NATO and Nuclear Disarmament
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Treaty of Versailles I
Treaty of Versailles I. Wilson’s Vision forWorld Peace A. Fourteen Points to End All Wars 1. Wilson’s first goal was to eliminate the causes of wars by calling for an end to secret agreements and alliances, protecting freedom of the seas, and reducing armaments. 2. Wilson’s second goal was to ensure the right to self-determination so ethnic groups and nationalities could live under governments of their own choosing. 3. The last of the fourteen points called for setting up a League of Nations to ensure world peace. B. Wilson’s Unusual Decisions 1. Wilson broke with tradition by traveling out of the United States while president to lead the U.S. delegation to the peace conference in Paris. 2. Wilson weakened his position when he asked Americans to support Democrats in the 1918 midterm elections, but then the Republicans won a majority in Congress. 3. Wilson made matters worse by choosing all Democrats and only one Republican to serve as the other delegates to the peace conference. II. Ideals Versus Self-Interest at Versailles A. Peace Without Victory Gives Way to War Guilt and Reparations 1. Wilson’s vision for a peaceful world was different from the vision of other Big Four leaders. 2. France’s Georges Clemenceau was most concerned about French security. 3. David Lloyd George wanted Germany to accept full responsibility for the war through a warguilt clause and reparations. 4. Wilson tried to restrain from punishing Germany but ultimately agreed to gain support for the League of Nations. B. Self-Determination Survives, but Only in Europe 1. -
Report: the New Nuclear Arms Race
The New Nuclear Arms Race The Outlook for Avoiding Catastrophe August 2020 By Akshai Vikram Akshai Vikram is the Roger L. Hale Fellow at Ploughshares Fund, where he focuses on U.S. nuclear policy. A native of Louisville, Kentucky, Akshai previously worked as an opposition researcher for the Democratic National Committee and a campaign staffer for the Kentucky Democratic Party. He has written on U.S. nuclear policy and U.S.-Iran relations for outlets such as Inkstick Media, The National Interest, Defense One, and the Quincy Institute’s Responsible Statecraft. Akshai holds an M.A. in International Economics and American Foreign Policy from the Johns Hopkins University SAIS as well as a B.A. in International Studies and Political Science from Johns Hopkins Baltimore. On a good day, he speaks Spanish, French, and Persian proficiently. Acknowledgements This report was made possible by the strong support I received from the entire Ploughshares Fund network throughout my fellowship. Ploughshares Fund alumni Will Saetren, Geoff Wilson, and Catherine Killough were extremely kind in offering early advice on the report. From the Washington, D.C. office, Mary Kaszynski and Zack Brown offered many helpful edits and suggestions, while Joe Cirincione, Michelle Dover, and John Carl Baker provided much- needed encouragement and support throughout the process. From the San Francisco office, Will Lowry, Derek Zender, and Delfin Vigil were The New Nuclear Arms Race instrumental in finalizing this report. I would like to thank each and every one of them for their help. I would especially like to thank Tom Collina. Tom reviewed numerous drafts of this report, never The Outlook for Avoiding running out of patience or constructive advice. -
Richard G. Hewlett and Jack M. Holl. Atoms
ATOMS PEACE WAR Eisenhower and the Atomic Energy Commission Richard G. Hewlett and lack M. Roll With a Foreword by Richard S. Kirkendall and an Essay on Sources by Roger M. Anders University of California Press Berkeley Los Angeles London Published 1989 by the University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Prepared by the Atomic Energy Commission; work made for hire. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Hewlett, Richard G. Atoms for peace and war, 1953-1961. (California studies in the history of science) Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Nuclear energy—United States—History. 2. U.S. Atomic Energy Commission—History. 3. Eisenhower, Dwight D. (Dwight David), 1890-1969. 4. United States—Politics and government-1953-1961. I. Holl, Jack M. II. Title. III. Series. QC792. 7. H48 1989 333.79'24'0973 88-29578 ISBN 0-520-06018-0 (alk. paper) Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 CONTENTS List of Illustrations vii List of Figures and Tables ix Foreword by Richard S. Kirkendall xi Preface xix Acknowledgements xxvii 1. A Secret Mission 1 2. The Eisenhower Imprint 17 3. The President and the Bomb 34 4. The Oppenheimer Case 73 5. The Political Arena 113 6. Nuclear Weapons: A New Reality 144 7. Nuclear Power for the Marketplace 183 8. Atoms for Peace: Building American Policy 209 9. Pursuit of the Peaceful Atom 238 10. The Seeds of Anxiety 271 11. Safeguards, EURATOM, and the International Agency 305 12. -
Images of Nuclear Energy: Why People Feel the Way They Do Emotions and Ideas Are More Deeply Rooted Than Realized
