Corruption and Power in Russia
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The Evolution of Corruption: from "Honest Graft" to Conflicts of Interest
T ONE The Evolution of Corruption: From "Honest Graft" to Conflicts of Interest Supposin' it's a new bridge they're going to build. I get tipped off and I buy as much property as I can that has to be taken for the approaches. I sell at my own price later on and drop some more money in the bank. Wouldn't you? It's just like lookin' ahead in Wall Street or in the coffee or cotton market It's honest graft and I'm lookin' for it every day of the year. George Washington Plunkitt, as quoted in William L. Riordon, Plunkitt ofTammany Hall To understand the evolution of the anticorruption project, it is necessary to begin with some observations about corruption itself. This chapter deals with four basic issues: the subjectivity of the definition of corruption, the increasing gap between expectations of official behavior and actual behav ior, the special politics of scandal and reform, and the difficulty of measur ing corruption. Defining Corruption Corruption is neither a single form of behavior nor an obvious species of conduct. 1 Corruption is the name we apply to some reciprocities by some people in some contexts at some times. The popular use of the term does not require that the conduct labeled corrupt be illegal; it is enough that the la beler thinks it is immoral or unethicaL Since people's views about moral and ethical conduct differ in important respects, corruption is often a contested ~. labeL Indeed, these days public servants are admonished not only to adhere to the skein of laws prohibiting a wide variety of conduct, but to avoid "the appearance of corruption." Such a warning recognizes that the term corrup tion refers to more than just positive law, but fails to recognize that appear ance of corruption is in the eyes of the beholder. -
When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny's Electoral Campaign
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 210, 14 November 2017 6 ANALYSIS When Life Gives You Lemons: Alexei Navalny’s Electoral Campaign By Jan Matti Dollbaum, Research Centre for East European Studies at the University of Bremen Abstract Since the opposition politician and anti-corruption activist Alexey Navalny announced his plan to become president in 2018, his team has built one of the most extensive political campaigns in post-Soviet Russia. In the context of electoral authoritarianism, the competition takes place on a highly uneven playing ield. Although it remains unlikely that he will be allowed to run in the election, the campaign’s central strategy— to turn obstacles into advantages—confronts Russia’s political leadership with its irst real challenge in years. Navalny: I’m Running ruption of Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev, has been In December 2016, Navalny declared his intention viewed over 25 million times. And indeed, absent neu- to take part in the 2018 presidential elections. With tral (let alone positive) coverage on state-controlled tel- this decision, he substantiated his claim for leadership evision, social media is the single most important way within the Russian non-systemic opposition. Navalny for Navalny to engage with the electorate. had begun his political career as an activist for Yablo- ko’s Moscow branch, quickly climbing the party hier- Khozhdenie v narod—he Regional archy. Yet in 2007, the party expelled him, pointing to Campaign his nationalist statements (Navalny himself asserts the Equally central for his eforts to increase his popular- real reason was his criticism of Yabloko leader Grig- ity on the ground is the creation of a regional network ori Yavlinsky). -
The Media As a Mirror of Putin's Evolving Strategy in Ukraine
Tomila Lankina and Kohei Watanabe ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Lankina, Tomila V. and Watanabe, Kohei (2017) ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring betrayal’? The media as a mirror of Putin’s evolving strategy in Ukraine. Europe-Asia Studies. pp. 1526- 1556. ISSN 0966-8136 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2017.1397603 © 2017 University of Glasgow This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/68226/ Available in LSE Research Online: January 2018 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 Tomila Lankina* and Kohei Watanabe** ‘Russian Spring’ or ‘Spring Betrayal’? The Media as a Mirror of Putin’s Evolving Strategy in Ukraine Abstract We develop a novel Russian-language electronic content analysis dictionary and method to analyse Russian state media’s framing of the Euromaidan protests. -
Technocrat Or Silovik Special Raport on Russian Governors
