The Evolving Relationship Between Youth and the State in Putin's Russia
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When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny's Electoral Campaign
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 210, 14 November 2017 6 ANALYSIS When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny’s Electoral Campaign By Jan Matti Dollbaum, Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen Abstract Since the opposition politician and anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny announced his plan to become president in 2018, his team has built one of the most extensive political campaigns in post-Soviet Russia. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, the competition takes place on a highly uneven playing ield. Although it remains unlikely that he will be allowed to run in the election, the campaign’s central strategy— to turn obstacles into advantages—confronts Russia’s political leadership with its irst real challenge in years. Navalny: I’m Running ruption of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, has been In December 2016, Navalny declared his intention viewed over 25 million times. And indeed, absent neu- to take part in the 2018 presidential elections. With tral (let alone positive) coverage on state-controlled tel- this decision, he substantiated his claim for leadership evision, social media is the single most important way within the Russian non-systemic opposition. Navalny for Navalny to engage with the electorate. had begun his political career as an activist for Yablo- ko’s Moscow branch, quickly climbing the party hier- Khozhdenie v narod—he Regional archy. Yet in 2007, the party expelled him, pointing to Campaign his nationalist statements (Navalny himself asserts the Equally central for his eforts to increase his popular- real reason was his criticism of Yabloko leader Grig- ity on the ground is the creation of a regional network ori Yavlinsky). -
Survey of Russian Elites 2020
SURVEY OF RUSSIAN ELITES 2020 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY July 28, 2020 Sharon Werning Rivera, Professor and Chair of Government Sterling Bray ’20 James Cho ’22 Max Gersch ’23 Marykate McNeil ’20 Alexander Nemeth ’22 Spencer Royal ’22 John Rutecki ’22 Huzefah Umer ’21 (Hamilton College, Clinton, NY) With Jack Benjamin (Northwestern University ’20) Funding for the 2020 wave of the Survey of Russian Elites was provided by the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SES-1742798); the Arthur Levitt Public Affairs Center and Office of the Dean of Faculty at Hamilton College; and the Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies, Weiser Center for Europe and Eurasia, Center for Political Studies, and Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan. Questions and comments should be directed to Prof. Sharon Rivera at [email protected]. Media inquiries can be directed to Vige Barrie at [email protected]. 1 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since the end of the “reset” in US-Russian relations in 2012, the bilateral relationship has been marked by acrimony and mutual recriminations. At the same time, Russia under President Vladimir Putin has pursued a more muscular foreign policy around the globe, whether in Syria, Africa, or the post-Soviet region. Russia and the West are often at odds over the scope and purpose of these interventions. New data from the Survey of Russian Elites (SRE) suggest that US-Russian relations will not improve any time soon, at least insofar as they depend on the foreign policy attitudes of high-ranking Russians. Collected between February and March 2020, the data show that although the percentage of Russian elites who view the US as a threat is down considerably from the last survey in 2016, respondents are also more inclined to worry about both the growth of US military power and the possibility of information warfare emanating from the West. -
Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev
russian history 41 (2014) 299-306 brill.com/ruhi Introduction Looking Back at Brezhnev Peter Rutland Wesleyan University [email protected] Victoria Smolkin-Rothrock Wesleyan University [email protected] In the West, the Soviet Union is most often viewed through the Cold War lens of capitalist triumph over socialist decline and failure. Rather than take seri- ously the communist challenge to capitalist modernity, the Soviet project is presented as a historical dead-end, a doomed experiment that collapsed under the weight of its own contradictions. The Soviet Union – the story goes – was ruled by a stultified bureaucracy under which citizens enjoyed limited per- sonal freedom and dissidents were ruthlessly persecuted. The attempt to build a centrally-planned economy on principles antithetical to the market led to colossal inefficiency and stagnant growth. Moscow’s competition with the United States for global hegemony brought the world to the brink of nuclear war and fueled bitter conflicts from Afghanistan to Angola. The system’s survival depended on stringent controls on communication with the outside world. Russians, of course, have a more complicated relationship to their own past. Even as the historical legacies of Lenin and Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev, remain contentious, the Soviet Union of Leonid Brezhnev, who was General Secretary from 1964 to 1982, is often portrayed as something of a golden age.1 The papers gathered here were originally presented at a conference “What Was the Soviet Union? Looking back at the Brezhnev years,” held at Wesleyan University on 20–21 October 2011. 