SPECIAL REPORT Images of nuclear energy: Why people feel the way they do Emotions and ideas are more deeply rooted than realized by ^/ontroversy over nuclear energy, both bombs anxiety and anger. Even among pro-nuclear Spencer R. Weart and reactors, has been exceptionally durable and people, beneath the controlled language, there is violent, exciting more emotion and public a lot of anxiety, a lot of anger. And why not? protest than any other technology. A main reason After all, everyone has heard that nuclear is that during the 20th century, nuclear energy weapons can blow up the world — or maybe gradually became a condensed symbol for many deter those who would blow it up. With nuclear features of industrial and bureucratic authority reactors, too, everyone agrees they are immense- (especially the horrors of modern war). ly important. They will save us from the global Propagandists found nuclear energy a useful disasters of the Greenhouse Effect — or perhaps symbol because it had become associated with they will poison all our posterity. potent images: not only weapons, but also un- Most of us take for granted these intensely canny scientists with mysterious rays' and mutant emotional ideas; we suppose the ideas flow from monsters; technological Utopia or universal the nature of the bombs and reactors themselves. doom; and even spiritual degradation or rebirth. But I have come to feel uneasy about this over These images had archaic connections stretching the years doing historical research on nuclear back to alchemical visions of transmutation. energy. The fact is, emotions came first, and the Decades before fission was discovered, the im- powerful devices themselves came later. -
Europe Responds to the Crisis of Multilateral Arms Control
Yes, we can? Europe responds to the crisis of multilateral arms control GLOBAL SECURITY POLICY BRIEF Oliver Meier November 2020 The European Leadership Network (ELN) is an independent, non-partisan, pan-European network of nearly 200 past, present and future European leaders working to provide practical real-world solutions to political and security challenges. About the author Dr Oliver Meier is senior researcher at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg (IFSH). Published by the European Leadership Network, November 2020 European Leadership Network (ELN) 8 St James’s Square London, UK, SE1Y 4JU @theELN europeanleadershipnetwork.org Published under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 © The ELN 2020 The opinions articulated in this report represent the views of the author, and do not necessarily reflect the position of the European Leadership Network or any of its members. The ELN’s aim is to encourage debates that will help develop Europe’s capacity to address pressing foreign, defence, and security challenges. Over the last four years, Europeans “Over the last four have been facing the fundamental years, Europeans challenge of Russia and the United have been facing States turning away from, or even the fundamental against, arms control. challenge of Russia and the United By definition, Europeans can have little States turning away from, or even against impact on the progress of bilateral arms, control.” Russia-U.S. arms control. In facing the crisis of multilateral arms control On foreign and security policies, regimes, however, Europe has begun to including arms control, the next US find its voice in countering great power administration is unlikely to simply recalcitrance. -
The United Kingdom's Defence Nuclear Weapons Programme
Publications and Reports The United Kingdom's Defence Nuclear Weapons Programme A Summary Report by The Ministry of Defence on the Role of Historical Accounting for Fissile Material in the Nuclear Disarmament Process, and on Plutonium for the United Kingdom's Defence Nuclear Programme Introduction 1. The Government is committed to transparency and openness about the defence nuclear programme when compatible with continuing national security requirements and the United Kingdom’s international obligations under Article I of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). The Government is also committed to work towards the goal of the global elimination of nuclear weapons As the Strategic Defence Review stated, eliminating nuclear weapons will require States which have had nuclear programmes outside international safeguards to account for the fissile material that they have produced. This contributes to the process of nuclear disarmament by developing confidence that as States reduce and eventually eliminate their nuclear weapons, they have not retained concealed stocks of fissile material outside international supervision with which to construct clandestine nuclear weapons. Such accounting was crucial to the International Atomic Energy Agency’s initial verification of the comprehensive safeguards agreement signed by South Africa when it eliminated its nuclear weapons programme and joined the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty as a non-nuclear-weapon State. The United States has produced a comprehensive report on its production of plutonium for defence purposes, and is working on a similar study on its production of High Enriched Uranium. 2. It is important not to overestimate the contribution such historical accounting can make to the verification of the reduction and elimination of nuclear weapons. -
Colonial Appeasement