SPECIAL REPORT 26/02/2018 TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK SPECIAL RAPORT ON RUssIAN GOVERNORS The Warsaw Institute Foundation TECHNOCRAT OR SILOVIK. SPECIAL REPORT ON RUSSIAN GOVERNORS • The large-scale personnel changes in the Russian Federation indicates that such a situation is not only due to the pre-election campaign as loyal and efficient people are needed in order to ensure the proper result of the vote. It constitutes an element of a new role of the regions in the Putin regime, which may be associated with the start of his new presidential term. • The aforementioned personnel reshuffles result from the state’s increasing centralisation, which seems to be additionally fuelled by growing importance of the so-called siloviki. • The entire process has begun right after changes within the leadership of the Presidential Administration (also referred as PA). The key role is played by its head, Anton Vaino, as well as Sergey Kiriyenko who has recently replaced Vyacheslav Volodin as first deputy chief of staff of the Presidential Administration. • The fact of restoring direct gubernatorial election in 2012 has only seemingly strengthened their position. Indeed, it is getting weaker, if only because the president is given full freedom to dismiss governors and appoint acting ones, who confirm their mandate in a fully controlled election. • Importantly, none of the changes, which occurred in 2017, could be justified from economic point of view. Such regions as Mordovia, Khakassia and Kabardino-Balkar struggle with the most difficult financial situation. Even though, governors of these regions managed to retain their positions. Interestingly, it is no longer enough to maintain political calm (with no protests being organized), demonstrate economic successes and to obediently fulfill Putin’s decrees. -
Sanctions Intelligence Update
July 17, 2014 SANCTIONS INTELLIGENCE UPDATE GENNADY TIMCHENKO & VOLGA GROUP adapting BUSINESS FOLLOWING U.S. & Canadian sanctions Overview In March and April, the US government sanctioned Russian businessman Gennady Timchenko, his Luxembourg-registered holding company Volga Group, and ten related subsidiaries. Timchenko was identified as a “member of the Russian leadership’s inner circle,” whose involvement in the energy sector was “directly linked to [President] Putin.” To date, Canada has sanctioned Timchenko, Volga Group, and nine Volga Group subsidiaries. The European Union has not acted against Timchenko or Volga Group. Since the announcement of US and Canadian sanctions, Timchenko and Volga Group- controlled firms have announced new projects in Asia, Europe, and Syria with reported financing from Chinese and Russian banks, including institutions sanctioned by the US on July 16. Financial institutions engaged in global business should consider the implications for AML and sanctions risk management. Timchenko’s post-sanctionS business ventures in China In late April 2014, President Putin appointed Gennady Timchenko to lead the Russia-China Business Council (RCBC), a body created in 2004 to expand partnerships between the two countries. Timchenko told reporters after President Putin’s RCBC announcement: “You know what Putin said? He introduced me by As head of RCBC, Timchenko is advancing Volga Group interests in saying Mr. Timchenko is the head of our business council. In other China. words – it is my words here – he is our main man for China.” • In late May 2014, Volga Group is constructing a terminal for announced a joint-venture with coal and iron ore shipments in the state-owned China Harbour Russia’s Far East. -
How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances Are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions
Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2020 How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions Anttoni Asikainen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Asikainen, Anttoni, "How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions" (2020). Honors Theses. 2380. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/2380 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions By Anttoni Asikainen ********** Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Department of Russian and East European Studies UNION COLLEGE June 2020 i ABSTRACT ASIKAINEN, ANTTONI How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions. Departments of Political Science and Russian and East European Studies, June 2020 ADVISOR: Kristin Bidoshi & David Siegel This thesis examines how Russia uses its hydrocarbon resources as a foreign policy tool. As one of the most significant gas and oil producers in the world, Russia has gained enormous political power in many nations. In short, for many years, Russia has been building asymmetrical economic relationships with multiple countries, including countries in the European Union. Many of these countries have become partially or entirely dependent on Russian energy. -
Nord Stream 2
