A Micro-Typological Study of Pashai Varieties in Afghanistan

A micro-typological study of Pashai varieties in Afghanistan

Vanessa Quasnik

Department of Linguistics Independent Project for a Master’s degree 30hp Master’s program (120hp) Spring term 2019 Supervisor: Henrik Liljegren En mikrotypologisk studie av Pashai varieteter i Afghanistan

Sammanfattning

Hindukushregionen sträcker sig från Afghanistan över Pakistan till norra Indien och hyser de van- ligtvis så kallade dardiska språken. De dardiska språken tillhör de indo-ariska språken vilka i isolation och genom kontakt utvecklade eller bevarade drag som inte längre finns i indo-ariska språk utanför regionen. I det pågående projekt “Språkkontakt och språksläktskap i Hindukushregionen” samlades data från mer än 50 språk inklusive nio varietéer av det nordvästra indo-ariska språket Pashai som talas i västra Afghanistan. En kognatanalys och en analys av fonologiska, morfologiska, syntaktiska och lexikala drag genomfördes. Kognatanalysen visar att Pashai varieteterna formar kluster, en västra grupp av de tre västra varieteterna och en östra grupp av de sex östra varieteterna. Struktruanalysen visar en mer skiftande bild av tre potentiella kluster, en grupp av de två mest västra varieteterna, en nordöstra grupp och en centergrupp bestående av en västra varietet och två sydöstra varieteter. Några drag som anses vara delad av språken i regionen kan också konstateras i alla Pashaivarieteter som en subjekt-objekt-verb följd och postpositioner.

Nyckelord Hindu Kush, Indoariska språk, microtypology, Pashai A micro-typological study of Pashai varieties in Afghanistan

Abstract

The Hindu Kush region stretches from Afghanistan over Pakistan to North India and is hometowhatis commonly known as the Dardic languages. The Dardic langagues are a group of Indo-Aryan languages that have in isolation and under contact developed or retained features that can not be found in Indo- Aryan languages outside the region. In the ongoing project ”Language contact and relatedness in the Hindu Kush region” data on over 50 languages has been collected including nine varieties of northwest Indo-Aryan Pashai spoken in west Afghanistan. A cognate analysis and an analysis of phonological, morphological, syntactical and lexical features were conducted.The cognate analysis shows that the Pashai varieties build to clusters, a western group consisting of the three western Pashai varieties and an eastern group consisting of six eastern varieties. The structural analysis shows a more diverse picture with three potential clusters, a group of the two most western varieties, a northeastern group and a central group consisting of one western variety and two southeastern varieties. Some features found to be shared by languages in the region are also found in all Pashai varieties like a subject-object-verb order and postpositions.

Keywords Hindu Kush, Indo-Aryan languages, micro-typology, Pashai Contents

1 Introduction ...... 2 2 Background ...... 3 2.1 Hindu Kush-Karakoram ...... 3 2.2 Pashai ...... 4 2.3 Micro-typology ...... 6 3 Method ...... 7 3.1 Data ...... 7 3.2 Method ...... 7 3.3 Cognate analysis ...... 8 3.4 Structural features ...... 9 3.4.1 Phonology ...... 9 3.4.1.1 Consonant inventory ...... 9 3.4.1.2 Affricates ...... 9 3.4.1.3 Lateral fricative ...... 9 3.4.1.4 Retroflexion ...... 10 3.4.1.5 Aspiration ...... 10 3.4.1.6 Syllable structure ...... 10 3.4.2 Morphology ...... 10 3.4.2.1 Alignment of case marking ...... 10 3.4.2.2 Grammatical gender ...... 11 3.4.2.3 Demonstrative pronouns ...... 11 3.4.3 Syntax ...... 11 3.4.3.1 Word order ...... 11 3.4.3.2 Polar question particle ...... 11 3.4.3.3 Adpositions ...... 12 3.4.4 Lexicon ...... 12 3.4.4.1 Kinship ...... 12 3.4.4.2 Numerals ...... 14 4 Results ...... 15 4.1 Cognate analysis ...... 15 4.2 Structural features ...... 17 4.2.1 Phonology ...... 17 4.2.1.1 Consonant inventory ...... 17 4.2.1.2 Affricates ...... 23 4.2.1.3 Lateral fricative ...... 23 4.2.1.4 Retroflexion ...... 24 4.2.1.5 Aspiration ...... 25 4.2.1.6 Syllable structure ...... 28 4.2.2 Morphology ...... 29 4.2.2.1 Alignment of case marking ...... 29 4.2.2.2 Grammatical gender ...... 31 4.2.2.3 Demonstrative pronouns ...... 32 4.2.3 Syntax ...... 34 4.2.3.1 Word order ...... 34 4.2.3.2 Polar question marker ...... 35 4.2.3.3 Adpositions ...... 36 4.2.4 Lexicon ...... 37 4.2.4.1 Kinship ...... 37 4.2.4.2 Numerals ...... 43 4.2.5 Summary ...... 45 5 Discussion ...... 49 5.1 Cognate analysis ...... 49 5.1.1 Pashai as a dialect continuum ...... 49 5.1.2 Pashai and its neighbors ...... 51 5.1.3 Conclusion ...... 51 5.2 Structural features ...... 52 5.2.1 Pashai as a dialect continuum ...... 53 5.2.2 Pashai and its neighbors - lexical features ...... 54 5.2.3 Conclusion ...... 56 5.3 Comparison of results ...... 56 5.4 Method discussion ...... 57 6 Conclusions ...... 58 6.1 Research questions ...... 58 6.2 Future research ...... 59 References ...... 60 A Figures and Tables ...... 63 B Appendix I ...... 66 C Appendix II ...... 71 D Appendix III ...... 72 E Appendix IV ...... 75 Abbreviations

Abbreviations and glosses

1 First person 2 Second person 3 Third person DAT Dative DEM Demonstrative HKIA Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan IA Indo-Aryan NE Northeast Pashai NW Northwest Pashai OBJ Object marker OBL Oblique PRF Perfect tense PL Plural POSTP Postposition PRS Present tense PRON Pronoun PST Past tense Q Question particle REFL Reflexive marker SE Southeast Pashai SG Singular SW Southwest Pashai ? unknown

1 1 Introduction

The present micro-typological study investigates the Indo-Aryan dialect continuum Pashai spokenin northeast Afghanistan. Pashai is part of a larger linguistically diverse area, the Hindu Kush, a moun- tainous and therefore secluded area. The majority of languages spoken in the area are Northwest Indo- Aryan languages often called Dardic languages. Other languages belong to the Iranian and Nuristani languages, but also the Tibeto-Burman and Turkic language families. Due to their seclusion in the region, the languages in the Hindu Kush have developed differently than other Indo-Aryan languages. They share features that can no longer be found in other Indo-Aryan languages like a three-sibilant system and consonant clusters (Bashir, 2003:822). Data on these languages has been collected in the ongoing project “Language contact and relatedness in the Hindukush region” (Liljegren, 2017).

The data of nine Pashai varieties collected in this project is analyzed for cognates as well asphono- logical, morphological, syntactical and lexical features. The Pashai varieties in this study have been classified according to Morgenstierne into the four dialect groups and represent them as follows: South- west Pashai - Alasai; Southeast Pashai - Alingar Amla; Northwest Pashai - Alishang, Sanjan; Northeast Pashai - Aret, Chalas, Korangal, Shemal. The goal of this study is to analyze the differences andsimi- larities between these Pashai varieties.

The research questions are:

1. Which clusters can be found in the Pashai varieties based on shared cognates? 1a. Which relations can be seen between Pashai and the neighboring languages included for the cognate analysis (Ashkun, Waigali, Dari, Parachi, Pashto)?

2. Which clusters can be found in the Pashai varieties based on the analysis of structural features? 2a. If there are any, which features are shared by all varieties?

3. Do cognates and structural features suggest the same or similar relations between the Pashai varieties?

Pashai has been described in more detail when compared to other languages in the region. The most recent larger works are Lehr’s dissertation on a Pashai dialect in the Darra-i Nur valley and Liljegren’s profile of the Hindu Kush region where Pashai is included, but only with one southeastern variety.The most prominent work has been done by Norwegian linguist Georg Morgenstierne whose classification into north- and southwest and north- and southeast Pashai has prevailed until today. The present study may not provide confirmation or rejection of the established dialect classification of Pashai, butgive more detail on variation and distribution of linguistic features among the varieties and of Pashai’s classification in larger linguistic areas.

Section 2 contains background information on Pashai and micro-typology. The description of data and method is covered in section 3. The results are presented in section 4 and the discussion in section 5. The thesis is concluded in section 6.

2 2 Background

2.1 Hindu Kush-Karakoram The project “Language contact and relatedness in the Hindukush region” by Henrik Liljegren isanongo- ing project with the goal to create a typological profile of the Hindu Kush-Karakoram1 area. The project is funded by the Swedish Research Council (421-2014-631). The region referred here to as Hindu Kush- Karakoram is an ethnically and linguistically diverse region stretching from northeast Afghanistan through north Pakistan to the Kashmir region in north India. Data on more than 50 languages has been collected, Indo-Aryan being the largest group with 31 languages, followed by Iranian (10 languages) and Nuristani (5-6 languages). Furthermore, data on two Tibeto-Burman languages in the east of the region and two Turkic languages in the north of the region, as well as a language isolate, Burushaski has been collected (Liljegren, 2017:109-110).

The Northwest Indo-Aryan languages in the area are also known as “Dardic” languages which isage- ographical as well as genetic classification (Bashir, 2003:822). Within the Indo-Aryan (IA) languages they stand out because they developed differently than other IA languages. The “Dardic” languages have unlike other IA languages kept a three-sibilant system, still use consonant clusters, but show a loss of aspiration (Masica, 1991:822).

Figure 1: Languages in Hindu Kush-Karakoram region

In the project “Language contact and relatedness in the Hindukush region”, the nine Pashai varieties

1https://hindukush.ling.su.se/

3 collected received the ISO 639-3 codes as used by the ethnologue (Eberhard and Simons, 2019) with an additional suffix to distinguish varieties of the same dialect group. Figure 2 shows the locations of the Pashai varieties in Liljegren’s project. The Pashai varieties from west to east and north to south are listed below. To avoid confusion of the similar codes, they are named based on the locations throughout this thesis:

1. glh(sn) - Northwest - Sanjan, Hesa Awal Kohistan, Kapisa 2. psh - Southwest - Alasai, Kapisa 3. glh(ag) - Northwest - Alishang, Laghman 4. psi(ar) - Southeast - Alingar, Laghman 5. psi(am) - Southeast - Amla, Darra-e-Nur, Nangarhar 6. aee(sh) - Northeast - Shemal, Darra-e-Nur, Nangarhar 7. aee(at) - Northeast - Aret, Nurgal, Kunar 8. aee(ch) - Northeast - Chalas, Tsaoki, Kunar 9. aee(kg) - Northeast - Korangal, Mano Gai, Kunar

Figure 2: The Pashai varieties from Liljegren’s sample

2.2 Pashai The Pashai (or sometimes Pashayi) are an ethnic group in East Afghanistan. They live in anareanorth of the Kabul river that stretches for about 170 kilometers (Morgenstierne, 1967), more specifically in the valleys Kapisa, Laghman, Nangrahar and Kunarah (Keiser (1974:445)). Morgenstierne (1967:1), Keiser (1974:445) and Ovesen (1984:397) estimate that the Pashai population in that region is about 100,000. Yun (2003:1) who worked on a Pashai literacy project states that there are about 500,000 Pashai speakers

4 in and outside of Afghanistan. If the Pashai speak more than one language, they speak a Pashai variety and Pashto ((Eberhard and Simons, 2019)2 and Keiser (1974:450)). The ethnologue lists four Pashai dialect groups according to Morgenstierne’s classification. There, southeast Pashai is by far the largest group with 180.000 speakers and 100.000 monolinguals, southwest Pashai follows with 100.000, northwest Pashai has 70.000 speakers and northeast Pashai 54.400 speakers. Current projects to establish literacy among Pashai speakers and offer education in Pashai focuses on varieties of the largest speaker group, southeastern Pashai. A writing system based on the Arab script is in place since July 2003 (Yun, 2003). A list of texts in southeastern Pashai can be found online.3

Northwest Indo-Aryan Pashai, although often called a language, is rather a dialect continuum orlan- guage group or cluster (Edelmann, 1983:179, Lehr, 2004:xx). Mututal intelligibility between speakers is low, the ethnologue states that Southeast Pashai is somewhat intelligible by other Pashai speakers, whereas the other three groups are unintelligible by the other Pashai speakers. Chambers and Trudgill write that in geographical dialect continuua when moving “from village to village, in a particular direction” (1998:5), speakers from neighboring villages will understand each other while speakers from villages at the outer edges of the continuum will not. Since Pashai is considered a dialect continuum, it is possible that mutual intelligibility only exists between neighboring varieties but not between varieties from the far west and east of the region.

Morgenstierne (1967:7-9) listed features that are shared by all Pashai varieties. Some shared phonetical features are the retention of certain sounds (w-, st, ùú) and lengthening of vowels in stressed syllables. Morphological features mentioned by Morgenstierne (1967:7-8) are among others a genitive ending in -s(t), present tense form with a consonant (k, g, t, r) and a first singular personal pronoun in the oblique case mam, Northwest Pashai being the exception, here the pronoun is muː, moː, maː. Further he found that certain lexical features or “isoglotts” can be found, following mostly a west/east distinction. Some of those isoglotts differ in sounds used but are still cognates like “eye”, which in West Pashaiis pronounced ačhiː, but in East Pashai anč(iː) and some are no cognates like “house” which in West Pashai is waːi and in East Pashai goːšiŋ.

