DOCSLIB.ORG

Socialism Is the Future, While Win Elections, but Which Carries Us Way Beyond April Understanding How to Build for Socialism in the 27 1994

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Socialism Is the Future, While Win Elections, but Which Carries Us Way Beyond April Understanding How to Build for Socialism in the 27 1994 UMSEBEHU & VOICE OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN COMMUNIST PARTY Volume 9 No 2 1993 CURRENT issue Price: 50c —— * / / "It is time for the SACP and for working class formations within the ANC-led alliance to reassert themselves with confidence and optimism." This was the message delivered to the FAWU national congress by Charles Nqakula.SACPgeneral secretary. "Left and workingclass forces WITHIN the ANC- led alliance must transform the present mood of confusion among the rank and file of the broad mass movement. "Instead of feeding the sense of confusion with more complaints and moaning, with talk about breaking the alliance - let us point the way forward. It is the historic responsibility of working class for­ mations to galvanise our National Liberation Move­ ment." Comrade Charles highlighted four tasks: O We must claim our victories, but without exag­ geration; present; O We must go back to the basics of our national O We must develop a concrete and embracing pro­ liberation struggle, but without dogmatism; gramme for reconstruction that enables the ANC to OWe must reaffirm that socialism is the future, while win elections, but which carries us way beyond April understanding how to build for socialism in the 27 1994. FORWARD TO PEOPLES POWER I Party Building MASS DRIVEN NEGOTIATIONS: For 19 days, between May 17 and June 5, Eastern Transvaal commu­ nities maintained a consumer boy­ Lessons from E.Tvl cott of white shops. According to the SA Chamber of Business Ihe boycott knocked sales by 70-80%. The actions quickly brought regional Consumer Boycott and local authorities and white interest groups to the negotiating table. * supplies of vegetables and fruit to transition to democracy; The boycott was called in the wake hawkers; • security forces and government to of the assassination of comrade Chris * petrol, servicing and spare parts for take firm action against security force Hani. The main issues of the boycott taxis and for the community in general* members and others interfering with were: The CBCs also had the responsibil­ free political activity; • to register Ihe anger of hundreds of ity of monitoring the boycott. • a joint tripartite alliancc/SADFdel- thousands of people in the region at cde egation to verify the de-electrification Chris's slaying; Engaging the white community of the SA/Mozambique border fence. • an early announcement of an elec­ Originally, the alliance had planned to An investigation on humane border tion date and a speedy transition to target the businesses of extreme right- controls is also to be established; democracy; wingers in the white community. The • the phasing out of the inhumane * local and regional demands. object was to isolate the most reaction­ bucket system, still prevalent in a In other words, the boycott com­ ary forces. However, we found we numbcrof townships in the region. This bined national political demands with lacked information about the white system is to be replaced with flushing local grassroots issues. This combina­ community. We didn't know who was toilets. Joint alliance and RSC subcom­ tion had a lot to do with the success of who. mittees will be established to oversee the campaign. This, in itsel f, reflects the situation in this process; the Eastern Transvaal, where baasskap • reactivating steps to establish a Careful preparations has remained deeply entrenched. There Regional Economic Forum. Another reason for the success was the has been virtually no engagement, no It has also been agreed that review careful preparations made in the weeks talking between the townships and the meetings will occur every 60 days to before. white communities. assess progress in all these areas. Based on previous experience, it was The boycott has begun to reverie decided to do more than just exempt all this. Right from the start, the boycott June 16 black businesses from the