Updated August 24, 2021 Russia’s Nord Stream 2 Natural Gas Pipeline to Germany Nord Stream 2, a natural gas pipeline nearing completion, is which accounted for about 48% of EU natural gas imports expected to increase the volume of Russia’s natural gas in 2020. Russian gas exports to the EU were up 18% year- export capacity directly to Germany, bypassing Ukraine, on-year in the first quarter of 2021. Factors behind reliance Poland, and other transit states (Figure 1). Successive U.S. on Russian supply include diminishing European gas Administrations and Congresses have opposed Nord Stream supplies, commitments to reduce coal use, Russian 2, reflecting concerns about European dependence on investments in European infrastructure, Russian export Russian energy and the threat of increased Russian prices, and the perception of many Europeans that Russia aggression in Ukraine. The German government is a key remains a reliable supplier. proponent of the pipeline, which it says will be a reliable Figure 1. Nord Stream Gas Pipeline System source of natural gas as Germany is ending nuclear energy production and reducing coal use. Despite the Biden Administration’s stated opposition to Nord Stream 2, the Administration appears to have shifted its focus away from working to prevent the pipeline’s completion to mitigating the potential negative impacts of an operational pipeline. Some critics of this approach, including some Members of Congress and the Ukrainian and Polish governments, sharply criticized a U.S.-German joint statement on energy security, issued on July 21, 2021, which they perceived as indirectly affirming the pipeline’s completion. -
Corruption in Russia: Reasons for the Growth
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 336 5th International Conference on Social Science and Higher Education (ICSSHE 19) Corruption in Russia: Reasons for the Growth V.V. Moiseev I. V. Goncharova Belgorod State Technological University named after V.G. Orel State University named after I.S. Turgenev Shukhov Orel, 302026, Russia Belgorod, 308012, Russia [email protected] G. S. Chuvardin Orel State University named after I.S. Turgenev Orel, 302026, Russia Abstract—The scale of increased corruption in Russia is such Council did not bring tangible results, since its composition that it began to threaten the national security of our country. was practically no longer assembled, and soon it was abolished, This conclusion belongs not only to the authors of this article, without becoming a viable political institution. who have been conducting research in this field for a long time, but also to the head of state, who recently signed a special Pursuant to the President’s instructions, a special directive on national security. The main goal of the authors of the commission of the State Duma was created to prepare article was to show why corruption in Russia acquired such a proposals for amending existing legislation in order to enhance wide scope, what reasons contributed to its growth in 2000-2019. legal mechanisms to combat corruption. However, a legal In accordance with the purpose of the study, the following main mechanism to combat corruption was not created in 2000-2008: questions were identified: 1) showing the increase in the scale and the State Duma twice passed a law on combating corruption, level of corruption in the country in 2000-2019; 2) to analyze the and both times, President Vladimir Putin rejected it, using the causes of weak anti-corruption in Russia; 3) showing the role of right of veto. -
Too Big, Too Quick? an Institutional and Systemic Overview of the Rise of Russian Metallurgical Transnationals
TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? AN INSTITUTIONAL AND SYSTEMIC OVERVIEW OF THE RISE OF RUSSIAN METALLURGICAL TRANSNATIONALS Cédric DURAND, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) and CEMI (EHESS) Marc LAUTIER, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) Mots-clés : Transnationales, institutions, développement, crise, métallurgie, investissement direct étranger, Russie Keywords : Transnationals, Institutions, Development, Crisis, Metallurgy, Foreign Direct Investment, Russia 1. INTRODUCTION Russian outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has expanded rapidly during the years 2000. The country has become the leading foreign inves- tor among the BRIC countries (Figure 1), but the global crisis led to a spec- tacular retreat since 2008. The rise of multinational companies from non- triadic countries has attracted growing attraction in the recent period (see Goldstein, 2007 for a review), but the Russian case has been somewhat neglected, given the scale and the speed of the phenomenon. It is also highly original as far as the sectoral concentration of these FDI is concer- ned. After the oil and gas sector, metallurgy is the second sector to parti- cipate to this foreign expansion (Liuhto and Vahtra, 2007; Kalotay, 2008; Skolkovo, 2008). REVUE D’ÉCONOMIE INDUSTRIELLE ➻ N° 142 ➻ 2 E TRIMESTRE 2013 41 TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? Russia benefits from a strong relative position in metal production. The United Company Rusal is the world’s largest producer of aluminium and alumina and Norilsk is the world’s leading producer of nickel and palla- dium. Russia is also the fourth largest steel producer and exporter in the world, with four companies ranking among the top 30 of the industry in 2009. -
Interview with Yulia Malysheva