Previous work on Pashai The most comprehensive work on Pashai has been done by Morgenstierne, who composed adescriptive grammar, vocabulary list, and provided texts with translations (1967,1973a-b). More recent work on Pashai can be found in Bashir’s chapter on Dardic (2003) and Lehr’s dissertation (2014) on a southeastern Pashai variety. Lehr rightfully points out that Morgenstierne’s grammar was composed with close to a century-old data (2014:xx); hers is the most recent comprehensive grammar of Pashai, namely of a variety spoken in Darra-e Nur in the Nangrahar province, Afghanistan. A description of the phoneme inventory of a southeastern Pashai variety spoken in Darre-e Nur can be found in Lamuwal and Baker (2013) who analyzed recordings of the Northwest story of a male Pashai speaker.

Some of the languages that are geographically close to and in contact with Pashai are the two Nuristani languages Ashkun [ask] and Waigali [wbk], and the Iranian languages Northern Pashto [pbu], Parachi [prc] and Afghan Dari [prs]. Another linguistic neighbor is the Indo-Aryan language Shumashti, but here Bashir states that the influence has been going from Pashai to Shumashti (Bashir, 2003:826) andit is not included in this study. Figure 3 shows the languages used in this study in a simplified family tree excluding sub-classifications.

2https://www.ethnologue.com/language/psi for [psi] 3http://www.language-archives.org/language/psi

5 Indo-Iranian

Indo-Aryan Nuristani Iranian

Pashai Ashkun Waigali Pashto Dari Parachi

Figure 3: Pashai and neighboring languages

2.3 Micro-typology Micro-typology is a linguistic approach, combining methods from typology, areal linguistics and dialectology, but also other fields like historical linguistics and linguistic geography (Koptjevskaja-Tamm, 2010:583). There are two main differences between a typological study and a micro-typological study. Typological studies use a cross-linguistic larger sample of languages that are not geographically close or genetically linked. It is usually desirable that the languages in the study’s sample are balanced or as representative as possible of the world’s languages with no bias towards a certain group of languages. Micro-typology much like areal linguistics and dialectology restricts research to smaller geographic areas where genetic links between languages, dialects or varieties are no reason for exclusion. In areal linguistics but also in micro-typology, language contact and convergence, the process of languages becoming more similar to each other by exchanging features (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 2010:577) are of in- terest, but they have no place in typological studies. Dahl and Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2001) write about the differences between typology and areal linguistics, that areal linguists meticulously document synchronic and diachronic properties of language while typologists discard these details (2001:xv). Croft describes typology as an inductive approach to finding language universals and statesthatit leads to “typological classifications of different structural phenomena” (2003:285). Song and Stassen (2012:91) write that “[…] linguistic typology attempts to present a survey of all the different waysin which languages may encode some linguistically relevant property.” This means that features that have been discovered and described in typological studies result in an overview of available patterns on a large sometimes even global scale. A micro-typological study results in a detailed description of the differences and similarities of the languages considered and additionally discusses the findings with regard to features of the region to identify shared regional features that may have resulted from contact. Additionally to the detailed description of similarities and differences, Koptjevskaja-Tamm lists two other main components of a micro-typological study; the results should be compared to a larger linguistic group and an explanation of the findings with respect to “linguistic, socio-political, historical, cultural, anthropological and geographic setting”(Koptjevskaja-Tamm, 2010:584) should be given. One example of a typological work on a global scale is the World Atlas of Language Structure (WALS)4. At this point close to 200 structural features have been added to WALS. For each feature an explanation is given for the different types that have been found and all languages classified are listed and evenpre- sented on a map. Both, areal linguistics and micro-typology can make use of such features and apply them to smaller regions. Bashir (2016:242) writes that distinguishing between contact and genetic features for Indo-Aryan languages in the Hindu Kush is a task that needs much attention from South Asian contact linguistics. Solving this issue is of course not the task of micro-typology but the challenge of possibly indistin- guishable inherited and contact or convergence-based features needs to be considered when working with languages in areas with intense language contact and convergence like South Asia.

4http://wals.info

6 3 Method

3.1 Data The material is provided by Henrik Liljegren who collected data on more than 50 languages inthe Hindu Kush-Karakoram area in the ongoing project “Language contact and relatedness in the Hindu Kush Region” in north-eastern Afghanistan, northern Pakistan and the region Kashmir in northern In- dia. The data consists of digitized questionnaires, audio and video recordings. The data provides a40word list, 95 kinship terms, numerals, a demonstrative and a valency questionnaire as well as a short story. The native speakers filled out the questionnaires in writing either themselves or with help ofsome- one else. The written forms are additionally recorded, each item in each questionnaire isreadorsaid out loud twice. The demonstrative questionnaire is also available as video recording. All data hasbeen transcribed to phonemes according to International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) and is stored in tabular form. These transcriptions together with the audio and video recordings are used for this study. The data used in the study is listed below:

- 95 Kinship terms compiled by Henrik Liljegren - 59 numerals, based on Comrie’s project “Typology of Numeral Systems”. All numerals from 1 to 50 are listed as well as 60, 70, 80, 90, 100, 110, 120 and 1000.5 - a word list with 40 items from the Automated Similarity Judgement Program (Wichmann, Holman and Brown 2018) which is a reduced form of the Swadesh list. - Demonstrative questionnaire based of Wilkins’ questionnaire (1999) for demonstratives. The sentences in the demonstrative questionnaire resemble fill-in-the-blank texts, where the demonstrative needs to be filled in: “___ house is beautiful.” - Valency questionnaire based on Hartmann, Haspelmath and Taylor (2013) containing 88 sentences. - The translation of the story “The Northwind and the Sun” is only used in phonology sectionand is not available for the variety Aret.

Nine Pashai varieties have been documented with the help of these questionnaires. All four dialect groups Morgenstierne described in his grammar (1967) are represented by the nine varieties which are named after the location they have been collected in. Per variety one male speaker has been recorded. The Pashai speakers in the study vary in age from 23 to 72. The speakers of Alasai, Alingar andAlis- hang are all approximately 25 years old; the speakers recorded for Chalas and Sanjan are between 35-40 years; the speakers of Amla, Aret and Shemal are between 55-60 years and the speaker of Korangal is 72 years old. Some data is also available for the neighboring languages, Parachi spoken in the west, Ashkun and Waigali in the east, and the languages spoken cross-communally in Afghanistan, Dari and Pashto. The data for neighboring languages is used in the cognate analysis to show cognates shared by Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages. It is also used for the lexicon section in the structural features.

3.2 Method The features are introduced one by one in the following, but some general aspects should beconsid- ered for all of them. The categories for features are based on Liljegren and WALS to make thePashai varieties comparable to the Hindu Kush- Karakoram (Liljegren, 2017) where Pashai is represented by southeast Pashai. In most cases data for features was allocated simply based on the questionnaire’s

5https://mpi-lingweb.shh.mpg.de/numeral/

7 purpose, numeral base and numeral composition are analyzed with the data from the numeral questionnaire. Kinship terminology is analyzed with the kinship questionnaire, but in one case a gap in the data was filled with help of the valency questionnaire; the term for “parent” was not available forAlis- hang from the kinship questionnaire, but occurred in two sentences in the valency questionnaire. The polar question particle was found in the demonstrative questionnaire. Sentences are glossed as far as possible with help of Morgenstierne’s and Lehr’s grammars according to the Leipzig Glossing Rules6. If a word’s or morpheme’s translation can not be given the gloss is a question mark. If a translation can be suggested, but could not be verified with help of the dictionaries used, the translation is preceded by a question mark. For each feature an example is given per variety and in the cognate analysis for the neighboring languages Ashkun, Waigali, Dari, Parachi and Pashto as well. The transcriptions are based on the written answers and in some cases additional transcriptions are given if what is being said differs from what has been written. In cases where several options aregiven for a sentence, just like with the kinship terms, the sentence that is listed first is selected. The pre- ferred view for the transcriptions is to consider them phonemic realizations, meaning that each sound is considered to be correct based on its face-value. Of course, this causes problems, because it does not consider the phones a phoneme might stand for. Further, this can not apply to the phonological features, because transcription and audio do not always match. The transcription shows only afew instances of aspiration and relying purely on the transcription would result in no information for varieties where no aspiration is transcribed. All data has been listened to and analyzed in Praat, a tool for speech analysis, which allows to add text and transcriptions parallel to the oscillogram (waveform) of an audio file. This has been done particularly for the phonological features, but also for other features.

3.3 Cognate analysis The lexical data used for the cognate analysis is taken from the answers to the questionnaires forkinship terms, numbers and the 40 words from different domains. Since the total number of kinship terms in the questionnaire is quite large, mainly mono-morphemic terms and terms up to two generations from the Ego are considered for the basic vocabulary. In some cases there are mono-morphemic terms in some varieties but other constructions in others. Terms in the basic vocabulary are compared to find cognates. Out of all kinship terms and numbers, 68 terms were combined with 38wordsfrom the questionnaire, two numbers were omitted as they were already gathered with the other numbers. With the help of vocabularies for Pashai (Morgenstierne, 1973b), Parachi (Morgensiterne, 1929) and Pashto (Morgenstierne, 2003), as well as an etymological Persian dictionary, the origins of terms were identified. For the cognate analysis the neighboring languages Ashkun, Waigali, Dari, Parachi, and Pashto are analyzed as well. 106 terms were analyzed regarding their cognate status. While phonological features are marked in a binary system, marking whether a feature can be found or not, the vocabulary list is marked according to the number of variation which can be found in Pashai and its neighboring languages, hence the possible variation range goes from one (cognate) to fourteen (only individual terms), the number of varieties and languages considered. Although there are other texts available, no words from the valency or demonstrative questionnaire or the north-wind story are included in the basic vocabulary as it is not possible to reconstruct a basic word form without any grammatical markers.

In cases where more than one translation for a term is offered, only the first one listed is considered. The complete list of all 106 words for all Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages canbefound in appendix B.

6http://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php

8 3.4 Structural features Initially the shared consonant inventory is provided, followed by a presentation of all sounds listed as either part of a shared Pashai consonant inventory or found only in some varieties. The lateral fricative is investigated as well as affricates. Further consonant clusters and syllable structures are analyzed. Common phonological features of Indo-Aryan languages like retroflexion and aspiration are investigated the Pashai varieties.

For each feature, every variety will be analyzed and compared to other languages in the area. The data is classified by similarity; similar terms share the same value, each new form gets a new value.Features on phonemes are classified binarily, the feature is either found ornot. Syntactic features include word order, adpositions, demonstrative pronouns and the position of the polar question particle. The reflexive pronoun is investigated as well. Lexical structural features cover the structures found in kinship terminology and the numeral system.

3.4.1 Phonology 3.4.1.1 Consonant inventory According to Maddieson (2013, WALS Chapter 1) one way to determine whether a sound exists in a language is being able to account for it in syllable-initial and final position and also mid-word. The data does not provide enough examples to find all sounds in all positions and in minimal pairs, so instead a sound is considered part of the phoneme inventory if it occurs more than once in any position and not just in a consonant cluster. If possible an example is provided with a consonant in word-initial position. Another situation where a sound will not be considered found in the data is, when it only occurs as an alternative pronunciation in one of the two audio recordings of a word and is otherwise not recorded for a variety, only the one that also exists in transcription is considered. This influences for example the number of retroflex sounds in some of the Pashai varieties and excludes sounds that may be allophones. Maddieson gives five categories of consonant inventories based on the evaluation of 562 languages: small inventories have a size of 6 to 14 consonants, moderately small inventories consist of 15 to 18 consonants, the average-sized consonant inventory consists of 19 to 25 consonants, moderately large consonant inventories consist of 26 to 33 consonants and inventories with 34 or more consonants are large inventories.

3.4.1.2 Affricates The categories for affricates based on Liljegren (2017:118) are four-fold and based on thenumberof affricates: 1) languages with no affricates, 2) palatal affricates only, 3) palatal and dental affricatesand 4) palatal, dental and retroflex affricates. The majority in the Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan languages (HKIA) belong to category 4) with 65% and there are no languages in the region that do not have any affricates and fall into category 1).

3.4.1.3 Lateral fricative The voiceless lateral fricative [ɬ] is no feature addressed in either WALS or Liljegren (2017). Itishowever mentioned by Morgenstierne (1967:38) as a development of clusters consisting of a consonants followed by /r/. The diachronic development of some consonant clusters to [ɬ] can not be investigated withthe given data. However, the occurrence of the lateral fricative versus consonant clusters of the type consonant+r can be examined. The varieties are classified as having 1) no lateral fricative but consonant+r cluster, 2) lateral fricative but no consonant+r cluster or 3) both lateral fricative and consonant+r cluster.

9 3.4.1.4 Retroflexion Retroflexion is discussed by Liljegren (2017:116-17) as a relevant feature for the languages of theregion. The classification is given as 1) no retroflex consonants, 2) retroflex plosives but no fricatives and3)for languages with both retroflex plosives and fricatives. There are no languages in the Liljegren’s study without retroflex sounds, all languages have at least retroflex plosives, /ʈ/ /ɖ/, though the majority also has retroflex fricatives /ʂ/, /ʐ/. An example of a language with both retroflex plosives and fricatives is Pashto. According to the UCLA Phonological Segment Inventory Database (UPSID)7 Pashto has both voiced and voiceless retroflex plosives and fricatives as well as a voiced retroflex nasal /ɳ/ and avoiced retroflex lateral flap /ɺ/;̢ an example of a voiceless plosive is given here: /ʈup/ “a jump”, (Morgenstierne, 2003:85).

3.4.1.5 Aspiration For this feature, mainly the kinship, numerals and 40 word list were used. According to Liljegren (2017:120) a three-way contrast for aspiration can be found in the HKIA languages with languages where 1) aspiration contrast is absent, 2) aspiration contrast is only found in voiceless consonants and 3) aspiration contrast can be found in voiceless and voiced consonants. Since the data does not provide enough examples to prove or disprove contrast in aspiration by match- ing minimal pairs, instead words are selected that are transcribed with aspiration for some varieties and analyzed for all varieties. Aspiration is considered to be contrasting if in those words aspiration can still be found. An example of the same phoneme as aspirated and unaspirated phone is provided if aspiration is found. The aspirated sounds are not considered for the consonant inventory, since their status is not quite clear. They are however listed in the individual consonant inventories in appendix D.