boycott. organisers kept their doors open. They The agreements were soon put to the Every effort was made to actively in­ were always prepared to engage busi­ test. On June 16 two comrades were volve African and Indian business peo­ ness-people and local authorities in dis­ tragically shot by the security forces in ple in Ihe campaign. Meetings were cussion. By the second week the white Piet Reticf during a peaceful June 16 arranged with black businesses, includ­ business community was calling for march. The community has demanded ing taxi associations. meetings in dozens of localities. the replacement of the local SAP sta­ Senior members of the tripartite alli­ The boycott organisers took the de­ tion commander, Pretorius. Forthe first ance were deployed throughout the 16 cision to engage organised business, time in the region the SAP has been zones of the region to mobilise for the the provincial authorities and the secu­ forced to agree to this demand. boycott. rity forces, on a regional basis. Consumer Boycott Committees On June 5, the ANC/SACP/ Lessons of the boycott (CBCs) were established. They con­ COSATU alliance met with SACOB, Whenwcspeakofa"massdrivennego- sisted of representatives from the alli­ the Sakekamer, the Afrikaans tiations process", we tend to think only ance and mass democratic structures, Handelsinstituut, Eskom, the Transvaal of national campaigns focussed on the and from black business and taxi asso­ Provincial Administration, the Regional multi-party negotiations at the World ciations. The tasks of the CBCs were, Services Council, and Ihe SADF and Trade Centre. The Eastern Transvaal amongst other things, to identify ex­ SAP. consumer boycott shows how it is pos­ empted outlets that could provide: sible (and necessary) to combine na­ * basic commodities, daily necessi­ Breakthrough tional demands with winnable local ties (bread, eggs, medicines, etc.); The meeting was a major breakthrough. demands. • supplies to black businesses, tav­ A joint statement agreed on: Negotiations and transformation are erns and spaza shops; * joint action to ensure a speedy not only national, top-down processes. THE PEOPLE MUST OWN THE TRANSITION PROCESS! Pag»2 • UMSEBENZI • Volume 9 Uo2, 1993 ' *\ I CURRENT AFFAIRS Back to Basics * _ I & Frompagel (Chorles Nqokula's speech) Let us claim our victories adjust tactically to a new national and The present world and national situa­ global situation. In countries where the tion means thai many important popular Left and the Liberation Movements have victories arc likely to be partial, not failed to engage with a negotiated tran­ outright. The Dc Klerk regime also has sition, they have tended to be side-lined, a deliberate strategy to hide our own leaving the field wide open to neo- victories from us. liberal forces of all kinds. For three years before the release of But our necessary tactical adapta­ comrade Mandela, the regime was tions must in no way confuse us about «Itj is time for our strategic objectives and our basic spreading stories about his imminent the SACP and release. They hoped that, when it even­ principles. tually happened, it would be an anti­ The Freedom Charter remains abso­ working class climax. They even hoped they would lutely relevant. Wc arc still engaged in formations within look like the liberators. a national democratic revolution. Wc are still struggling against a colonialism of This was a deliberate strategy care- the ANC-led alliance a special type. Constitutionally wc will fully deployed over three ycais. In this begin to abolish CST in the coming to reassert themselves case the strategy largely failed. We suc­ yeais, but CST is not just a constitution cessfully claimed our victory. with confidence - it is a system, a structure and a terrible But the regime's strategy has not legacy. A long hard struggle lies ahead. and optimism." been abandoned. On Friday July 2 wc Charles Nqakula won an historic victory, April 27 1994 And in this struggle the leading role was agreed uponas the d?ic for the first of the working class (asserted at the ever one-person one-vote elections in ANCs Morogoro conference in 1969) a caucus or a cabal manipulating the our country. But this major victory remains absolutely critical. ANC