Colonial Appeasement coming to power in 1933, even though the Nazi leader’s territorial ambitions focused (1935–38) on Eastern Europe, as indicated in his infa- PAUL W. DOERR mous memoir Mein Kampf.Afewsenior Acadia University, Canada Nazis also hoped for a colonial foothold in Africa, but the early years of Hitler’s regime were taken up with other, more urgent Colonial appeasement is a largely forgotten matters. aspectofBritishappeasement.Duringthe British officials and policy-makers had, years from 1935 to 1938 the British govern- throughout the 1920s, strongly rejected any ment gave serious attention to the possibility suggestion of returning colonies to Germany. of granting Germany colonial possessions But the deteriorating world economic situa- in Africa as part of a “general settlement” tion after 1929, combined with the growing with the Nazi regime. Various schemes for threat to the peace from Hitler’s Germany, transferring African territories to German forced the British to rethink their position. jurisdiction were considered, but serious Gradually the idea began to emerge that per- obstacles arose and, with the exception of haps colonies could be returned to Germany one formal proposal from the British in early as part of a much larger general settlement of 1938, talks with the Germans on the subject the situation in Europe. never moved beyond vague generalities. On March 7, 1936, Hitler sent German Prior to the First World War, Germany troops into the demilitarized zone of Ger- held four territories in Africa, namely Ger- many. He then issued a series of demands, man East Africa, German South-West Africa, oneofwhichwasacallforequalityofcolonial Kamerun, and Togoland. -
Preparing for Nuclear War: President Reagan's Program
The Center for Defense Infomliansupports a strong eelens* but opposes e-xces- s~eexpenditures or forces It tetiev~Dial strong social, economic and political structures conifflaute equally w national security and are essential to the strength and welfareof our country - @ 1982 CENTER FOR DEFENSE INFORMATION-WASHINGTON, D.C. 1.S.S.N. #0195-6450 Volume X, Number 8 PREPARING FOR NUCLEAR WAR: PRESIDENT REAGAN'S PROGRAM Defense Monitor in Brief President Reagan and his advisors appear to be preparing the United States for nuclear war with the Soviet Union. President Reagan plans to spend $222 Billion in the next six years in an effort to achieve the capacity to fight and win a nuclear war. The U.S. has about 30,000 nuclear weapons today. The U.S. plans to build 17,000 new nuclear weapons in the next decade. Technological advances in the U.S. and U.S.S.R. and changes in nuclear war planning are major factors in the weapons build-up and make nuclear war more likely. Development of new U.S. nuclear weapons like the MX missile create the impression in the U.S., Europe, and the Soviet Union that the U.S.is buildinga nuclear force todestroy the Soviet nuclear arsenal in a preemptive attack. Some of the U.S. weapons being developed may require the abrogation of existing arms control treaties such as the ABM Treaty and Outer Space Treaty, and make any future agreements to restrain the growth of nuclear weapons more difficult to achieve. Nuclear "superiority" loses its meaning when the U.S. -
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-Proliferation and Disarmament
NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament: Challenges for the for 10th and Disarmament: Challenges Conference NPT Review Non-proliferation of Nuclear and the Frameworks NATO Research Paper Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina International Security Programme | May 2020 NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Challenges for the 10th NPT Review Conference Tim Caughley, with Yasmin Afina with Yasmin Caughley, Tim Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 Background 5 3 NATO and the NPT 8 4 NATO: the NPT and the TPNW 15 5 NATO and the TPNW: Legal Issues 20 6 Conclusions 24 About the Authors 28 Acknowledgments 29 1 | Chatham House NATO and the Frameworks of Nuclear Non-proliferation and Disarmament Summary • The 10th five-yearly Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (the NPT) was due to take place in April–May 2020, but has been postponed because of the COVID-19 pandemic. • In force since 1970 and with 191 states parties, the NPT is hailed as the cornerstone of a rules-based international arms control and non-proliferation regime, and an essential basis for the pursuit of nuclear disarmament. But successive review conferences have been riven by disagreement between the five nuclear weapon states and many non-nuclear weapon states over the appropriate way to implement the treaty’s nuclear disarmament pillar. • Although the number of nuclear weapons committed to NATO defence has been reduced by over 90 per cent since the depths of the Cold War, NATO nuclear weapon states, and their allies that depend on the doctrine of extended nuclear deterrence for their own defence, favour continued retention of the remaining nuclear weapons until the international security situation is conducive to further progress on nuclear disarmament. -
How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D
Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER How Should the United States Confront Soviet Communist Expansionism? DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Advise the President: DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER Place: The Oval Office, the White House Time: May 1953 The President is in the early months of his first term and he recognizes Soviet military aggression and the How Should the subsequent spread of Communism as the greatest threat to the security of the nation. However, the current costs United States of fighting Communism are skyrocketing, presenting a Confront Soviet significant threat to the nation’s economic well-being. President Eisenhower is concerned that the costs are not Communist sustainable over the long term but he believes that the spread of Communism must be stopped. Expansionism? On May 8, 1953, President Dwight D. Eisenhower has called a meeting in the Solarium of the White House with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and Treasury Secretary George M. Humphrey. The President believes that the best way to craft a national policy in a democracy is to bring people together to assess the options. In this meeting the President makes a proposal based on his personal decision-making process—one that is grounded in exhaustive fact gathering, an open airing of the full range of viewpoints, and his faith in the clarifying qualities of energetic debate. Why not, he suggests, bring together teams of “bright young fellows,” charged with the mission to fully vet all viable policy alternatives? He envisions a culminating presentation in which each team will vigorously advocate for a particular option before the National Security Council. -
Small Arms Transfer Control Measures and the Arms Trade Treaty
A Project of the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva Small Arms Transfer Control Measures and the Arms Trade Treaty A Small Arms Survey Review (2007–10) Small Arms Transfer Control Measures and the Arms Trade Treaty A Small Arms Survey Review (2007–10) About the Small Arms Survey The Small Arms Survey is an independent research project located at the Graduate Institute of International and Develop- ment Studies in Geneva, Switzerland. It serves as the principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and armed violence and as a resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists. The project has an international staff with expertise in security studies, political science, law, economics, development studies, sociology, and criminology, and collaborates with a network of partners in more than 50 countries. Small Arms Survey Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies 47 Avenue Blanc 1202 Geneva Switzerland t +41 22 908 5777 f +41 22 732 2738 e [email protected] w www.smallarmssurvey.org Cover photograph: Alexandre Meneghini/AP Small Arms Transfer Control Measures and the Arms Trade Treaty A Small Arms Survey Review (2007–10) Back to Basics: Transfer Controls in Global Perspective (from Small Arms Survey 2007: Guns and the City, Chapter 4: pp. 116–43) .............................................................................................. 5 Arsenals Adrift: Arms and Ammunition Diversion (from Small Arms Survey 2008: Risk and Resilience, Chapter 2: pp. 41–75) ............................................................................................. 33 Who’s Buying? End-user Certification (from Small Arms Survey 2008: Risk and Resilience, Chapter 5: pp. 154–81) .......................................................................................... 67 Devils in Diversity: Export Controls for Military Small Arms (from Small Arms Survey 2009: Shadows of War, Chapter 2: pp. -
Freedom in the World 2016 Report
Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies: Global Freedom under Pressure FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2016 Highlights from Freedom House’s annual report on political rights and civil liberties. This report was made possible by the generous support of the Smith Richardson Foundation, the Lilly Endowment, the Schloss Family Foundation, and Kim G. Davis. Freedom House also gratefully acknowledges the contributions of the 21st Century ILGWU Heritage Fund, the Reed Foundation, and other private contributors. Freedom House is solely responsible for the content of this report. Freedom in the World 2016 Table of Contents Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies: Global Freedom under Pressure 1 Methodology 2 Countries to Watch in 2016 6 Notable Developments in 2015 7 Regional Trends 10 Freedom in the World 2016 Map 12 Freedom in the World 2016 Trend Arrows 18 Freedom in the World 2016 Scores 20 The following people were instrumental in the writing of this essay: Elen Aghekyan, Jennifer Dunham, Bret Nelson, Shannon O’Toole, Sarah Repucci, and Vanessa Tucker. This booklet is a summary of findings for the 2016 edition ofFreedom on the World. The complete analysis including narrative reports on all countries and territories can be found on our website at www.freedomhouse.org. ON THE COVER Refugees and migrants arriving at the Greek island of Lesbos, October 2015. Cover image by Aris Messinis/Getty Images FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2016 Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies: Global Freedom under Pressure by Arch Puddington and Tyler Roylance The world was battered in 2015 by overlapping crises that fueled xenophobic sentiment in democratic countries, undermined the economies of states dependent on the sale of natural resources, and led authoritarian regimes to crack down harder on dissent.