3.4.1.6 Syllable structure All six data sets (questionnaires and short story) are used for this section. The WALS chapter 12A (Maddieson, 2013b) gives a classification of languages into three categories based on the number of consonants (C) left and right of the vowel (V), here German examples are provided for thesyllable structures described. 1) simple syllable structure, a (C)V structure, German da, [da:] “there, here”, 2) moderately complex syllable structure with the option to add one more consonant either at the beginning or the end, resulting in the structures CCV or CVC, German Tat, [ta:t] “act” or dann,[dan] “then”, 3) complex syllable structures, which allows more than two consonants in either position, syllable- initial or final: CCVCC, German klaust [klaʊ̯st] “you (sg.) steal”. In order to analyze the syllable structure, the data was analyzed for consonant clusters. A consonant cluster is defined as a group of consonants within the same syllable not separated by one ormorevow- els. Consonant groups at syllable boundaries are not considered. Pashai varieties appear to dissolve their consonant clusters often times and show varying amounts of schwa insertion between consonants, if schwa was represented in the phonemic transcription, it was not considered a consonant cluster.

3.4.2 Morphology 3.4.2.1 Alignment of case marking For this feature the data from the valency questionnaire was used. In WALS chapter 98A, Comrie (2013a) describes categories of distribution of the three arguments Subject (S), Agent (A) and Patient (P) in full noun phrases. Intransitive sentences take only one argument (S), transitive sentences take two arguments, (A) and (P). There are six categories for the marking of arguments: 1) neutral meaningno

7http://web.phonetik.uni-frankfurt.de/upsid.html

10 marking of either of the arguments, 2) nominative-accusative (standard) marking like in German where (S) and (A) receive the same marker, but (P) is marked differently, 3) nominative-accusative marking (with a marked nominative), 4) ergative-absolutive marking, where (S) in an intransitive sentence and (P) in a transitive sentence are marked in the same way and the agent of the transitive sentence receives a different marker. Languages in category 5) tripartite have different markers for all three, (S),(A)and (P) and languages in category 6) follow a different strategy of marking active (S) and (A) and inactive (S) and (P) in the same way.

3.4.2.2 Grammatical gender In WALS chapture 30A, Greville (2013) lists languages according to the number of gender marked other than in the noun itself. The categories are increasing by number of gender: 1) no gender, 2) two, 3)three, 4) four, 5) five or more. Gender is analyzed based on agreement of nouns of different types (Greville, 2013) in his example of Russian gender is marked in the verbal system. For this feature the kinship data was used. Gender is assessed based on the agreement of adjectives and nouns in Pashai. This is quite reasonable as Masica writes that in New Indo-Aryan gender on nouns is an inherited category and does in fact not prove that a language “has gender” (1991:218) but that it can be seen on inflectional categories like adjectives.

3.4.2.3 Demonstrative pronouns For this feature the data from demonstrative questionnaire was used. In WALS chapter 41A (Diessel, 2013) adnominal demonstratives are categorized according to the number of contrasts found in languages: 1) no contrast, 2) two-way contrast, 3) three-way contrast, 4) four-way contrast, 5) five (or more)-way contrast. Demonstratives are for example in English proximal “this” and distal “that” which is a two-way contrast based on distance to deitic center, which is usually the person speaking.

3.4.3 Syntax 3.4.3.1 Word order In WALS chapter 81A (Dryer,2013b) the word order of subject, object and verb in transitive declaratives in languages is presented. The seven categories are 1) SOV, 2) SVO, 3) VSO, 4) VOS, 5) OVS, 6) OSVand 7) no dominant word order. For this feature the data from the valency questionnaire is used. The word order types SOV with 565 languages and SVO 488 languages are by far the most common patterns out of 1377 languages documented. The Turkic language Turkish has a SOV pattern as dominant order- Ali kitap okuyor. (Ali (S) kitap (O) okuyor (V)) “Ali is reading a/the book.”. The SOV pattern is the most common pattern in the Hindu Kush region, there is only one language with a SVO word order.

3.4.3.2 Polar question particle For the polar question particle, the data from the demonstrative questionnaire was used as it contains nine polar questions. The polar question marker is used in some languages like Turkish in questions that receive an affirmative or negative answer (yes or no). In Turkish polar questions like Bu senin kitabın mı? “Is this your book?” the polar question marker mı is placed sentence-final. The categories from WALS chapter 92A (Dryer, 2013c) are 1) sentence-initial question particle, 2) sentence-final question particle, 3) question particle in second position in sentence, 4) question particle in other position, 5) question particle in either of two positions, and 6) no question particle. Turkish is placed in category 2) in WALS 92A. Some languages in the Hindu Kush profile use polar question particles, the majority, 11 languages use sentence-initial particles, one falls into catgory 4) and three into 6).

11 3.4.3.3 Adpositions The data from the valency and demonstrative questionnaire are used for this feature. The order ofadpo- sition and noun is categorized as given in WALS chapter 85A (Dryer, 2013a). The two most frequently occurring types are 1) postpositions with 576 languages and 2) preposition with 511 languages out of 1187 languages documented. Three other classification types are 3) inpositions, 4) more than one adposition type with no dominant type, and 5) no adpositions. The languages in the Hindu Kush profile all use postpositions and therefore belong to category 1).

3.4.4 Lexicon Both the Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages are analyzed here. For each feature the structural results are given as well as the terms for all varieties and languages.

3.4.4.1 Kinship Categories for the structural analysis of kinship terms are based on Nikolayeva’s explanation of structural types of kinship terms (2014, ch.2). Her structural classification is based on the morphemic structure of kinship terms. The three major categories she identifies are root kinship terms, affix kinship terms and compound kinship terms. Root kinship terms are terms that can not be deconstructed into a term plus affixes or into compounds with other terms. The Ukrainian term for “mother-in-law” is unlike the English term a root term меща (Nikolayeva, 2014:39), the English term is a lexicalized word combination a sub-category of compound terms (2014:51). Other compound types are the combination of an adjective or a noun with a noun like German Schwiegervater “father-in-law”, a compound of Schwieger-, a noun used to build kinship terms for family members associated by marriage8 and the noun Vater “father” (Nikolayeva, 2014:49). An example of an affix type is the Hindu word putr “son”, of which the female form putri “daughter” is built by means of a suffixed -i (Nikolayeva, 2014:45). Nikolayeva’s classification itself will not be used for the categories in the structural analysis ofkinship terms, because it focuses on the construction of kinship terms whereas this analysis focuses on the distribution of patterns. Instead for each of the following nine kinship groups individual categories are described based on the patterns found in the data. The reason behind this is that lumping together less frequently occurring patterns as a shared category “other” would give them the same value inthedata used in SplitsTree and they would be falsely considered as being closer based on being “other” than the more common patterns.

Parents While the data for Pashto used in this study is a variety spoken in Afghanistan, there is also data available for Pashto spoken in Pakistan and India. The word for parent in Pashto (Pakistan) is a compound of the words for mother moːr and father plaːr - moːr o plaːr “mother and father”. The categories for parents are 1) a compound type like “father-mother” in Pashto and 2) other for forms that can not be identified.

Grandparents The data collected provides the terms for both the maternal and paternal grandparents, hence themost variation can be a four-fold system, where each grandparent gets an individual term, like for example in Swedish. The grandparents are built with the terms for “mother” mor and “father” far: farfar “paternal grandfather, father’s father”, farmor” “paternal grandmother, father’s mother”, morfar “maternal grandfather, mother’s father” and mormor “maternal grandmother, mother’s mother”. Another pattern that is considered here is two-fold, where both maternal and paternal grandfather use thesame term and maternal and paternal grandmother as well. This can be found in German, where Großvater is used for maternal and paternal “grandfather” and Großmutter for maternal and paternal “grandmother”.

8https://www.dwds.de/wb/schwieger-

12 Aside from these two patterns, four-fold and two-fold, a third and fourth pattern are considered. They are both three-fold, but they differ in the combination of terms shared by two of the grandparents. The third pattern is the use of different terms for maternal and paternal grandfather but a sharedtermfor maternal and paternal grandmother. The fourth pattern is the use of separate terms for the paternal grandparents but the same term for the maternal grandparents.

Grandchildren Just like for the grandparents the largest variation possible is a four-fold system with a term for each the son and daughter of the own son or daughter. Again, Swedish is a suitable example here, where aside from a neutral term barnbarn (lit. “child child”), the forms sonson “grandson, son’s son”, dotterson “grandson, daughter’s son”, sondotter “granddaughter, son’s daughter” and dotterdotter “granddaughter, daughter’s daughter” exist. A two-fold pattern like in German, where the same term is used forthe son of the own son or daughter Enkelsohn “grandson” and for the daughter of the own son or daughter Enkeltochter “granddaughter” is possible as well. A third pattern is the use of just one term for all sons and daughters of the own son and daughter. Two patterns that occur as well are a two-fold pattern where only one of the four grandchild terms differs from the others and a three-fold pattern where one term is shared between two of the grandchild terms, but not according to the sex of the grandchild or its parent.

Parent’s siblings The kinship terms used for parent’s siblings are analyzed by Liljegren (2017:146-7) by comparing the terms for parent’s siblings to the terms for parents.9 This feature is the exception in the set of kinship terms, the patterns and writing convention for the patterns are taken from Liljegren and anadditional fourth is added. They are listed in table 1 below. The first pattern is no relation between the termsfor father and either father’s brother and mother’s brother. The second pattern is no shared terms except between mother’s sister and father’s sister. The third pattern is shared terms for father and father’s brother and mother and father’s sister. The fourth pattern is no shared term for father and brothers but shared terms for mother, mother’s sister and father’s sister.

Value Pattern 1) F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ≠FZ 2) F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ=FZ 3) F=FB≠MB/M≠MZ=FZ 4) F≠FB≠MB/M=MZ=FZ

Table 1: Patterns for parent’s siblings

Siblings’ children The patterns for the children of siblings are 1) four-fold, four separate terms for brother’s son,brother’s daughter, sister’s son and sister’s daughter. The second pattern is two-fold, only brother’s son usesa different term, the other three use the same term. The third pattern is three-fold, the children oftheson receive individual terms each while the sister’s children share a term. The fourth pattern is two-fold, brother’s son and daughter are expressed by the same term, so are the sister’s son and daughter.

Sibling’s spouse For the spouses of siblings, the data provides both terms brother’s wife and sister’s husband for the male and female ego. Four patterns are described here: 1) two-fold, brother’s wife and sister’s husband are the same, for both male and female ego. 2) three-fold, brother’s wife is used for both egos, but sister’s husband differs. 3) four-fold, each relation has its own term. 4) two-fold, brother’s wife ofmale

9Venetz (2019) analyzed the kinship terminology of the Hindu Kush-Karakoram region in her thesis and analyzed this feature for the whole region.

13 and female ego and sister’s husband for the female ego share the same term, but sister’s husband of the male ego differs.

Spouse’s siblings There are four patterns used for spouse’s siblings. 1) four-fold, four terms are used for husband’s brother, husband’s sister, wife’s brother and wife’s sister. There are three three-fold patterns: 2) two different terms for husband’s sister and wife’s sister, but the same for husband’s brother and wife’s brother. 3) three-fold, the same term is used for husband’s brother and sister, but two different for wife’s brother and wife’s sister. 4) three-fold, the same term is used for husband’s sister and wife’s sister and two separate terms for husband’s brother and wife’s brother.

Spouse’s parents There are five patterns for the kinship terms used for a spouse’s parents. 1) two-fold, the sametermis used for wife’s father and husband’s father and for wife’s mother and husband’s mother. 2) three-fold, the parents of the wife share a term but two separate terms for the parents of the husband. 3) two-fold, the same term is used for all but husband’s mother. 4) three-fold, the same term is used for wife’s and husband’s mother, but two separate terms for father. 5) four-fold, for separate terms are used.

3.4.4.2 Numerals The numerals are analyzed for two features, the numeral base and the numeral composition. Thedata from the numeral questionnaire is used here.

Numeral base WALS chapter 131A shows the distribution of numeral base systems globally. The numeral base is the smallest number used to build larger numbers by multiplication with other numbers (smaller than or 10). Comrie (2013b) describes six patterns which are being used globally. Only two of these patterns are described here: 1) decimal, the numeral base is 10, larger numbers are built by multiplication with 10 and addition of numbers. An example of this is German, but also English, where the suffix zig or for English ty is attached to the numbers 2 to 9 to build the numbers 20to90- Vier “four”, Vierzig “fourty”. 2) hybrid vigesimal-decimal, a pattern with a numeral base of 20 where unlike in a pure vigesimal system after the number 99, the number “hundred” is expressed with a term that is not based on20andis used for building bigger numbers.

Numeral composition This feature looks at the order of numeral base (10 or 20) and units (n) used to express numbers.Lilje- gren (2017:144) lists three patterns, that occur in the Hindu Kush-Karakoram region. 1) The order10+n and 20+n like in Spanish - seis “six”, dieciséis “sixteen”, veintiséis “twenty-six). 2) the order n+10 and n+20 like in English - six, sixteen, twenty-six 3) n+10 and 20+n like in German - sechs “Sechs”, Sechzehn, “Sixteen” Sechsundzwanzig “six-and-twenty”.