from within. seemed like an anticlimax. We have The Freedom duller was won as the been expecting this for months. Socialism liberation movement's programme, be­ BUT IT IS A REAL VICTORY and The collapse in eastern Europe and the cause tlic Charter emerged from un- wc must claim it- formerSovietUnionhashada profound Ieashingapopularproccss,a mass based It is not just an election date, but also impact on our broad mass movement - programme-the collection of hundreds a date within a process that wc, as the not just on communists. The SACP and of thousands of basic demands from ANC-lcd tripartite, championed from other working class formations have a ordinary workingpcoplc throughout our the beginning. It id an election for a special responsibility to lead ourpcople country. Constituent Assembly. This is OUR outof the resulting confusion and loss of In 1993 we must begin to achieve a scenario - not the CFs or the IFP's, not direction. similar result. the PACs, not originally the DP's and The collapse takes nothingaway from We need to elaborate a concrete pro­ certainly not the NP*s. our ongoing criticism of capitalism. gramme for reconstructing our society. But, although il is a real victory, wc Capitalism remains profoundly eornipt, This programme mast emerge from mass must not exaggerate. It is still largely on irnilional and oppressive. Socialism is struggles, mass formations, mass in* paper, a free and fair election is still far the future. But wc need to be building volvcmcnt. This reconstruction pro­ from guaranteed. An election will mark positions of strength for socialism right gramme is not a replacement for the an important STEP in the national now in the present.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Unrevised Hansard National
    UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 1 TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 ____ PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ____ The House met at 14:02. The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayer or meditation. MOTION OF CONDOLENCE (The late Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada) The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Hon Speaker I move the Draft Resolution printed in my name on the Oder Paper as follows: That the House — UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 2 (1) notes with sadness the passing of Isithwalandwe Ahmed Mohamed Kathrada on 28 March 2017, known as uncle Kathy, following a short period of illness; (2) further notes that Uncle Kathy became politically conscious when he was 17 years old and participated in the Passive Resistance Campaign of the South African Indian Congress; and that he was later arrested; (3) remembers that in the 1940‘s, his political activities against the apartheid regime intensified, culminating in his banning in 1954; (4) further remembers that in 1956, our leader, Kathrada was amongst the 156 Treason Trialists together with Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisulu, who were later acquitted; (5) understands that he was banned and placed under a number of house arrests, after which he joined the political underground to continue his political work; UNREVISED HANSARD NATIONAL ASSEMBLY TUESDAY, 13 JUNE 2017 Page: 3 (6) further understands that he was also one of the eight Rivonia Trialists of 1963, after being arrested in a police swoop of the Liliesleaf
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Governing the ''New'' South Africa?
    Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa? Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard To cite this version: Marianne Séverin, Pierre Aycard. Who is Governing the ”New” South Africa?: Elites, Networks and Governing Styles (1985-2003). IFAS Working Paper Series / Les Cahiers de l’ IFAS, 2006, 8, p. 13-37. hal-00799193 HAL Id: hal-00799193 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00799193 Submitted on 11 Mar 2013 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Ten Years of Democratic South Africa transition Accomplished? by Aurelia WA KABWE-SEGATTI, Nicolas PEJOUT and Philippe GUILLAUME Les Nouveaux Cahiers de l’IFAS / IFAS Working Paper Series is a series of occasional working papers, dedicated to disseminating research in the social and human sciences on Southern Africa. Under the supervision of appointed editors, each issue covers a specifi c theme; papers originate from researchers, experts or post-graduate students from France, Europe or Southern Africa with an interest in the region. The views and opinions expressed here remain the sole responsibility of the authors. Any query regarding this publication should be directed to the chief editor. Chief editor: Aurelia WA KABWE – SEGATTI, IFAS-Research director.