1 See Otto Boele, “Remembering Brezhnev in the New Millennium: Post-Soviet Nostalgia and Local Identity in the City of Novorossiisk,” The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011): 3–29, as well as the theme issue on the “long 1970s” in the Russian journal Neprikosnovennyi zapas 52 (2007). -
Beyond the Polls GOOGLE QUERIES and PUBLIC PROTEST VOLATILITY in RUSSIA
Beyond the Polls GOOGLE QUERIES AND PUBLIC PROTEST VOLATILITY IN RUSSIA PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 278 September 2013 Mikhail Alexseev San Diego State University Declining satisfaction with a country’s direction—a measure that typically tracks with declining public support for a government in power—has been shown to precede mass anti-government protest, as the Arab Spring illustrated. For example, the end of Hosni Mubarak’s 30-year reign followed a steady decline in Egyptians’ satisfaction with their country’s direction—from 55 percent of respondents in the Pew Charitable Trust surveys in 2006 to 28 percent in 2010. His successor, Muhammed Morsi, was forced out of office after public satisfaction with Egypt’s prospects plunged from the post-revolutionary high of 65 percent in 2011 to 30 percent in 2013.1 In Russia, according to Levada Center surveys, satisfaction with the country’s direction has gradually declined, for the most part, from a high of 64 percent in December 2007 to 41 percent in November 2011, the month preceding the largest public demonstrations against Putin’s rule. Over the same timeframe, approval of Vladimir Putin went down from 87 to 67 percent. Not only was this decline significantly less pronounced than in Egypt, most of it took place prior to 2011. Since January 2011, these measures varied within a 10-percent range (plus or minus 5 percentage points, or just above the 3-4 percent margin of sampling error in these surveys)—not significant enough to foretell large-scale outbursts of public protest. Nor does one learn more from the question on the likelihood of political protest in the same surveys—this indicator has remained flat and low since 2001, whereas protest activity has varied (see Figure 1). -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
Hardship, Mobilization & Russia's Social Contract
From Boom to Bust: Hardship, Mobilization & Russia’s Social Contract Samuel A. Greene Abstract: This essay revisits the debate about Russia’s “social contract,” arguing that the ability of the Rus- Downloaded from http://direct.mit.edu/daed/article-pdf/146/2/113/1830965/daed_a_00439.pdf by guest on 27 September 2021 sian system to maintain macro-political stability in the face of significant and prolonged micro-level eco- nomic hardship hinges on a peculiarly disengaged relationship between Russian citizens and their state. Russian citizens are seen clearly to understand the failings of the political system and leadership, reinforc- ing habits of “involution” learned over decades of institutional dysfunction. A review of recent protest movements, indeed, demonstrates that general quiescence coexists with a deep-seated antipathy toward the country’s ruling elite, which lends particular animus to grassroots contention in a variety of settings. The question for Russia’s sociopolitical future, however, remains an old one: can reactive civic mobiliza- tion lead to a proactive process of bottom-up agenda setting? How and why loyal Russian citizens–and loyal Russian citizens, by most counts, make up more than 80 percent of the adult population–come to find themselves on the barricades is something of a puz- zle. Since surviving a major protest wave in 2011– 2012, Putin has reconsolidated power and legitima- cy, supported by a more adversarial approach to pol- SAMUEL A. GREENE is Director itics at home and abroad. His approval ratings have of the Russia Institute at King’s remained high, even as the economy has collapsed College London and Senior Lec- beneath his feet. -
Russian Stereotypes and Myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians and Why Novorossiya Failed*