14 4 Results

4.1 Cognate analysis Out of the 106 terms considered, 49 terms are shared in all Pashai varieties and therefore identified as cognates. In table 2 the results of the cognate analysis are shown in a distance matrix.10 For each variety the distance based on shared cognates with the other varieties is given. The values can range between 0 and 1, the closer a value is to 0, the closer two varieties are. A value of 0 would mean that two varieties share 106 cognates, a value of 1 would mean that two varieties do not share any cognates. The two Pashai varieties sharing the most cognates with each other are Shemal (NE) and Chalas(NE), with a value of 0.16. The fewest cognates are shared between the pairs Korangal (NE) and Alasai (SW) and Chalas and Sanjan (NW), with a value of 0.42. Based on the values in the distance matrix it can be analyzed for each variety with which other varieties it shares the most cognates and with which it does not share that many. The smallest value found for Alasai is 0.23 when paired with Alishang. The largest value found for Alasai is 0.42 when paired with Korangal. This means that Alasaishares the most cognates with Alishang and the least with Korangal. All other pairs of Alasai and the other Pashai varieties have values between those two, meaning that they share more cognates with Alasai than Korangal, but fewer cognates than Alishang. Comparing the values for pairs with Alasai shows that the values do not vary much. The pair of Alasai and Sanjan has only a slightly larger value with 0.25, which means that Alasai and Sanjan share almost as many cognates as Alasai and Alishang. For each variety, two values are considered here mainly; the smallest value and the largest value are used to analyze distances between varieties in Pashai and describe clusters within the Pashai varieties.

Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal Alasai 0.36 0.23 0.28 0.29 0.40 0.42 0.25 0.36 Alingar 0.36 0.25 0.24 0.27 0.33 0.26 0.40 0.32 Alishang 0.23 0.25 0.21 0.25 0.33 0.36 0.30 0.28 Amla 0.28 0.24 0.21 0.20 0.26 0.30 0.33 0.25 Aret 0.29 0.27 0.25 0.20 0.23 0.30 0.37 0.19 Chalas 0.40 0.33 0.33 0.26 0.23 0.27 0.42 0.16 Korangal 0.42 0.26 0.36 0.30 0.30 0.27 0.40 0.30 Sanjan 0.25 0.40 0.30 0.33 0.37 0.42 0.40 0.41 Shemal 0.36 0.32 0.28 0.25 0.19 0.16 0.30 0.41

Table 2: Distance matrix of cognate analysis for Pashai

The terms showing the most variation in the cognate analysis are the different forms for “child”, “sister’s husband (female ego)” and “mother’s mother”, see table 3. Alasai, Alishang and Shemal use cognates of an Indo-Aryan term also found in Parachi for “child” boːluː (Morgenstierne, 1956:34) and Alingar and Amla share a term. The others use different terms which can not be connected to the neighboring languages. The same goes for “sister’s husband”. The terms differ greatly from each other. Alasai’s daːdaː (female and male ego) is also found as the term for father in Amla, “father’s brother” in Korangal and occurs in Amla as “stepfather”(awər daːdaː) and “forefather” (daːdaːs nasbi). Alingar uses the construction saeːstam pɑːnd͡ʒə meaning “husband of sister”. The term with the most variation in both Pashai and the region is “mother’s mother”. Here, only one term occurs twice within the Pashai varieties and another term occurs in both Aret and Waigali. The same term occurs in Chalas and Shemal aswell, but is here not considered a cognate because it is only part of a larger word group, instead they are considered a separate cognate.

10The full matrix including the neighboring languages can be found inappendix C.

15 Sister’s husband Child Value Value Mother’s mother Value (female ego) Alasai baːlkuːl 1 daːdaː 1 buɖiː 1 Alingar t͡ʃənɖɑː 2 saeːstam pɑːnd͡ʒə 2 bɽən ɑːi 2 Alishang baːɽo 1 ʃeːreːm 3 aːkane bəɖənlaːi 3 Amla t͡ʃənʈaː 2 d͡ʒaːmaːi 4 baːiː 4 Aret mɑːʃum 3 pɑːeːreːm 5 gaɽeːam 5 Chalas laːm 4 ʃiwuɽuk 3 aːi bohoː gaːɽ aːi 6 Korangal kɑːku 5 zum 4 bluwiː aːi 2 Sanjan oʃʈuːk 6 d͡ʒɑːmɑː 4 ɑːwliː ɑːiː 7 Shemal bəlɑːgul 1 pɑːrijeːm 5 aːi bɑːw gaɽ aːi 6 Ashkun pɽa 7 aːj mi 6 mit͡ʃaɽaj 8 Dari guːlak 8 bɑːd͡ʒa 7 bəbiː 9 Parachi bɑːluː 1 jɑːzna 8 kaʈa mɑː 10 Pashto kut͡ʃneː 9 awxeː 9 adəkoː 11 Waigali tan manə 10 ɻuk 10 gãɽej 5

Table 3: Most diverse terms in Pashai and the region

It appears that the term for “mother’s mother” in Waigali is a loan from northeast Pashai. There seems to be a loan connection between Pashai and its Nuristani neighbors but it is not clear whether Pashai varieties loaned from Ashkun or Waigali or the other way around or possibly both directions. The terms in questions are the words for “older”, in some cases even “younger” and the terminology for paternal and maternal grandfather and grandmother. Waigali uses the same term for “older” as the northeastern Pashai varieties and Ashkun uses the same term as the western Pashai varieties. Examples (1) and (2) show the term “older” for both groups. The southeastern varieties use a separate term which cannot be found in the other Pashai varieties or the neighboring languages. There are more cognates between Pashai and the Nuristani languages than between Pashai and the Iranian languages in the area. While the whole region shares eleven cognates, Pashai and the Iranian languages share twelve, but Pashai and the Nuristani languages have almost twice as many, twenty cognates. Examples of cognates in Pashai and the region can be found in table 4. Most cognates can be found in the numerals, the only two terms that are regional cognates and not numerals are “name” and “new”.

two name new Alasai doː naːm naːng Alingar də naːm nungaː Alishang doː num nuwe Amla doː naːmi nuŋgaː Aret duː nom naga Chalas du nom nawe Korangal du nom nawaj Sanjan dowal noːm nung Shemal duː nom nagaː Ashkun duː nam nusθə Dari dəː nuːm naw Parachi diː nɑːm nuː Pashto dwaː num nəwe Waigali dyː nɑːm nuŋa

Table 4: Cognates in Pashai and the region

16 In table 5 the cognates are presented according to categories. The categories are based on word type, but since the kinship terms and body parts are such a large group they were handled separately from all other nouns.

Type Items Cognates Percentage Adjectives 2 1 0.5 Body parts 12 7 0.583 Kinship terms 40 7 0.175 Other nouns 16 11 0.688 Numerals 28 20 0.714 Pronouns 3 1 0.333 Verbs 5 2 0.4 Total 106 49 0.462

Table 5: Cognates by group in percentage in Pashai

4.2 Structural features This section covers all structural features in phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicon. Allfeatures in this section are marked as found or not found. If a feature is only accounted for in one instance as an alternative pronunciation variant, it is not considered found.

4.2.1 Phonology 4.2.1.1 Consonant inventory In the Pashai varieties, the smallest inventory is found in Aret and Chalas with 27 consonants and the largest consonant inventory with 29 consonants is found in Alishang and Amla. This places all Pashai varieties in the moderately large (26-33) category on a world scale according to Maddieson (WALS, 2013). It places the Pashai varieties in the smaller of two groups represented by the languages in the Hindu Kush (Liljegren, 2017:115).

Variety no. of consonants Distribution (Pashai) Alasai 28 Alingar 28 Alishang 29 Amla 29 moderately large consonant inventory Aret 27 (26-33 consonants) Chalas 27 Korangal 28 Sanjan 28 Shemal 28

Table 6: Distribution of “consonant inventory” in Pashai

There is a subset of 24 consonants that all Pashai varieties share. All 33 occurring sounds arepresented in the following sections based on manner and place of articulation (going from nasal to affricate and bilabial to glottal) using the IPA symbols for each sound given. Retroflex sounds, lateral fricative, affricates and aspiration are treated separately. The consonants in gray cells in table 4 are those thatonly occur in one or more, but not all varieties. The fourth column is titled “alveolar”, but it is not clear whether the sounds in that column are in fact alveolar and not dental or post-alveolar as this is not easy to make out. Alasai (SW) and Sanjan (NW) are the only two varieties, who share exactly the same

17 consonants. The consonant inventory of Korangal has the least in common with that of the othervari- eties, but it is close to that of Chalas. The consonant inventories for each Pashai variety can befound in appendix D.

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ɳ ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ ʂ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. ɬ Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡s d͡z t͡ʃ d͡ʒ ʈ͡ʂ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 7: Consonants in Pashai

Maddieson (1984) collected data from 317 languages and concluded a set of the most common 25 consonants in those languages (table 8). Comparing the consonant inventory of shared consonants in Pashai to these 25 consonants shows that Pashai has all but five consonants /t͡s/, /ʔ/, /ɲ/, /v/, /x/. The approximant /r/ in table 8 stands for a rhotic sound which can be either a trill or tap/flap. The modal number of consonants is 21 (Maddieson, 1984:12) meaning that Pashai has fewer consonants than the modal number of languages in Maddieson’s survey, which is 21 consonants. Only the varieties with the affricate /t͡s/ reach the mode (see section 4.2.1.2 for affricates in Pashai).

Labial Denti-Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosives p b t t͡s d t͡ʃ d͡ʒ k g ʔ Nasals m n ɲ ŋ Fricatives f v s z ʃ x h Approximants w l r j

Table 8: Most common consonants cross-linguistically according to Maddieson (1984))

Nasals

All Pashai varieties have the nasal sounds, /m/, /n/ and /ŋ/, see table 9 for examples. The velar nasal /ŋ/ occurs with and without a plosive /g/ in some Pashai varieties.

/m/ /n/ /ɳ/ /ŋ/ Alasai /maːt͡se/”fish” /naːwe/ “nine” - /aŋguːɽiːm/ “finger” /gəɳ lajɑːm/ Alingar /maːt͡ʃ/”fish” /noː/ “nine” ʃuːɽiːŋg/ dog”” ”older brother” Alishang /masaʈiː/ “fish” /naːu/ “nine” - /ʃuŋ/ “dog” Amla /maːt͡ʃ/ “fish” /noː/ “nine” - /ʃuːɽiŋ/ “dog” Aret /maːt͡ʃ/”fish” /naw/ “nine” /gəɳɑːʃɑː/ “flowers” /aŋəɽum/ “finger” Chalas /maːj/ “fish” /naːw/ “nine” - /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog” Korangal /maːjs/ “fish” /naːw/ “nine” /maɳəjə/ “apple” /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog” Sanjan /maːiː/ “fish” /nɑːwa/ “nine” - /aŋguːɽə/ “finger” Shemal /maːi/ “fish” /naːw/ “nine” - /ʃiŋ/ “horn”

Table 9: Nasals in Pashai

18 Plosives

All Pashai varieties have eight plosives in common /p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /k/, /g/, as well as the dental retroflex plosives /ʈ/ and /ɖ/ (see section 4.2.1.4 for retroflex sounds). Additionally, the uvular plosive /q/ is found in Persian loanwords in six varieties.

/p/ /b/ /t/ Alasai /puːtr/ “son” /baːw/ “father” /tu/ “you (sg)” Alingar /pɑːnd͡ʒ/ “husband” /bwɑː/ “father” /tɑːnuk/ “own” Alishang /pujtər/ “son” /baːwa/ “father” /tə/ “you (sg)” Amla /pulim/ “son” /baːiː/ “father’s mother” /tə/ “you (sg)” Aret /putrəm/ “son” /bəːw/ “father” /tu/ “you (sg)” Chalas /pojn/ “husband” /baːw/ “father” /tu/ “you (sg)” Korangal /punzə/ “husband” /babɑː/ “father” /tu/ “you (sg)” Sanjan puːtər/ “son” /bɑːbɑː/ “father” /te/ “you (sg)” Shemal /puləm/ “son” /bɑːw/ “father” /tuː/ “you (sg)”

/d/ /ʈ/ /ɖ/ Alasai /daːnd/ “tooth” /aʈaː/ “bone” /kut͡ʃə ɖəjiːk/ “climbed (up)” Alingar /daːn/ “tooth” /kuʈaː/ “knee” /ɖak/ “full” Alishang /daːndə/ “tooth” /daːmaʈiː/ “rope” /ɖakin/ “climbed (up)” Amla /daːn/ “tooth” /ɖamʈaːkiːdeː/ “rope” /ɖuːb biːt͡ʃ/ “sank” Aret /don/ “tooth” /ɖaməʈigeː/ “rope” /ɖak/ “full” Chalas /don/ “tooth” /ʈukuraː/ “boys” /ɖuːb(ə) biːk/ “sank” Korangal /don/ “tooth” /ʈikura/ “boys” /ɖəʃʈɑː lɑːm/ “older brother” Sanjan /doːnd/ “tooth” /poːʈ/ “leaf” /ɖabal qaw/ “head of clan” Shemal /daːn/ “tooth” /ʈakuːriːja/ “boys” /ɖəʃʈɑː lɑːm/ “older brother”

/k/ /g/ /q/ Alasai /kahaːj/ “ear” /guːnaːt͡s/ “snake(obj?)” /quduː/ “son’s wife’s mother” Alingar /kaniʃʈɑː/ “younger (masc.)” /gəɳaniː/ “older (fem.)” /qabiːlɑː ɖiʃʈɑː/ “head of tribe” Alishang /kaʈiː/ “tree” /gaɽaːnaː/ “older (masc.)” - Amla /kaɽək/ “tree” /gaɽaːniː/ older (fem.) qawmas d͡ʒiʃʈaj/ “head of clan” Aret /kaneːʃʈɑː/ “younger (masc.)” /gaɽeːam/ “father’s mother” - Chalas /kaːniʃtiː/ “younger (fem.)” /gaːɽ aːi/ “father’s mother /qoːmunu dəʃtiː/ “head of clan” Korangal /kaniʃʈiː/ “younger (fem.)” gəɽoː/ “horse(agent)” - Sanjan /kungaːl/ “tree” /guːɽuː/ “horse(agent)” /quduː/ “son’s wife’s mother” Shemal /kaniʃʈiː/ “younger (fem.)” /gaɽ aːi/ “father’s mother /χalaq/ “men”

Table 10: Plosives in Pashai

Glottal stop

A sound that occurs in Pashai, but has not been transcribed in the data, is the glottal stop [ʔ]. In the audio recordings of the data it has only been noticed at the beginning of words, but there seems to be no contrast of words with and without glottal stop, hence it is not considered here for the consonant inventory. In figure 4 an example of a strong glottal stop in Alasai is given. For southeastern Pashai, Lehr notes that the glottal stop occurs before words that begin with a vowel (2014:97).