    [Show full text]
  • African National Congress NATIONAL to NATIONAL LIST 1. ZUMA Jacob
    African National Congress NATIONAL TO NATIONAL LIST 1. ZUMA Jacob Gedleyihlekisa 2. MOTLANTHE Kgalema Petrus 3. MBETE Baleka 4. MANUEL Trevor Andrew 5. MANDELA Nomzamo Winfred 6. DLAMINI-ZUMA Nkosazana 7. RADEBE Jeffery Thamsanqa 8. SISULU Lindiwe Noceba 9. NZIMANDE Bonginkosi Emmanuel 10. PANDOR Grace Naledi Mandisa 11. MBALULA Fikile April 12. NQAKULA Nosiviwe Noluthando 13. SKWEYIYA Zola Sidney Themba 14. ROUTLEDGE Nozizwe Charlotte 15. MTHETHWA Nkosinathi 16. DLAMINI Bathabile Olive 17. JORDAN Zweledinga Pallo 18. MOTSHEKGA Matsie Angelina 19. GIGABA Knowledge Malusi Nkanyezi 20. HOGAN Barbara Anne 21. SHICEKA Sicelo 22. MFEKETO Nomaindiya Cathleen 23. MAKHENKESI Makhenkesi Arnold 24. TSHABALALA- MSIMANG Mantombazana Edmie 25. RAMATHLODI Ngoako Abel 26. MABUDAFHASI Thizwilondi Rejoyce 27. GODOGWANA Enoch 28. HENDRICKS Lindiwe 29. CHARLES Nqakula 30. SHABANGU Susan 31. SEXWALE Tokyo Mosima Gabriel 32. XINGWANA Lulama Marytheresa 33. NYANDA Siphiwe 34. SONJICA Buyelwa Patience 35. NDEBELE Joel Sibusiso 36. YENGENI Lumka Elizabeth 37. CRONIN Jeremy Patrick 38. NKOANA- MASHABANE Maite Emily 39. SISULU Max Vuyisile 40. VAN DER MERWE Susan Comber 41. HOLOMISA Sango Patekile 42. PETERS Elizabeth Dipuo 43. MOTSHEKGA Mathole Serofo 44. ZULU Lindiwe Daphne 45. CHABANE Ohm Collins 46. SIBIYA Noluthando Agatha 47. HANEKOM Derek Andre` 48. BOGOPANE-ZULU Hendrietta Ipeleng 49. MPAHLWA Mandisi Bongani Mabuto 50. TOBIAS Thandi Vivian 51. MOTSOALEDI Pakishe Aaron 52. MOLEWA Bomo Edana Edith 53. PHAAHLA Matume Joseph 54. PULE Dina Deliwe 55. MDLADLANA Membathisi Mphumzi Shepherd 56. DLULANE Beauty Nomvuzo 57. MANAMELA Kgwaridi Buti 58. MOLOI-MOROPA Joyce Clementine 59. EBRAHIM Ebrahim Ismail 60. MAHLANGU-NKABINDE Gwendoline Lindiwe 61. NJIKELANA Sisa James 62. HAJAIJ Fatima 63.
    [Show full text]
  • The Burundi Peace Process
    ISS MONOGRAPH 171 ISS Head Offi ce Block D, Brooklyn Court 361 Veale Street New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 346-9570 E-mail: [email protected] Th e Burundi ISS Addis Ababa Offi ce 1st Floor, Ki-Ab Building Alexander Pushkin Street PEACE CONDITIONAL TO CIVIL WAR FROM PROCESS: THE BURUNDI PEACE Peace Process Pushkin Square, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia Th is monograph focuses on the role peacekeeping Tel: +251 11 372-1154/5/6 Fax: +251 11 372-5954 missions played in the Burundi peace process and E-mail: [email protected] From civil war to conditional peace in ensuring that agreements signed by parties to ISS Cape Town Offi ce the confl ict were adhered to and implemented. 2nd Floor, Armoury Building, Buchanan Square An AU peace mission followed by a UN 160 Sir Lowry Road, Woodstock, South Africa Tel: +27 21 461-7211 Fax: +27 21 461-7213 mission replaced the initial SA Protection Force. E-mail: [email protected] Because of the non-completion of the peace ISS Nairobi Offi ce process and the return of the PALIPEHUTU- Braeside Gardens, Off Muthangari Road FNL to Burundi, the UN Security Council Lavington, Nairobi, Kenya Tel: +254 20 386-1625 Fax: +254 20 386-1639 approved the redeployment of an AU mission to E-mail: [email protected] oversee the completion of the demobilisation of ISS Pretoria Offi ce these rebel forces by December 2008. Block C, Brooklyn Court C On 18 April 2009, at a ceremony to mark the 361 Veale Street ON beginning of the demobilisation of thousands New Muckleneuk, Pretoria, South Africa DI Tel: +27 12 346-9500 Fax: +27 12 460-0998 TI of PALIPEHUTU-FNL combatants, Agathon E-mail: [email protected] ON Rwasa, leader of PALIPEHUTU-FNL, gave up AL www.issafrica.org P his AK-47 and military uniform.