Communist and Post-Communist Studies 52 (2019) 297e309 Communist and Post-Communist Studies Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians and why Novorossiya failed* Taras Kuzio Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/cpcs/article-pdf/52/4/297/5397/cpcs_52_4_297.pdf by guest on 07 June 2020 National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, USA article info abstract Article history: This article discusses two inter-related issues. Firstly, the factors lying behind Russia's Available online 2 November 2019 fervent belief that its Novorossiya (New Russia) project, aimed to bring back to Russia eight oblasts of Donetsk, Luhansk, Kharkiv, Dnipro, Zaporizhhya, Odesa, Mykolayiv, and Kherson Keywords: in eastern and southern Ukraine and launched during the 2014 “Russian Spring,” would be Russian-Ukrainian relations successful. Russian identity misunderstood, and continues to misunderstand, Ukraine and Russian spring Ukrainians through stereotypes and myths of Ukraine as an “artificial state” and Ukraine's Russian world Russian speakers as “fraternal brothers” and Russians and Ukrainians as “one people” (odin Crimea Donbas narod). Secondly, why Ukrainian national identity was different than these Russian ste- Novorossiya (New Russia) reotypes and myths and how this led to the failure of the Novorossiya project. Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians came face to face with the reality of Russian-speaking Ukrainian patriotism and their low support for the Russkij Mir (Russian World). The article compares Russian stereotypes and myths of Ukraine and Ukrainians with how Ukrainians see themselves to explain the roots of the 2014 crisis, “Russian Spring,” and failure of Russian President Vladimir Putin's Novorossiya project. -
Corruption and Power in Russia
Russia Political Economy Project CORRUPTION AND POWER IN RUSSIA RUSSIA POLITICAL ECONOMY PROJECT F OREIGN P OLICY R ESEARCH I NSTITUTE 1 A P RIL 2 0 1 8 The Foreign Policy Research Institute thanks the Carnegie Corporation for its support of the Russia Political Economy Project. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2018 by the Foreign Policy Research Institute COVER: A coin worth one ruble against the background of St. Basil’s Cathedral in Moscow, Adobe Stock. FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE MISSION The Foreign Policy Research Institute is dedicated to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the foreign policy and national security challenges facing the United States. It seeks to educate the public, teach teachers, train students, and offer ideas to advance U.S. national interests based on a nonpartisan, geopolitical perspective that illuminates contemporary international affairs through the lens of history, geography, and culture. EDUCATING THE AMERICAN PUBLIC: FPRI was founded on the premise than an informed and educated citizenry is paramount for the U.S. to conduct a coherent foreign policy. Today, we live in a world of unprecedented complexity and ever-changing threats, and as we make decisions regarding the nation’s foreign policy, the stakes could not be higher. FPRI offers insights to help the public understand this volatile world by publishing research, hosting conferences, and holding dozens of public events and lectures each year. -
Russian Strategic Intentions
APPROVED FOR PUBLIC RELEASE Russian Strategic Intentions A Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) White Paper May 2019 Contributing Authors: Dr. John Arquilla (Naval Postgraduate School), Ms. Anna Borshchevskaya (The Washington Institute for Near East Policy), Dr. Belinda Bragg (NSI, Inc.), Mr. Pavel Devyatkin (The Arctic Institute), MAJ Adam Dyet (U.S. Army, J5-Policy USCENTCOM), Dr. R. Evan Ellis (U.S. Army War College Strategic Studies Institute), Mr. Daniel J. Flynn (Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI)), Dr. Daniel Goure (Lexington Institute), Ms. Abigail C. Kamp (National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START)), Dr. Roger Kangas (National Defense University), Dr. Mark N. Katz (George Mason University, Schar School of Policy and Government), Dr. Barnett S. Koven (National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START)), Dr. Jeremy W. Lamoreaux (Brigham Young University- Idaho), Dr. Marlene Laruelle (George Washington University), Dr. Christopher Marsh (Special Operations Research Association), Dr. Robert Person (United States Military Academy, West Point), Mr. Roman “Comrade” Pyatkov (HAF/A3K CHECKMATE), Dr. John Schindler (The Locarno Group), Ms. Malin Severin (UK Ministry of Defence Development, Concepts and Doctrine Centre (DCDC)), Dr. Thomas Sherlock (United States Military Academy, West Point), Dr. Joseph Siegle (Africa Center for Strategic Studies, National Defense University), Dr. Robert Spalding III (U.S. Air Force), Dr. Richard Weitz (Center for Political-Military Analysis at the Hudson Institute), Mr. Jason Werchan (USEUCOM Strategy Division & Russia Strategic Initiative (RSI)) Prefaces Provided By: RDML Jeffrey J. Czerewko (Joint Staff, J39), Mr. Jason Werchan (USEUCOM Strategy Division & Russia Strategic Initiative (RSI)) Editor: Ms. -
14 Activating the 'Human Factor': Do the Roots of Neoliberal