19 Figure 4: Glottal stop in Alasai

Tap/flaps

There are two tap/flaps in all varieties /ɾ/ and the the retroflex /ɽ/. Words with initial /ɾ/arerare,it occurs more often syllable-initial mid-word. Throughout the data it is transcribed as “r”. Intable 11 this is changed to [ɾ], but in the thesis the original transcription remains. The word “money” occurs three times in the valency questionnaire, Amla uses in two cases the tap and in the other the trill [r]. The trill [r] does not seem to be contrasting with [ɾ], it could be an allophone, but there are only few cases where the trill occurs e.g. Alingar - /sər/ “sun”, Amla - /ruːpaj/ “money” or Aret - /doːr/ “mountain”. The retroflex tap occurs only mid-word or word-final.

initial /ɾ/ medial /ɾ/ final /ɾ/ /ɽ/ Alasai (SW) /ɾuːpiː/ “money” /suɾa/ “sun” /dahaːɾ/ “mountain” /muɽiːk/ “die” Alingar (SE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /waɾik/ “water” /siɾ/ “sun” /ʃuɽing/ “dog” Alishang (NW) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /sətaːɾu/ “star” /oːɾ/ “blood” /baːɽo/ “child” Amla (SE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /puːɾawaː/ “full” /aŋgaːɾ/ “fire” /ʃuːɽiŋ/ “dog” Aret (NE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /aːɾik/ “hear” /doːɾ/ “mountain” /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog” Chalas (NE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /pəɾuwo/ “full” /oːŋgoɾ/ “fire” /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog” Korangal (NE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /aɾajm/ “hear” /doːɾ/ “mountain” /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog” Sanjan (NW) /ɾəpaj/ “money” /sətaːɾuː/ “star” /oːɾ/ “blood” /muɽiːk/ “die” Shemal (NE) /ɾuːpaj/ “money” /aɾajk/ “hear” /daːɾ/ “mountain” /ʃuɽiŋ/ “dog”

Table 11: Tap/flaps in Pashai

Fricatives

Sibilant fricatives

There are three sibilant fricatives found in all Pashai varieties, /s/, /z/, /ʃ/. The voiced post-alveolar fricative /ʒ/ is found in seven Pashai varieties. The voiced fricative /z/ occurs (syllable-initial) in Persian loanwords. Korangal uses an affricate /d͡z/ in its place. The retroflex sibilant fricative is discussed in 4.2.1.4.

20 /s/, /z/ /ʃ/, /ʒ/ /ʂ/ Alasai /saːjə/ “sister” /zaːmb/ “stone” /ʃuːng/ “dog” /ʒuː/ “louse” /ʂe/ “six” Alingar /sajɑːm/ “sister” /zajbə/ “women” /ʃing/ “horn” /ʒuː/ “louse” - Alishang /saːem/ “sister” /zomb/ “stone” /ʃaŋgaʈi/ “horn” /ʒuː/ “louse” /ʂənə/ “hit” Amla /sajaːm/ “sister” /zuːr/ “strength” /ʃuŋg(ə)ɽaː/ “horn” /ʒu/ “louse” /ʂaːmi/ “?” Aret /saːwom/ “sister” /zər/ “thousand” /ʃaŋ/ “horn” /ʒuː/ “louse” - /ʒuːnk/ Chalas /saːwom/ “sister” /zol/ “tree” /ʃin/ “horn” “live(3pl.pres)” Korangal /sawɑːm/ “sister” /zal/ “tree” /ʃiŋ/ “horn” - - Sanjan /sɑːjə/ “sister” /zumb/ “stone” /ʃuχ/ “horn” /ʒu/ “louse” /ʂe/ “six” Shemal /sawɑːm/ “sister” /zol/ “tree” /ʃiŋ/ “horn” - -

Table 12: Sibilant fricatives in Pashai

Non-sibilant fricatives

There are three non-sibilant fricatives which occur in all Pashai varieties, /χ/, /f/, and /h/. Theuvular /χ/ is often realized as [h] or even [x]. /f/ occurs in all varieties only in loanwords. These findings are transcription based, but the audio recordings show that in some cases /f/ in writing is realized as [p], especially in Korangal. The uvular fricative /ʁ/ occurs in some of the varieties, but only inAlasai, Alishang and Sanjan as a syllable-initial sound, the number of examples of this is minor, but it could suggest a Western feature. In some words [q], [h], [χ] occur as allophones of /ʁ/.

/f/ /χ/ /h/ /ʁ/ Alasai /fikər/ “thought” /χaːndən/ “song” /haːst/ “hand” /ʁarqə/ “sink?” Alingar /fikər/ “thought” /χaːl/ “ear” /heː/ “three” /t͡ʃiːʁ/ Alishang /fikər/ “thought” /χalakaːn/ “men” /hama/ “we” /ʁarak/ “sink?” Amla /fikər/ “thought” /χalak/ “people” /haʃt/ “eight” /t͡ʃiːʁ/ Aret /faːriː/ “wife’s brother” /χoːɽ/ “ear” /hafə/ “sad” /t͡ʃiːʁ/ Chalas /fənɖəs/ “ball” /χoɽ/ “ear” /ha/hə/ COP⁇? - Korangal /musaːfər/ “traveler” /χow/ “ear” /rihi/ “little” - Sanjan /farʃə/ “floor” /χarsa/ “bear” /haːftɑːd/ “seventy” /ʁarqə/ “sink?” Shemal /faraʃ/ “floor” /χoːɽ/ “ear” /də aːniːhə/ “hit?” /aduːsuʁaːt/ “?”

Table 13: Non-sibilant fricatives in Pashai

There are basically no examples in the consonant inventory where the occurrence or absence ofasound indicates a regional cluster in the varieties. However, the number of occurrences of sounds could be an indicator for clusters. It is possible that /f/ is more common in the western varieties than in the eastern varieties. This is simply based on the number of different words with the sound /f/ occurring inthe varieties. In Korangal, the “most eastern” variety, there is only one word where /f/ in writing is realized as [f] in spoken languages. Aret and Chalas have no more than five different words with /f/, Amla and Shemal have two words with /f/ and Alingar has six words. The western varieties have a few more words with /f/, Alasai has six, Alishang has seven and the “most western” variety Sanjan has thirteen words with /f/. Going by the mean for the eastern and western varieties, the western varieties have 8.3 words with /f/ and the eastern varieties have 3.5 words with /f/.

21 Variety Number of words with /f/ Sanjan 13 Alasai 6 Alishang 7 Alingar 6 Amla 2 Shemal 2/3 Aret 5 Chalas 5 Korangal 1

Table 14: Number of words with /f/ in Pashai

Approximants

There are two approximants in Pashai, /j/ and /w/. They occur frequently in all varieties. /j/occurs mostly between two vowels, occasionally it occurs syllable-initial as well.

/j/ /w/ Alasai /ajiːk/ “come” /wijə/ “daughter” Alingar /jaːe/ “eleven” /wəst/ “twenty” Alishang /jaː/ “come” /weːm/ “daughter” Amla /jaːe/ “eleven” /west/ “twenty” Aret /juːj/ “eleven” /wɑːm/ “daughter” Chalas /je/ “one” /wom/ “daughter” Korangal /je/ “one” /wɑːm/ “daughter” Sanjan /juwal/ “one” /wəst/ “twenty” Shemal /je/ “one” /wɑːm/ “daughter

Table 15: Approximants in Pashai

Lateral Approximant

There is one lateral approximant /l/ in all Pashai varieties.

/l/ Alasai /laːi/ “brother” Alingar /lajɑːm/ “brother” Alishang /laːem/ “brother” Amla /laːiː/ “brother” Aret /lik/ “die” Chalas /loːm/ “brother” Korangal /lɑːm/ “brother” Sanjan /lep/ “full” Shemal /lɑːm/ “brother”

Table 16: Lateral approximant in Pashai

22 4.2.1.2 Affricates Affricates can be found in all varieties. All varieties share the voiceless and voiced palatal affricates, written throughout the data as /t͡ʃ/ for the voiceless palatal affricate and /d͡ʒ/ for the voiced palatal affricate. In four out of six northern varieties, a voiceless dental affricate /t͡s/ can befound.Onlyin Korangal the voiced dental affricate /d͡z/ is found.

Value Distribution Varieties 1) no affricates 0 2) palatal affricate only 4 (44.4%) Alingar, Amla, Aret, Sanjan 3) palatal and dental affricates 4 (44.4%) Alasai, Chalas, Korangal, Shemal 4) palatal, dental and retroflex affricates 1 (11.1%) Alishang

Table 17: Distribution of “affricates” in Pashai

Value Variety /t͡ʃ/ /d͡ʒ/ 3 Alasai /t͡ʃaːr/ “four” /d͡ʒaːmaːi/ “daughter’s husband” 2 Alingar /t͡ʃənɖɑː/ “child” /d͡ʒɑːmajɑː/ “daughter’s husband” 4 Alishang /t͡ʃoːr/ “four” /d͡ʒaːmeːm/ “daughter’s husband” 2 Amla /t͡ʃaːr/ “four” /d͡ʒaːmaːi/ “daughter’s husband” 2 Aret /t͡ʃənʈaː/ “child” /d͡ʒomɑːm/ “daughter’s husband” 3 Chalas /t͡ʃə/ “six” /d͡ʒoːɽ/ “co-wife” 3 Korangal /t͡ʃe/ “six” /d͡ʒoːɽa/ “co-wife” 2 Sanjan /t͡ʃur/ “four” /d͡ʒɑːnd͡ʒigə/ “daughter” 3 Shemal /t͡ʃə/ “six” /d͡ʒənd/ “alive”

Value Variety /t͡s/ /d͡z/ /ʈ͡ʂ/ 3 Alasai /maːt͡se/ “fish” - - 2 Alingar - - - 4 Alishang /t͡sanzeːm/ “son’s wife” - /uːʈ͡ʂ/ “bear” 2 Amla - - - 2 Aret - - - 3 Chalas /t͡suːt͡su/ “breast” - - 3 Korangal /t͡sut͡suː/ “breast /d͡zɑːn/ “snake” - 2 Sanjan - - - 3 Shemal /t͡sut͡su/ “breast” - -

Table 18: Affricates in Pashai

4.2.1.3 Lateral fricative The lateral fricative /ɬ/ can be found in the four varieties Amla, Chalas, Korangal and Shemal. Allfour varieties are Eastern varieties. It occurs only in Eastern varieties, but not in Alingar and Aret. There appears to be a correlation between the occurrence of /ɬ/ and the consonant cluster /tr/ (see 4.2.1.6 for consonant clusters). The varieties with /ɬ/ do not have a consonant cluster /tr/ and furthermore, /ɬ/ seems to have replaced /tr/. Alingar does not have /tr/ but uses /h/ instead.

23 Value Distribution Varieties 1) no lateral fricative, but consonant+r cluster 5 Alasai, Alingar, Alishang, Amla, Sanjan 2) lateral fricative, but no consonant+r cluster 4 Aret, Chalas, Korangal, Shemal 3) lateral fricative and consonant+r cluster 0

Table 19: Distribution of “lateral fricative” in Pashai

Value Variety “three” “woman, wife” 1 Alasai (SW) /tra/ “three” - 1 Alingar (SE) /heː/ “three” - 1 Alishang (NW) /tra/ “three” - 1 Amla (SE) /ɬe/ “three” - 2 Aret (NE) /trəː/ “three” /trik/ “wife” 2 Chalas (NE) /ɬə/ “three” /ɬik/ “wife” 2 Korangal (NE) /ɬe/ “three” /iɬija/ “women” 1 Sanjan (NW) /tra/ “three” - 2 Shemal (NE) /ɬeː/ “three” /panzuk ɬik/ “wife”

Table 20: The lateral fricative in Pashai

4.2.1.4 Retroflexion Six retroflex sounds occur in Pashai, a nasal, voiced and voiceless stops, voiceless fricative and thevoiced tap/flap, as well as an affricate. Not all varieties show all six retroflex sounds. The plosives /ʈ/and/ɖ/ and the tap /ɽ/ occur in all Pashai varieties. /ɳ/ occurs in five varieties, /ʂ/ in four. The sixth sound, the affricate /ʈ͡ʂ/ occurs only in Alishang. More examples for retroflex plosives and fricatives canbefoundin the sections on plosives and fricatives. There are only a few words with the voiceless retroflex fricative in the data. In Alishang only one word has /ʂ/, but since the voiceless retroflex affricate can be found in Alishang, the retroflex fricative is considered as a sound of Alishang aswell.

Value Distribution Varieties 1) No retroflex consonants 0 2) Retroflex plosives but no fricatives 5 (55.6%) Alingar, Aret, Chalas, Korangal, Shemal 3) Retroflex plosives and fricatives 4 (44.4%) Alasai, Alishang, Amla, Sanjan

Table 21: Distribution of “retroflexion” in Pashai

Value Variety Plosives Fricatives 3 Alasai /ʈuːp/ “a jump” ʂaːng “horn” 2 Alingar /ʈiːhiːn/ “tied”11 - 3 Alishang /ʈiŋən/ “tied” /ʂənə/ “hit” 3 Amla /ʈukuroː/ “boys” /guːʂiŋ/ “house” 2 Aret /ʈeːʃə/ “tied” - 2 Chalas /ʈuːkəriːkaː/ “girls” - 2 Korangal /ʈakuroː/ “child” - 3 Sanjan /ʈiŋgijɑː/ “tied” “uʂʈikə” 2 Shemal /ʈakuːriːja/ “girls” -

Table 22: Retrolfex sounds in Pashai

24 4.2.1.5 Aspiration Aspiration is considered a declining feature in Pashai. Morgenstierne already noted in 1960 in a review of Buddruss’ collection of data of Pashai dialects (Morgenstierne, 1960) that aspiration is rarely noted in the data and that it is possibly weakened or lost in younger speakers. There are only two instances in the current data where aspiration has been transcribed. Analysis in Praat suggests different realizations of the same transcription for the varieties. The two words are “son” and “thought”, a Persian (or Arabic) loan. They do not occur in all varieties, therefore other examples are provided in thosecases. No aspirated voiced consonants were found for any of the varieties. Examples of the voiceless bilabial plosive /p/ or the voiceless dental plosive /t/ are given as examples for six varieties. Examples are also given for Chalas were aspiration was transcribed. According to Morgenstierne, the southeastern dialects do not have any aspirated consonants. There are no examples in the Alingar and Amla data that suggest otherwise. The southwestern dialects, however, have voiceless and voiced aspirated plosives and affricates. In the northwestern dialects Morgenstierne notes a few aspirated plosives, (dʰ,) tʰ and kʰ (Morgenstierne, 1967:145), only Sanjan displays aspiration while Alishang does not. The northeastern dialects have a few aspirated plosives and affricates according to Morgenstierne, here only Korangal shows aspiration. Chalas uses /f/ or even /ɸ/ (if preceded by /m/) in place of /p/ or /pʰ/.