    [Show full text]
  • Peacemaking in Burundi – a Case Study of Regional Diplomacy Backed by International Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding
    PEACEMAKING IN BURUNDI – A CASE STUDY OF REGIONAL DIPLOMACY BACKED BY INTERNATIONAL PEACEKEEPING AND PEACEBUILDING AMBASSADOR ADONIA AYEBARE Director of the Africa Program, International Peace Institute 1. Burundi at the brink of genocide (1993-1996) Burundi has been a land of prolonged political violence since her independence in 1962. This has taken different forms ranging from military coups, targeted assassinations of prominent politicians, mass massacres, refugees, internal displacement and lack of meaningful development. From 1966 to 1993 the politics of the country were dominated by the military, which staged three successive coups. After the assassination of the first democratically elected president, who also was the country’s first ethnic Hutu president, on October 21, 1993, unprecedented political violence broke out and led to the death of more than 300,000 people. The violence in Burundi was overshadowed by the civil war in the neighboring Rwanda which has the same ethnic composition with the Hutu majority and minority Tutsi. It was only after the genocide in Rwanda in 1994 that the international community started to take the violence in Burundi seriously and actively sought to avoid ‘another Rwanda’. Between 1993 and 1996, no other country in Africa received a comparable amount of attention from many conflict resolution and mediation experts. The actors ranged from the United Nations, the then Organization of African Unity and later the African Union, non-government organization and academics. In 1993 and 1994, the risk of genocide in Burundi was almost as severe as it was in Rwanda where it materialized. Incitement to genocide was going on every day.
    [Show full text]
  • Ÿþm Icrosoft W
    voiume ~ rio 1, 1~J~ rrce: bOc voiume ~ rio 1, 1~J~ rrce: bOc On easter Saturday, April 10th, comrade Chris Hani was killed by an assassin. In the days and weeks following, a massive tide of anger and outrage rolled through our country. Communists and non-communists, believers and non- believers, rural people, unemployed workers, miners and business- men, South Africans and democrats the world overjoined together in collective anger at the killing of a general secretary of the SACP. Those who killed comrade Chris thought thal they hadmurderedan individual. Unintentionally, they have mobilised a huge army for liberation and democracy. TAK UP TH SPEA OF OU FALE CO VOlume to mO 3., xitu Price: buc PETROL PUMP ATTENDANT, JOURNAUST, MK COMMANDER... CHARLES NQAKULA - OUR NEW GENERAL SECRETARY Meeting in an emergency session on April 24, the SACP Central Committee confirned Charlcs Nqakula as our new Gentral Secretary. Comrade Charles Nqakula has been serving as assistant general secretary to Chris Hani since the end of 1991. He was born, the ninth of ten children, 50 years ago in Cradock. His father, a contract labourer working on farms, died when Charles was young. His mother, Ida, worked as a washerwoman earning one pound a month. Charles and his younger brother were the only children in the family to receive schooling. FROM WAITER TO JOURNAUST After matriculating at LA)vedale High School, Charles worked as a garage pctrol attendant then as a waiter in Cradock. In 1966 he started working as a journalist, for the Midland News, ImvoZabantsundu and, then, the Daily Despatch.
    [Show full text]
  • The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand
    The anti-apartheid movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand By Peter Limb Introduction The history of the anti-apartheid movement(s) (AAM) in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia is one of multi-faceted solidarity action with strong international, but also regional and historical dimensions that gave it specific features, most notably the role of sports sanctions and the relationship of indigenous peoples’ struggles to the AAM. Most writings on the movement in Australia are in the form of memoirs, though Christine Jennett in 1989 produced an analysis of it as a social movement. New Zealand too has insightful memoirs and fine studies of the divisive 1981 rugby tour. The movement’s internal history is less known. This chapter is the first history of the movement in both countries. It explains the movement’s nature, details its history, and discusses its significance and lessons.1 The movement was a complex mosaic of bodies of diverse forms: there was never a singular, centralised organisation. Components included specific anti-apartheid groups, some of them loose coalitions, others tightly focused, and broader supportive organisations such as unions, churches and NGOs. If activists came largely from left- wing, union, student, church and South African communities, supporters came from a broader social range. The liberation movement was connected organically not only through politics, but also via the presence of South Africans, prominent in Australia, if rather less so in New Zealand. The political configuration of each country influenced choice of alliance and depth of interrelationships. Forms of struggle varied over time and place. There were internal contradictions and divisive issues, and questions around tactics, armed struggle and sanctions, and how to relate to internal racism.
