, , nd edn, p.. The key works here are Bruce Blair, The logic of accidental nuclear war (Washington DC: Brookings Institution, ); Scott D.