Value Distribution Varieties 1) No aspiration 3 (33.3%) Alingar, Amla, Chalas 2) Aspiration in voiceless consonants 6 (66.7%) Alasai, Alishang, Aret, Koran- gal, Sanjan, Shemal 3) Aspiration in voiceless and voiced 0 consonants

Table 23: Distribution of “aspiration” in Pashai

Under the condition that aspiration must be a contrasting feature proven with minimal pairs, none of the Pashai varieties have aspiration, because no minimal pairs can be found in the data. Data from sec- ondary literature is not used to provide minimal pairs, because the most recent grammar of Pashai by Lehr and the description of a southeastern Pashai variety by Lamuwal and Baker provide information only for southeastern varieties in the valley Darra-i Nur (which is not necessarily the same variety as in this study) and in the study only Amla could be compared to their findings. Both do not describe aspiration as a feature of southeastern Pashai spoken in the Darra-i Nur valley. The data in Morgen- stierne’s grammar is not used because it may not reflect the current status of Pashai due to its “oldage”. The word mostly transcribed with aspiration is the word “son” which is here the term thathasbeen analyzed for aspiration for those varieties that use /pʰuləm/ or a cognate of it. Since it can be difficult to hear whether a consonant is aspirated, the sounds are analyzed inPraatand compared visually to each other. Korangal is the only variety where aspiration is audible and visible in the waveform representation of sound or oscillogram. According to Mitukeit and Reetz, the difference for voiceless stops in aspiration lies in the difference of length of the voice onset time, the time between release and voicing (2007:248). In figure 5 and 6 the difference in /pʰ/ and /p/ can be seen after the release phase of the consonant, for aspirated consonants it is longer than for unaspirated consonants. Sanjan has aspirated /p/ and /t/, Alasai, Alishang and Shemal have aspirated /t/, and Aret has aspirated /p/. Chalas, Alingar and Amla have no aspiration. Chalas, for which aspiration has been transcribed, does not use /pʰ/ but /f/, see figure 7. There is no occlusion or release of a plosive visible and it is audibly [f].12 Aspiration in Sanjan is far more difficult to determine than in the other varieties. Even though Morgen- stierne does not list bilabial aspirated plosives for northwestern varieties, it seems the Sanjan speaker produces those, see figure 9 where both /p/ and /t/ show aspiration. However, it is also possible that

12/pərə pʰuləm/ or [pəɾə fuləm] means “stepson”.

25 breath as a byproduct in speech interferes here with perception of /p/. Alasai shows weak aspiration which is not necessarily audible and might just be spoken “under the breath”, but is still considered aspiration. Northwestern Alishang shows aspiration on /t/ in some cases. Aret has an aspirated bilabial voiceless plosive in the Persian word for “thought” instead of /f/. The northeastern variety Shemal has not much aspiration, an example of aspirated /tʰ/ is given.

Figure 5: Korangal: Aspirated voiceless plosive Figure 6: Korangal: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

Figure 7: Chalas: Realization of transcribed /pʰ/ Figure 8: Chalas: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

Figure 9: Sanjan: Aspirated voiceless plosives Figure 10: Sanjan: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

26 Figure 11: Alasai: Aspirated voiceless plosive Figure 12: Alasai: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

Figure 13: Alishang: Aspirated voiceless plosive Figure 14: Alishang: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

Figure 15: Aret: Aspirated voiceless plosive Figure 16: Aret: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

Figure 17: Shemal: Aspirated voiceless plosive Figure 18: Shemal: Unaspirated voiceless plosive

27 4.2.1.6 Syllable structure All Pashai varieties are classed as type 3) with a complex syllable structure. However, a closer look at the amount of consonant clusters found in onset and coda shows that the varieties differ in how complex they are.

Value Distribution simple syllable structure: (C)V 0 moderately complex syllable structure: CCV, CVC 0 complex syllable structure 9 (100%)

Table 24: Syllable structure distribution in the Pashai varieties

Onset consonant clusters Consonant clusters in the onset do not occur in the northeastern varieties Chalas and Shemal. There is only one onset consonant cluster found in each Alasai, Alingar, Amla and Korangal. The most common onset cluster is /tr/ and it occurs in all three western varieties and the eastern variety Aret, the coda cluster /tr/ occurs only in Alasai. Alishang has the most onset consonant clusters with three different clusters, followed by Sanjan and Aret with two. As noted in 4.2.1.3, there seems to be a correlation between the occurrence of the lateral fricative /ɬ/ and that of the consonant cluster /tr/. But the existence or absence of one does not suggest the absence or existence of the other. Korangal which uses the lateral fricative /ɬ/ frequently (more frequently than the other varieties) uses a Pashto loan for the term “forefather” /trinigəm/ with an onset consonant cluster /tr/. It is not noted in the data, it only occurs in the audio recording for kinship terms. The most common consonant clusters in the onset involve a plosive followed by/r/.

Bilabial plosive + Dental plosive +/r/ Velar plosive +/r/ Fricative + other other Alasai (SW) - /tra/ “three” - - /bɽiːn bwɑː/ Alingar (SE) - - - ”father’s father” Alishang (NW) - /tra/ “three” /graːtija/ “?” /ʃra/ “?” Amla (SE) - - - /staːgə/ “?” Aret (NE) /blɑːm/ “brother” /putrəm/ “son” - - Chalas (NE) no onset consonant clusters /bluw babɑː/ Korangal (NE) - - - ”father’s father” Sanjan (NW) /bɽuːjə/ “brother” /tra/ “three” - - Shemal (NE) no onset consonant clusters

Table 25: Onset consonant clusters CCV(C) in Pashai

Coda consonant cluster All Pashai varieties have consonant clusters in the coda, there are even two instances of three consonants in Aret and Korangal. All Pashai varieties have a coda cluster /st/, clusters of a nasal and a plosive occur in six varieties. Chalas has only two clusters in total, Alingar and Alishang have the most clusters with eight. There appears to be a tendency to fewer clusters in the eastern varieties, butthe two occurrences of three consonant clusters occur also in the eastern varieties.

(1) a. VCCC oːstr “blood”// Aret (NE) b. CVCCC pinɖr “knee”// Korangal (NE)

28 Nasal + plosive Nasal + affricate Plosive + other Fricative + other Trill + plosive Alasai /zaːmb/ “stone” - /puːtr/ “son” /west/ “twenty” /dard/ “pain” Alingar /ʃing/ “dog” /ant͡ʃ/ “eye” - /aʃʈ/ “eight” - Alishang - - - /ʃaχs/ “person” /dard/ “pain” Amla - /ajnt͡ʃ/ “eye” - /west/ “twenty” /dard/ “pain” Aret /diwɑːnt/ “borrow?” - - /aːʃt/ “eight” - Chalas - - - /wist/ “twenty” /dard/ “pain” Korangal /doːnd/ “tooth” - - /wist/ “twenty” - Sanjan /zumb/ “stone” - /aks/ “picture” /wəst/ “twenty” /tark/ “leave?” Shemal - /ənt͡s/ “bear” - /aːʃt/ “eight” -

Table 26: Coda consonant clusters (C)VCC in Pashai

The northeastern varieties have fewer variation in consonant clusters than all other varieties, butthe two examples for consonant clusters with three consonants occur in the eastern varieties and in total the northern varieties have fewer consonant clusters than the southern varieties.

4.2.2 Morphology 4.2.2.1 Alignment of case marking Both Morgenstierne and Bashir noted a split-ergative structure for Pashai. Morgenstierne finds split ergative in two dialect groups, northwest and southeast and Bashir notes it for southeast. A classification into ergative-absolutive or nominative accusative is possible based on sentences in past tense with nouns, but not personal nouns. Liljegren (2014) found for some languages of the HKIA that an additional feature to be considered is specifity or definiteness of a referent (2014:139). Lehr (2014:145) writes for southeast Pashai that the difference lies in specifity. Liljegren classified Southwest Pashai as having an ergative alignment in perfective constructions for definite referents, but a nominative alignment in non-perfective constructions for definite referents. All western varieties and Alingar (SE) are here classed as having a nominative-accusative system and all other eastern varieties display ergative structures. In varieties classed as ergative, the nominative is used with subjects of intransitive verbs and with objects of transitive verbs, the oblique case is used with subjects of transitive verbs. In nominative- accusative varieties only a nominative is used. The nominative has no marker, the oblique marker is similar in all varieties, a vowel is suffixed to the noun, but it can form a diphthong with the finalvowel in the noun.

Value Distribution Varieties no marking 0 ergative-absolutive 5 Amla, Aret, Chalas, Korangal, Shemal nominative-accusative 4 Alasai, Alingar, Alishang, Sanjan nominative-accustative (nominative marked) 0 tripartite 0 active-inactive marking 0

Table 27: Case marking in Pashai

(2) a. d͡ʒaːnd͡ʒikaʈiː baːɽaː peːngaːj-iːk Alasai (SW) girl.NOM boy.NOM know-PST.3.SG S O “The girl knew the boy.”

29 b. d͡ʒaːnd͡ʒikaʈiː w-iriːk girl.NOM cry-PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” c. kiʈɑːliː gilɑːs wərək deː ɖak keː-h-eːn Alingar (SE) girl.NOM glass.NOM water.NOM with full ?make-PST-3.SG A O “The girl filled the glass with water.” d. kiʈɑːliː wəreː-h-eːn girl.NOM cry-PST-3.SG S “The girl cried.” e. d͡ʒaːnkaʈiː baːɽoː piːjaniː-ja Alishang (NW) girl.NOM boy.NOM know.PST.3.SG S O “The girl knew the boy.” f. d͡ʒaːnkaʈiː haŋuwat-ən girl.NOM ?cry-PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” g. kiʈaːlikiː kilɑː piːnaː-k-in Amla (SE) girl.OBL boy.NOM know-PST-3.SG A O “The girl knew the boy.” h. kiʈaːlik wəreː-gaː girl.NOM cry-PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” i. ma-kaɽasija kaɽəseː taːna ʃija Aret (NE) ?this.OBL-girl.OBL boy.NOM ? ?be.PST.3.SG A O “The girl knew the boy.” j. juː kəɽasiːk wəraːd͡ʒ DEM girl.NOM cry.PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” k. kaːkiː-jə kaːku pijaːniː ləhə Chalas (NE) girl-OBL boy know.? ? A O “The girl knew the boy.”

30 l. kaːkiː iːraːt͡s(ə) girl.NOM ?cry.PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” m. kɑːkiːja (ja?) kɑːku pəjən-iːk Korangal (NE) girl.OBL (?) boy.NOM know-PST.3.SG A O “The girl knew the boy.” n. kɑːki iraːjk girl.NOM ?cry-PST.3.SG S “The girl cried.” o. d͡ʒɑːnd͡ʒikə bɑːɽuː deː pijɑːn taw Sanjan (NW) girl.NOM boy.NOM from know ? S O “The girl knew the boy.” p. d͡ʒɑːnd͡ʒikə wəriː-tijuː girl.NOM cry-?PRF.3.SG S “The girl cried.” q. moːt͡sək ənt͡seː doː baː-ʃrija Shemal (NE) man.NOM bear.OBL from ?fear-?PST.3.SG “The man feared the bear.” r. muːt͡səkə kaːɽaχaːniːk man.OBL ?scream.PST.3.SG S “The man screamed.”

4.2.2.2 Grammatical gender Pashai has two genders. In the data gender can be seen on adjectives in the combination of an adjective and a noun. Alishang shows less gender marking. Here, the adjective for “older brother/sister” is /ɑːlu laːem/ saːem/. In most examples the adjective is the same, but in “mother’s older sister” and “mother’s older brother” it ends in -i /ɑːli χaːla/, the same marker as for “sister” in all other varieties.

Value Distribution 0 gender 0 2 genders 9 (100%) 3 genders 0 4 genders 0 5 or more genders 0

Table 28: Gender distribution in the Pashai varieties

31 Variety Older brother Older sister Alasai /awlaː laːi/ /awliː saːjə/ Alingar /gəɳ lajɑːm/ /gəɳaniː sajaːeː/ Amla /gaɽaːnaː lajaːm/ /gaɽaːniː sajaːm/ Aret /ɖeːʃʈɑː blɑːm/ /ɖeːʃʈiː saːwom/ Chalas /dəʃtoː loːm/ /dəʃtiː saːwom/ Korangal /ɖəʃʈɑː lɑːm/ /ɖəʃʈiː sawɑːm/ Sanjan /ɑːwluː bɽuːjə/ /ɑːwliː sɑːjə/ Shemal /ɖəʃʈɑː lɑːm/ /ɖəʃʈiː sawɑːm/ Mother’s older brother Mother’s older sister Alishang /ɑːlu maːma/ /ɑːli χaːla/

Table 29: Gender in Pashai

4.2.2.3 Demonstrative pronouns The number of demonstrative pronouns is based on the number of different forms that can befound in the demonstrative questionnaire. An additional sentence is taken from the valency questionnaire as it contains a demonstrative pronoun in the sentence “This man is a hunter.”. The sentences inthe questionnaire can be split into two groups, visible or proximate objects and objects that can not be seen or are proximate. Visible objects are either “on the body” (fly on speakers arm) or in close distance to speaker and addressee. Objects that can not be seen are either a few meters away of a few kilometers away from the speaker and addressee in the questionnaire setting. Only Alasai displays a four-fold demonstrative system, all other varieties display a three-way contrast. Prefixed a- is emphatic and forms ending in -m appear to be used interchangibly with the ones without (Morgenstierne, 1967:90).