    [Show full text]
  • Money Laundering Experiences
    MONEY LAUNDERING EXPERIENCES Edited by CHARLES GOREDEMA ISS MONOGRAPH SERIES • NO 124, JUNE 2006 ii Tackling money laundering in East and Southern Africa CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii ABOUT THE AUTHORS viii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY x CHAPTER 1 Challenges of combating money laundering in bureaux de change 1 CHAPTER 2 Money laundering in the South African real estate market today 21 CHAPTER 3 Challenges of establishing financial intelligence units 39 CHAPTER 4 Detecting and investigating money laundering in Kenya 55 CHAPTER 5 Legal professional privilege/intermediary confidentiality: The challenge for anti-money laundering 73 CHAPTER 6 Flogging a dead horse: The incongruity of measures against terrorist financing in Southern Africa 91 CHAPTER 7 Tracing the proceeds of crime in Southern Africa 121 iv Money laundering experiences ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS CHAPTER 1: ABCZ Association of Bureaux de Change in Zambia AMLDs Anti-Money Laundering Directives AMLIU Anti-Money Laundering Investigations Unit BFSA Banking and Financial Services Act BoZ Bank of Zambia BWP Botswana Pula CED Customs and Excise Department FBCL Fastrack Bureau de Change Limited N/A Not applicable OTC Over-the-counter PoS Point of Sale PPMLA Prohibition and Prevention of Money Laundering Act STR Suspicious Transactions Report TC Traveller’s cheque ZPS Zambia Police Service CHAPTER 2: AFU Asset Forfeiture Unit ANC African National Congress FATF Financial Action Task Force FIC Financial Intelligence Centre FICA Financial Intelligence Centre Act KYC Know
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa
    House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee South Africa Fifth Report of Session 2003–04 HC 117 Reports and Evidence from the Foreign Affairs Committee since 2001 The following reports and evidence have been produced in the present Parliament. Session 2003–04 REPORTS Fourth Report Human Rights Annual Report 2003 HC 389 Third Report Iran HC 80 Second Report Foreign Policy Aspects of the War Against HC 81 (Cm 6162) Terrorism First Report Foreign Affairs Committee Annual Report 2003HC 220 First Special Report Implications of the Work of the House and its HC 440 Committees of the Government’s Lack of Co- operation with the Foreign Affairs Committee’s Inquiry into The Decision to go to War in Iraq MINUTES OF EVIDENCE Written Evidence Overseas Territories HC 114 Written Evidence The Biological Weapons Green Paper HC 113 Written Evidence Private Military Companies HC 115 Written Evidence Turkey HC 116 Session 2002–03 REPORTS Twelfth Report Foreign & Commonwealth Office Annual HC 859 (Cm 6107) Report 2003 Eleventh Report Gibraltar HC 1024 (Cm 5954) Tenth Report Foreign Policy Aspects of the War against HC 405 (Cm 5986) Terrorism Ninth Report The Decision to go to War in Iraq HC 813 (Cm 6062) and (Cm 6123) Eighth Report Zimbabwe HC 339 (Cm 5869) Seventh Report Strategic Export Controls: Annual Report for HC 474 (Cm 5943) 2001, Licensing Policy and Parliamentary Scrutiny Sixth Report The Government’s proposals for secondary HC 620 (Cm 5988) legislation under the Export Control Act Fifth Report The Biological Weapons Green Paper HC 671 (Cm 5857) Fourth
    [Show full text]
  • South Africa in the United Nations Security Council (2007-2008)
    CONTENTS SOUTH AFRICA IN THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL (2007-2008) CONTENTS Foreword by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa 1 The Role and Mandate of the Security Council 4 Composition of the Security Council 5 Vision and Objectives for South Africa’s Participation in the Security Council 6 South Africa’s Participation and Achievements in the Security Council 8 Security Council Reform 25 Concluding Observations 26 DEPARTMENT OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA MINISTER’S FOREWORD FOREWORD BY THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA FROM 1 JANUARY 2007 to 31 December 2008, South Africa had the honour of serving as an elected member of the United Nations Security Council. South Africa, together with Italy, secured the highest number of recorded votes (186) in the elections for the Security Council seat and its candidature was endorsed by the African Union. Our fi rst ever membership of the Security Council is both a yardstick of how far South African society has progressed since the days of apartheid and a testament to South Africa’s new standing in the international community. It should be remembered that not so long ago South Africa itself was a confl ict-affl icted society that was subject to Security Council sanctions. South Africa’s Council membership was a national project that involved not only a range of government departments, but also the academic community, think-tanks and civil society in general. Moreover, it generated considerable interest and contributions from the wider public, as befi tting a democratic society.