FORUM FOR ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURE, 2018, NO 14 ACTIVATING THE ‘HUMAN FACTOR’: DO THE ROOTS From Fieldwork WrittenFrom to Text OF NEOLIBERAL SUBJECTIVITY LIE IN THE ‘STAGNATION’? Forum Sergei Alymov № 14 2018 From Fieldwork to Written Text Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Russian Academy of Sciences for Anthropology and Culture and Culture Anthropology for Forum 32a Leninskiy Av., Moscow, Russia Expeditions Reviews Forum Articles Personalia [email protected] 2018 №14 A b s t r a c t: This article examines the ideas of Soviet philosophers and economists of the 1970s and 80s about personality / Soviet man. The author analyses the views of official philosophers of the conservative and liberal camps on the nature of developed socialism. The reformers (A. P. Butenko, A. S. Tsipko) stressed the growth of the significance of the individual in a modern society and economy, connecting the ‘humanisation’ of society with a growth in consumption and the development of the personality. The orthodox (R. I. Kosolapov) cited the definition of labour as the native essence of man given by Marx. In creating the model of Soviet man, they orientated themselves on the image of the industrial worker (G. L. Smirnov). In their opinion his activity was founded on the coincidence of the interests of the personality and society. This concept was attacked by the criticism that it took no account of ‘human nature’. The reformers pointed to the ‘selfish interests of the person’ and activity connected with them as a biological given. The ‘tough’ peasant often figured as a symbol of this. ‘Activating the human factor’ became a topical point on the reformers’ agenda. -
Putin's Popularity
The Popularity of Russian Presidents Why did Boris Yeltsin’s approval rating fall drastically, whereas Vladimir Putin’s surged during his first months and remained at unprecedented heights throughout his presidency? Analyzing time series of presidential approval since 1993, I find that the popularity of each closely followed perceptions of economic performance, which, in turn, reflected objective economic indicators. Perceptions of the political situation contributed, but these were caused in part by economic perceptions. Most other factors invoked by commentators had only marginal, temporary effects. Simulations suggest the sudden improvement in the Russian economy in 1999 would have carried Putin—or another Kremlin candidate—to victory in the 2000 election without any war in Chechnya or terrorist bombings. Had Yeltsin presided over Putin’s economy, simulations suggest he would have been similarly popular. Had Putin been president in the 1990s, his rating would have sunk even lower than Yeltsin’s. Daniel Treisman Department of Political Science University of California, Los Angeles 4289 Bunche Hall Los Angeles California 90095 [email protected] 12 May 2008 Preliminary draft, comments welcome. I thank Tim Frye, Scott Gehlbach, Arnold Harberger, Brian Richter, Richard Rose, and Jeff Timmons for comments. 1 Introduction Since his appointment as prime minister in August 1999, Vladimir Putin has become by far the most popular politician in Russia’s recent history. During his first three months, the share of respondents saying that on the whole they approved of Putin’s performance jumped from 31 to 78 percent. This astronomical rating followed him when, in January 2000, he became acting president. -
Contents and Abstracts
Экономическая социология. Т. 14. № 4. Сентябрь 2013 www.ecsoc.hse.ru Contents and Abstracts Editor’s Foreword (Vadim Radaev)5 Tatyana I. Zaslavskaya (9 September 1927 — 23 August 2013) �����������������������������������������������������������������������8 Interviews The Russian Professional Sociological Society Needs More Independent Experts Igor Zadorin interviewed by Andrey Yakovlev ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������10 Abstract At the end of 2012 and early 2013, the Higher School of Economics and the Association of Russian Economic Think Tanks (ARETT) conducted a project devoted to modern conditions and trends in the development of think-tanks as a significant segment of independent research in Russia and their roles in the formation of economic policy. An interview with the President of the New Economic Association, Victor Polterovich, carried out within the framework of this project, can be found in the previous volume of Economic Sociology (2013. Vol. 14. No. 3). In-depth interviews with the heads of economic think-tanks and independent economic experts were enriched by several talks with the heads of centres for sociological research, including a conservation with Igor Zadorin, Director General of ZIRCON Research Group. Economic Sociology’s editorial staff is much obliged to Igor Zadorin and Andrey Yakovlev (as team leader of the HSE-ARETT project) for the opportunity to publish the full text of this interview. Keywords: expert community; independent expertise; think tanks; sociological research. New Texts Natalia Firsova Predictors of Innovative Consumption Practices: Internet Shopping Adoption in Russian Households ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������27 Abstract This paper is aimed at answering the question of why some people engage in innovative consumption practices earlier than others, through analysis of Internet shopping predictors.