Value Distribution 1) no contrast 0 2) two-way contrast 0 3) three-way contrast 8 (88.9%) 4) four-way contrast 1 (11.1%) 5) five-(or more) contrast 0

Table 30: Distribution of “demonstratives” in Pashai

Morgenstierne found that the demonstrative system is always at least two-fold, meaning there is at least a distinction between near and far, “this” and that”, but some dialect groups have additional sets of demonstratives. Bashir lists southeastern Pashai as a three-fold system (2003:823,828). It is possible that Alasai has a three-fold system just like the other varieties and that the forms here marked as visible are in fact inflected forms of the anaphoric demonstrative. Aret differs from the other varieties with a three-fold system since it does not have a second form for the not proximate or visible demonstratives, but two forms for visible objects. Lehr (2014:198) describes demonstratives, establishing the speaker as the deictic center and the demonstratives based on the distance to the speaker. She writes that the distance can be seen on a prefix: proximal /a-/, distal /o-/, invisible /oː-/ to the demonstrative /lo/ or /ìo/. Such a distinction can not be found in Alingar. All forms of a demonstrative that resembles /lo/ are prefixed by a-. The other southeastern variety Amla may display such a prefixing, the form /eːloː/ occurs in the example with “highest proximity” (see example 5d) of all the examples, as the speaker is refering to their own body, but there is only one example of this form and /aːloː/ occurs in all other cases. The form /aːmə/ matches the forms for the oblique demonstrative in Morgenstierne (1967:269), but in Lehr a demonstrative /mi/ is used for reference to near objects and is only used with a prefix if used to referring to proximal and visible referents. This can not be confirmed for Amla as the demonstrative in the example sentence(3) does not

32 introduce a proximal and visible object, but an object that is not visible as it is located behind something else. Interestingly enough, there is only one examples of /ìo/ in the data for the southeastern varieties in Amla. In Aret, a variety with no lateral fricative, /tra/ occurs as a demonstrative (see examples (4a and 4b)). The demonstrative /tira/ in Alasai in the same sentence (see example(4c) could also be a cognate of /tra/, /ìo/ and /lo/.

(3) aːmə taːmərəs paʃ kiːnid͡ʒiː kutiː saːrak ʃiː Amla (SE) DEM house.OBL behind village? street COP.3.SG.inanimate seː buː t͡ʃanɖiː ʃiː DEM very narrow be.PRS.3.SG.INAN “This/that street behind this/that house is very narrow.”

(4) a. tra gəʃən ɑːhɑː d͡ʒən gəreː hɑːlək eːn kut͡ʃɑː Aret (NE) DEM house Q live ? people ? ?who b. aːjaː tupiniːgə ɬakuː ʃunəs kut͡ʃiː kutiː χalak t͡ʃanuwan Amla (SE) Q you.know.PRS.2.SG DEM house ?who ? people live.? c. pajʃaŋgiː tira waːjə kiː zindəgiː kəgaː Alasai (SW) know.PRS.2.SG DEM house who live.? be.PRS.3.SG “Do you know who lives in that house?”

Table 31 shows the demonstratives identified in the questionnaire.

Value Variety visible not proximate or visible 3 Alingar (SE) al/alə aːsə aːtə 3 Alishang (NW) aja/jeː/eː aːsəː/oːsə dyː/adyː 3 Amla (SE) eːloː/aːloː/aːmə/ɬakuː oːsə oːtə 3 Aret (NE) jyː/jɑːmɑː/ alaj/səleː/tra aseː/seː 3 Chalas (NE) aː əsə/esə atəj/ətə/ətəj 3 Korangal (NE) aj/aja/mɑːj aːsə/baːsə/sə aːtə 3 Sanjan (NW) jɑː/aj/iː sə/asə/ɑːsam tiː 3 Shemal (NE) eː seː/eːseː eːteː

Value Variety visible anaphoric not proximate or visible 4 Alasai (SW) aːdiː/aːʈa/ti aːj/jə/tira? aːsə/sə/uːsə/aːsəm təmiːsi/ːtimiː

Table 31: Demonstratives in Pashai in present tense

The demonstrative is prepositioned to the noun it belongs to as can be seenin 5 for the visible demonstrative in all Pashai varieties.

(5) ’This finger hurts.’13 a. aːdiː aŋguːɽiːm dard kə-gaː Alasai (SW) DEM finger pain be-PRS.3.SG b. al awuɳəgəm laːw-ɑː Alingar (SE) DEM finger hurt-PRS.3.SG

13Shemal uses a different word instead of “finger” where the other varieties all use a cognate. It occurs in Lehr’s grammar (2014:192) of southeast Pashai in menā āst-em “my hand”. I assume astu means “hand” in Shemal as well, because the word aŋguɽijam for “finger” occurs in another sentence in Shemal.

33 c. aja uŋgaɽim dard ka-tyː Alishang (NW) DEM finger pain be-PRS.3.SG d. eːloː aŋguːɽəkəm meːniː laːw-ə Amla (SE) DEM finger PRON.DAT.1.SG hurt-PRS.3.SG e. alaj aŋəɽum loj Aret (NE) DEM finger hurt.PRS.3.SG f. aː aŋguɽiː dard kə-jiː Chalas (NE) DEM finger pain be-PRS.3.SG g. aj aŋguɽim zɑː-je Korangal (NE) DEM finger hurts h. jɑː aŋguːɽə law tiːw Sanjan (NW) DEM finger hurt PRS.3.SG i. eː astu dərgə-jiː Shemal (NE) DEM hand pain-PRS.3.SG

4.2.3 Syntax 4.2.3.1 Word order All Pashai varieties have a subject-object-verb (SOV) order in all sentence types. Examples are given in example (6). Morgenstierne writes that the word order is somewhat free, with SOV as the dominant order. In Aret one sentence in the valency set has a SVO in writing, but in the audio version the same sentence is spoken with SOV order. In Korangal one sentence is possibly in the first version SVO and in the second version SOV, but since the speaker stuttered mid-sentence in the first version, it is notclear whether he misspoke or gave two options. There were no other exceptions to the verb in sentence final position.

Value Distribution SOV 9 (100%) SVO 0 VSO 0 VOS 0 OVS 0 OSV 0 no dominant word order 0

Table 32: Distribution of “word order” in Pashai

(6) a. baːɽaː meːwaː ʒəjiːk Alasai (SW) boy.NOM fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” b. kilaːj miːwɑː eːheːn Alingar (SE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.”

34 c. baːɽoː meːwa ʒiniːja Alishang (NW) boy.NOM fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” d. kilaːj miːwaː eːkin Amla (SE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” e. kilaːj miːwɑː eːgin Aret (NE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” f. kaːkuwa məwa əhə Chalas (NE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” g. kaːku meːwa pakaj Korangal (NE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” h. bɑːɽuː meːju deː ʒeːt͡ʃik Sanjan (NW) boy.NOM fruit.NOM from eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.” i. kaːkuːə meːwɑː eːk Shemal (NE) boy.OBL fruit.NOM eat.PST.3.SG “The boy ate the fruit.”

4.2.3.2 Polar question marker The data on demonstratives contains nine decision questions (Is this your book?, Do you know that house?). A marker at the beginning of the question was used in most of the Pashai varieties. The distribution of the marker shows an increase in use from east to west. It can not be found in the two most eastern varieties Chalas and Korangal, but moving from east to west, the amount of use increases. Amla used the marker three times and Aret used a marker two times in sentence-initial position and once mid-sentence (see example 4a). Aret is also the only variety that shows two different forms of the marker. The only southwestern variety Alasai is an exception, out of nine questions, only threeques- tions received a marker but is located further west than three out of the four varieties that always used the marker. Alingar (SE), Alishang (NW), Sanjan (NW), and Shemal (NE) used the marker for all nine questions. Morgenstierne mentions a marker for decision questions, but Lehr did not find one in her research on Southeast Pashai. In the data, both southeastern varieties use the question marker, Amla shows “moderate” use and Alingar complete use of the marker. The marker has the form /ɑ|a|e(ː)ja(ː)/.

35 Value Distribution Varieties Initial 6 (66.7%) Alasai, Alingar, Alishang, Amla, Sanjan, Shemal Final 0 Second position 0 Other position 0 Two positions 1 (11.1%) Aret No question particle 2 (22.2%) Chalas, Korangal

Table 33: Distribution of “polar question marker” in Pashai

(7) “Polar question marker in Pashai” a. aːjaː timiː tapaːs ʃiraː ɖaj-ti-ʃiː Alasai (SW) Q DEM peak POSTP clim-PRF-2.SG “Have you been to that peak?” b. aːjaː aːsə tuːp teːniː siː Alingar (SE) Q DEM ball your COP.INAN “Is this your ball?” c. aja awusə tuːp mijaːja Alishang (NW) Q DEM ball ? “Is this your ball?” d. aːjaː tupiniːgə ɬakuː ʃunəs kut͡ʃiː kutiː χalak t͡ʃanuwan Amla (SE) Q know.PRS.2.SG ?DEM house POSTP ? ? ? “Do you know who lives in that house?” e. aja tu atan dɑːr t͡sukəl tu koːr olowajeː Aret (NE) Q PRON.2.SG DEM? peak POSTP? ? ? ? “Have you been to that peak?” f. ɑːjɑː tiː dɑːrɑːs ʃərɑː ɖa-kə-təkiː tiː Sanjan (NW) Q DEM peak POSTP climb-?-PRF.2.SG DEM “Have you been to that peak?” g. eːja ta eːseː doːr t͡sugoː hiral ul tiːgiː Shemal (NE) Q ?you DEM peak POSTP ? rise PRF.2.SG “Have you been to that peak?”

4.2.3.3 Adpositions All Pashai varieties have postpositions. In Liljegren’s profile of the Hindu Kush all languages have postpositions as well. No occurrences of prepositions or other forms were found.

Value Distribution Postpositions 9 (100%) Prepositions 0

Table 34: Distribution of adpositions in Pashai

36 In table 35 examples of postpositions in all varieties are given. The verb is given to clarify the meaning in English. The postpositions were identified with Morgenstierne’s grammar, but the examples arefrom the data in the valency questionnaire.

Variety Postposition Example Alasai limənə ”after” d͡ʒaːnd͡ʒuːɽaː limənə “(follow) after the girls” Alingar uːndaːj ”from” tɑːnək ɑːj buwɑː uːndaːj “(ask) from his/her parents” Alishang ʃəraː ”on, at” baːlkulan ʃəraː “(shout) at the children” Amla paʃkin “after” kiʈaːlika paʃkin “(follow) after the girls” Aret doː “from” oːja bɑːbɑː naːstu doː “(ask) from his parents” Chalas pit͡sə “for” ɬiːkaːnoː pit͡sə “(search) for the women” Korangal pat͡sə “at/after/for” ʈikura pat͡sə “(shout) at the children” Sanjan pəliː “with” lawɽiː pəliː “(beat) with a stick” Shemal ʃiːraː “on” miːzə ʃiːraː “(put) on the table”

Table 35: Postpositions in Pashai

4.2.4 Lexicon 4.2.4.1 Kinship The forty kinship terms considered in the cognate section are analyzed here based on their structure. The first part deals with kinship by blood relation, the second part is kinship by marriage. Foreach feature two tables are given, the first table shows the distribution of the patterns and the second gives the terms per variety or language. The column titled “value” is added per table on the left to showwhich pattern has been identified for each variety or language. Parents All Pashai varieties share the term for mother. The terms for father look much alike in the varieties, the only exception is Amla, where the term for father resembles the term for father’s brother in Korangal and an alternative for father in Alishang. A similar term is given by Lehr (2014) for father /tātā, dādā/ for the southeastern variety spoken in the valley Darra-i-Nur. In the other eight varieties it appears that the terms are influenced by either Dari or Parachi; the Korangal and Sanjan terms are similartothe Dari term /bɑːba/, Alasai, Alingar, Alishang, Aret, Chalas and Shemal terms look much like the Parachi term /bɑːw/.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) compound 9 (100%) 12 (85.7%) 2) other 0 2 (14.3%)

Table 36: Distribution of “parent” in Pashai and region

The term parent is in all Pashai varieties a compound of the word for “mother” and “father” andinmost case it is connected with the word “and”. The term for “parent” in Alishang is only available fromthe valency data, therefore has oblique case marking -sə. Pashai, Parachi and the neighboring Nuristani languages use the same structure for “parent”, Dari and Pashto use different terms. It should be noted here, that the data for the neighboring languages is collected just like the Pashai data, there are three data sets for Pashto in Afghanistan, India and Pakistan available. The Pashto data used is the data from Afghanistan. Pashto in India and Pakistan uses the same structure as Pashai for “parent”.14

14India: moːra plaːr, Pakistan: moːr o plaːr

37 Value V/L15 Father Mother Parent 1 Alasai baːw aːjə aːjə u baːw 1 Alingar bwɑː ɑːi ɑːi ɑw bwɑː 1 Alishang baːwa aːi aːsə oː baːsə 1 Amla daːdaː aːi aːi aw daːdaː 1 Aret bəːw oːj oːj bəːw 1 Chalas baːw aːi aːi aw baːw 1 Korangal babɑː aːi aːi aw babɑː 1 Sanjan bɑːbɑː ɑːiː uːjaw buː 1 Shemal bɑːw aːi aːi bɑːw 1 Ashkun daj aɽaj aɽaw daj 2 Dari bɑːba uːma χuːnawɑːda 1 Parachi bɑːw mɑː mɑː wo bɑːw 2 Pashto plaːr moːr waːlidejn 1 Waigali tati jej jej tati