    [Show full text]
  • The Use of Special Envoys
    South African soft power and its regional leadership: The use of Special Envoys Professor Jo-Ansie van Wyk Department of Political Sciences, University of South Africa (UNISA), Pretoria. [email protected] SAIIA’s 80th Anniversary Foreign Policy Conference, Pretoria, 28-30 October 2014. Celebrations, Confessions, Caveats & Confusion • Celebrations: Octogenarians rule! • Confession: Work in progress as part of SAIIA Bradlow Fellowship • Caveat: Preliminary findings • Confusion: Special Envoy or Special Representative. Thus: used interchangeably here. Focus • Domestic-international foreign policy nexus • Focus on foreign policy at home and abroad • Special envoys as diplomats sui generis Some major trends in South African foreign policy • Major increase in diplomatic presence and international relations • Strong focus on African Agenda But also a significant Peace Agenda: Promotion of peace & security Thus a major trend in South Africa’s foreign policy focused on here: Peace diplomacy as an instrument of post-apartheid foreign policy Power • No longer focus on hard power only • Joseph Nye’s introduction of soft power • Thus: changes in content of equation: Power = Ability + Resources + Recognition • Soft power expressed in intangible/non- material elements of power such as status, prestige, influence & norms Six indicators of South Africa’s soft power 1. Preferences: For ethical foreign policy 2. Foundation: Normative foreign policy: peace, human rights, global equity, nuclear non-proliferation 3. Expectations: African leader, Gateway,
    [Show full text]
  • African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
    African National Congress Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission August 1996 Contents Executive Summary ANC Statement to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission 1. PREFACE 2. INTRODUCTION 3. THE HISTORICAL AND INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT 3.1 The prehistory of colonialism, dispossession and segregation 3.2 The history of the ANC to 1960 3.3 Just struggle in the international context 3.4 Apartheid and human rights 3.5 Apartheid human rights violations in an international context 4. THE NATIONAL PARTY, APARTHEID AND THE ANATOMY OF REPRESSION, 1948-1994 4.1 The post-1948 legislative programme of apartheid 4.2 The repressive apartheid security state, 1960-1974 4.3 The institutional violence and social consequences of apartheid 4.4 Judiciary and other forms of repression 4.5 Forced removals and forced incorporation 4.6 Mass repression by the regime in response to mass protests against apartheid 4.7 The height of apartheid repression 4.8 Apartheid and the destabilisation of Southern African countries in the 1980s 4.9 Covert action and state sanctioned gross violations of human rights in the negotiations era of the 1990s 5. PHASES OF STRUGGLE AND ANC POLICY FOUNDATIONS, 1960-1994 5.1 New forms of struggle after Sharpeville and the banning of opposition groups (1960-1969) 5.2 A changing scenario and new challenges (1969-1979) 5.3 Towards "People's War" and "People's Power" (1979-1990) 5.4 The ANC and internal revolt: The role of the Mass Democratic Movement in the 1980s 6. DID THE ANC PERPETRATE ANY GROSS VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS? 6.1 The approach, standards and conduct of the ANC in relation to human rights 6.2 Armed operations and civilian casualties 6.3 Excesses in relation to state agents 6.4 ANC members who died in exile 6.5 The Mass Democratic Movement and excesses in the mass revolt of the 1980s 7.
    [Show full text]