A Revolution of the Mind INTERVIEW WITH YULIA MALYSHEVA ulia Sergeevna Malysheva is one of the leading youth activists in Russia. An elected Y municipal deputy in Moscow, a researcher at the Institute for the Economy in Transi- tion, and leader of the youth organization Oborona (which she cofounded) and of the youth branch of the SPS party, Malysheva also later became the leader of the youth branch of the People’s Democratic Union, the political movement led by former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov. In this interview, she speaks about the possibility of a color revolution in Russia, cooperation with other domestic and international youth groups, the Kremlin’s worried reaction, the nature of the Nashi pro-Kremlin youth group, the attempts to unite the Russian democrats, the successes of Oborona, the chances the democrats have of returning to power, and what she expects from the West. Demokratizatsiya: Tell us about Oborona. Malysheva: Oborona is a youth organization that appeared with the Orange wave in Ukraine. It was important for us that many others were waiting for us, since youth have always been in the avant-garde. At that time, our adult colleagues kept arguing as to who was more important. In the end, they got 3 percent [in the Duma elections]. It was evi- dent that they were not well presented before the Russian voters. We founded Oborona not only with young people who sympathize with SPS, Yabloko, the [former SPS leader and independent candidate Irina] Khakamada movement and other such formations—but also with those who support the democratic process and oppose the Putin regime. -
Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G
6864 2018 January 2018 Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G. Schulze, Nikita Zakharov Impressum: CESifo Working Papers ISSN 2364‐1428 (electronic version) Publisher and distributor: Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research ‐ CESifo GmbH The international platform of Ludwigs‐Maximilians University’s Center for Economic Studies and the ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 (0)89 2180‐2740, Telefax +49 (0)89 2180‐17845, email [email protected] Editors: Clemens Fuest, Oliver Falck, Jasmin Gröschl www.cesifo‐group.org/wp An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded ∙ from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com ∙ from the RePEc website: www.RePEc.org ∙ from the CESifo website: www.CESifo‐group.org/wp CESifo Working Paper No. 6864 Category 1: Public Finance Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Abstract This paper argues that corruption in Russia is systemic in nature. Low wage levels of public officials provide strong incentives to engage in corruption. As corruption is illegal, corrupt officials can be exposed any time, which enforces loyalty towards the powers that be; thus corruption is a method of governance. We trace the systemic corruption back to the Mongolian empire and demonstrate its persistence to the current regime. We show the geographic distribution of contemporary corruption within Russia, survey the literature on the causes, consequences, and cures of corruption in Russia, and discuss entry points to fighting it. JEL-Codes: D730, H110, H730, K420, N400, P370. Keywords: corruption, governance, institutions, political economy, history, Russia. Günther G. Schulze Nikita Zakharov* University of Freiburg University of Freiburg Institute of Economics Institute of Economics Platz der Alten Synagoge Platz der Alten Synagoge Germany – 79085 Freiburg i.Br. -
Corruption Perceptions Index 2020
CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 Transparency International is a global movement with one vision: a world in which government, business, civil society and the daily lives of people are free of corruption. With more than 100 chapters worldwide and an international secretariat in Berlin, we are leading the fight against corruption to turn this vision into reality. #cpi2020 www.transparency.org/cpi Every effort has been made to verify the accuracy of the information contained in this report. All information was believed to be correct as of January 2021. Nevertheless, Transparency International cannot accept responsibility for the consequences of its use for other purposes or in other contexts. ISBN: 978-3-96076-157-0 2021 Transparency International. Except where otherwise noted, this work is licensed under CC BY-ND 4.0 DE. Quotation permitted. Please contact Transparency International – [email protected] – regarding derivatives requests. CORRUPTION PERCEPTIONS INDEX 2020 2-3 12-13 20-21 Map and results Americas Sub-Saharan Africa Peru Malawi 4-5 Honduras Zambia Executive summary Recommendations 14-15 22-23 Asia Pacific Western Europe and TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE European Union 6-7 Vanuatu Myanmar Malta Global highlights Poland 8-10 16-17 Eastern Europe & 24 COVID-19 and Central Asia Methodology corruption Serbia Health expenditure Belarus Democratic backsliding 25 Endnotes 11 18-19 Middle East & North Regional highlights Africa Lebanon Morocco TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL 180 COUNTRIES. 180 SCORES. HOW DOES YOUR COUNTRY MEASURE UP?