Table 37: Parent terms in Pashai and neighboring languages

Grandparents Different strategies can be found in the Pashai varieties for expressing paternal and maternal grandparents (see table 38). Alingar, Amla, Korangal and Sanjan use a two-fold system, they use the same term for “father’s father” and “mother’s father” and the same term for “father’s mother” and “mother’s mother”. The neighboring Iranian and Nuristani languages show the same system. Alasai, Alishang and Chalas use a four-fold system, meaning that each grandparent is expressed by its own term. Aret has a three-fold system, “father’s father” and “mother’s father” have individual terms, but “father’s mother” and “mother’s mother” share a term. Shemal as well has a three-fold system but here the maternal parents share a term and the paternal parents have individual terms.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) four-fold 3 (33.3%) 3 (21.4%) 2) two-fold 4 (44.4%) 9 (85.7%) 3) three-fold type I 1 (11.1%) 1(7.1%) 4) three-fold type II 1 (11.1%) 1(7.1%)

Table 38: Distribution of “grandparents” in Pashai and the region

38 Value V/L Father’s father Father’s mother Mother’s father Mother’s mother 1 Alasai awlaː baːbaː awliː aːji buɖaː buɖiː 2 Alingar bɽiːn bwɑː bɽən ɑːi bɽiːn bwɑː bɽən ɑːi 1 Alishang baːba bəɖənlaːi aːi bəɖən baːwa aːkane bəɖənlaːi 2 Amla baːbaː baːiː baːbaː baːiː 3 Aret bəːwəs bɑːbeː gaɽeːam bɑːbeːam gaɽeːam 1 Chalas gaːɽ baːw gaːɽ aːi aːi bohoː gaːɽ baːw aːi bohoː gaːɽ aːi 2 Korangal bluw babɑː bluwiː aːi bluw babɑː bluwiː aːi 2 Sanjan ɑːwluː buː ɑːwliː ɑːiː ɑːwluː buː ɑːwliː ɑːiː 4 Shemal gaɽ bɑːw gaɽ aːi aːi bɑːw gaɽ aːi aːi bɑːw gaɽ aːi 2 Ashkun awndaj mit͡ʃaɽaj awndaj mit͡ʃaɽaj 2 Dari bɑːbiː bəbiː bɑːbiː bəbiː 2 Parachi kaʈa bɑːw kaʈa mɑː kaʈa bɑːw kaʈa mɑː 2 Pashto baːbaː adəkoː baːbaː adəkoː 2 Waigali guɽuwaː gãɽej guɽuwaː gãɽej

Table 39: Parent’s parents in Pashai and neighboring regions

Grandchildren There is a dominant structure in Pashai for the kinship terms for “son’s son”, “son’s daughter”, “daughter’s son” and “daughter’s daughter”. Ashkun uses the same structure. Alingar, Chalas and Korangal use different structures. The main structure is two-fold, the “son’s son” and “daughter’s son”sharea term and so do the female children. Alingar uses four different terms, the female children term isthe male term with the suffix -iː. Chalas uses four terms as well, the “son’s son” is a root term, the“son’s daughter” is the same term with an affix. The children of a daughter are build by the word fordaughter plus genitive and the word for “son” or “daughter”. Korangal uses one term for all four kinship terms, a Pashto loan. Parachi has the same structure but uses a different term.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) four-fold 2 (22.2%) 2 (14.3%) 2) two-fold 6 (66.7%) 8 (57.1%) 3) 1 for all 1 (11.1%) 2 (14.3%) 4) two-fold (one/three) 0 1 (7.1%) 5) three-fold 0 1 (7.1%)

Table 40: Distribution of “grandchildren” in Pashai and region

39 Value V/L Son’s son Son’s daughter Daughter’s son Daughter’s daughter 2 Alasai nawaːi nətiː nawaːi nətiː 1 Alingar masɑːm masɑːmiː masijɑːm masijɑːmiː 2 Alishang nawaːem natiːm nawaːem natiːm 2 Amla nawaːi nadi nawaːi nadi 2 Aret nawɑːsum nɑːsijum nawɑːsum nɑːsijum 1 Chalas nusum nusijim waːstəm pʰulə waːstəm waː 3 Korangal masej masej masej masej 2 Sanjan nawəj nati nawəj nati 2 Shemal nɑːwajeːm nɑːsijem nɑːwajeːm nɑːsijem 2 Ashkun nuə nut nuə nut 5 Dari nuwasa χɑːrzɑː χɑːrzɑː daχtari χɑːr 3 Parachi nawɑː nawɑː nawɑː nawɑː 2 Pashto lmaseː lmasej lmaseː lmasej 4 Waigali nawaː nut nut nut

Table 41: Childrens’ children in Pashai and neighboring languages

Parent’s sibling Of the six patterns found in the region by Liljegren, only two can be found in Pashai. Additionally athird pattern is used by Korangal where the term for “father’s sister” (literally “little mother”) and “mother’s sister” is the same as “mother”. The Nuristani languages use a different pattern where “father” and “father’s brother” and “mother” and “mother’s sister” are the same. Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ≠FZ 4 (44.4%) 7 (50%) 2) F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ=FZ 4 (44.4%) 4 (28.6%) 3) F=FB≠MB/M≠MZ=FZ 0 2 (14.3%) 4) F≠FB≠MB/M=MZ=FZ 1 (11.1%) 1 (7.1%)

Table 42: Distribution of “parent’s sibling” in Pashai and region

Value V/L F FB MB M FZ MZ 2 Alasai baːw mambuː maːmaː aːjə maːmbiː maːmbiː 2 Alingar bwɑː kɑːkɑː mɑːmɑː ɑːi mɑːmoː mɑːmoː 1 Alishang baːwa kaːka maːma aːi maːnbi χaːla 2 Amla daːdaː kaːkaː baːwu aːi maːmaː maːmaː 2 Aret bəːw kaːgɑː maik oːj maːmeːam maːmeːam 1 Chalas baːw baːwas la meːk aːi baːwas sawaː aːis sawaː 4 Korangal babɑː dɑːdɑː mɑːmɑː aːi kaniʃʈiː aːi aːi 1 Sanjan bɑːbɑː mambuː mawluː ɑːiː ɑːmə mɑːm biː 1 Shemal bɑːw bɑːwəs la moːləm aːi bɑːwəs sawa aːis sawa 3 Ashkun daj paːj daj maw aɽaj nani paːj aɽaj 1 Dari bɑːba aka taʁɑːi uːma hama χɑːla 1 Parachi bɑːw kɑːkɑː taʁɑːiː mɑː ʕama χɑːla 1 Pashto plaːr kaːkaː maːmaː moːr ama χaːla 3 Waigali tati kynʃtyː tati meːl jej pipiː jej

Table 43: ”parent’s sibling” in Pashai and region

Sibling’s children

40 There are only two patterns for sibling’s children in Pashai. The dominant pattern is the four-foldpat- tern, only Sanjan uses a different pattern. Waigali uses the same pattern. Ashkun and Dari useasimilar pattern, they have two individual terms for the brother’s children, but the same for the sister’s children. Parachi uses a different pattern than the rest of the region.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) four-fold 8 (88.9%) 9 (64.3%) 2) two-fold (1/3) 1 (11.1%) 2 (14.3%) 3) three-fold 0 2 (14.3%) 4) two-fold 0 1 (7.1%)

Table 44: Distirbution of “sibling’s children” in Pashai and region

Value V/L brother’s son brother’s daughter sister’s son sister’s daughter 1 Alasai lawuːtr laːi wijə nawaːi nətiː 1 Alingar laeːstam oːjeː laeːstam oːjə saeːstam oːjeː saeːstam oːjə 1 Alishang laːwu trəm laːweːm seːaseme pətər seːaseme weːa 1 Amla laːwləm laːwjəm nawaːi nadi 1 Aret laːestam laːestam oːja nawɑːsa nawɑːsi 1 Chalas laːstəm pʰulə laːstəm wa xoːraja nosim 1 Korangal wuraːrə wurijeːrə χarijɑː χurzəm 2 Sanjan bɽɑːw tuːr χuwɑːr dɑːduː χuwɑːr dɑːduː χuwɑːr dɑːduː 1 Shemal laːstəm pulə laːstəm wa susastəm pulə sawastəm wa 3 Ashkun daj brə daj zu piʃi piʃi 3 Dari bat͡ʃai aka daχtari aka χɑːrzɑ χɑːrzɑː 4 Parachi bija ʁuɽuk bija ʁuɽuk χiː ʁuɽuk χiː ʁuɽuk 1 Pashto wraːrə wreːrə χureːje χurzə 2 Waigali braː zaga paʃi paʃi paʃi

Table 45: Sibling’s child in Pashai and neighboring lanugages

Sibling’s spouse The most common pattern is two-fold. Alingar, Chalas and Dari use a three-fold pattern, usingone term for brother’s wife and two for sister’s husband depending on the gender of the ego. The varieties Alishang and Shemal use a four-fold pattern.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) two-fold (brother/sister) 5 (55.6%) 8 (57.1%) 2) three-fold (2/1/1) 2 (22.2%) 3 (33.3%) 3) four-fold 2 (22.2%) 2 (14.3%) 4) two-fold (3/1) 0 1 (7.1%)

Table 46: Distribution of “sibling’s spouse” in Pashai and region

41 brother’s wife brother’s wife sister’s husband sister’s husband Value V/L (male ego) (female ego) (male ego) (female ego) 1 Alasai laːd͡ʒaː laːd͡ʒaː daːdaː daːdaː 2 Alingar wəreːndɑːrə wəreːndɑːrə d͡ʒɑːmajɑː saeːstam pɑːnd͡ʒə 3 Alishang wərindar laːd͡ʒeːm d͡ʒaːmiːm ʃeːreːm 1 Amla ʃinək ʃinək d͡ʒaːmaːi d͡ʒaːmaːi 1 Aret ʃenegam ʃenegam pɑːeːreːm pɑːeːreːm 2 Chalas ʃinik ʃinik zoːmom ʃiwuɽuk 1 Korangal ʃənik ʃənik zum zum 1 Sanjan jənguː jənguː d͡ʒɑːmɑː d͡ʒɑːmɑː 3 Shemal ʃənigeːm laːstəm ɬika zomɑːm pɑːrijeːm 1 Ashkun bɽaː istri bɽaː istri aːj mi aːj mi 2 Dari janga janga ʃuji χɑːr bɑːd͡ʒa 1 Parachi janga janga jɑːzna jɑːzna 1 Pashto wrindaːrə wrindaːrə awxeː awxeː 4 Waigali ɻuk ɻuk waːwej ɻuk

Table 47: Sibling’s spouses in Pashai and neighboring languages

Spouse’s siblings Apart from Chalas, all varieties use the same four-fold pattern. The term given for “wife’s sister” /awər blɑː/ in Aret literally means “wife’s brother”. In cases where two or more translations for a term where given, only the first one is considered. The second term given in Aret is /awər saːwom/ “wife’s sister”, this makes more sense, but it does not change the pattern used in Aret.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) four-fold 8 (88.9%) 11 (78.6%) 2) three-fold (1 for male) 1 (11.1%) 1 (7.1%) 3) three-fold (2/1/1) 0 1 (7.1%) 4) three-fold (1 for fem.) 0 1 (7.1%)

Table 48: Distribution of “spouse’s sibling” in Pashai and region

Value V/L husband’s brother husband’s sister wife’s brother wife’s sister 1 Alasai deːruː d͡ʒaːmiː iʃpaːriː səjɑːniː 1 Alingar leːwar pɑːnd͡ʒəstam sajeː pijɑːriː sajɑːniː 1 Alishang deːrewam d͡ʒaːmeːm iʃpaːɽiːm sajaːniːm 1 Amla dərəw d͡ʒaːmijaː paːiːriː sijaːniː 1 Aret dərwiː d͡ʒɑːmijɑː faːriː awər blɑːm 2 Chalas ʃiwuɽuk zuzumi ʃiwuɽuk ʃiwuɽik 1 Korangal (leːwar) poːzstəm sawa (ɑːwχaj) χina 1 Sanjan diːruː d͡ʒɑːmiː iʃpɑːriː sajɑːniː 1 Shemal pɑːnzstəm la deːra zuzumijeːm poːriː ʃijɑːɽik 3 Ashkun kəɽis kəɽis aːj mi ʃiːja 1 Dari iːwar jana χəsəri majdak qajsangəl 1 Parachi hiːwar nanuː χusur bura χɑːʃna 1 Pashto leːwər nəndroːr awxeː xina 4 Waigali deʃʈə ɻuk waːwej ɻuk

Table 49: Spouse’s siblings in Pashai and neighboring languages

42 Spouse’s parents The most common pattern is two-fold with no distinction between the spouse’s sexes. Therearetwo occurrences of the three-fold pattern with a distinction between husband’s father and husband’s mother for Alishang and Aret. All other patterns occur once in Amla, Korangal and Dari.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) two-fold 5 (55.6%) 9 (64.3%) 2) three-fold (2/1/1) 2 (22.2%) 2 (14.3%) 3) two-fold (3/1) 1 (11.1%) 1 (7.1%) 4) three-fold (1 for fem.) 1 (11.1%) 1 (7.1%) 5) four-fold 0 1 (7.1%)

Table 50: Distribution of “spouse’s parents” in Pashai and region

Value V/L wife’s father wife’s mother husband’s father husband’s mother 1 Alasai ʃəjiːr ʃəjruː ʃəjiːr ʃəjruː 1 Alingar sansərɑː sansəriː sansərɑː sansəriː 2 Alishang ʃeːriːm ʃeːriːm ʃeːreːm ʃeʃriː 3 Amla ʃeːruːm ʃeːruːm ʃeːruːm ʃeːrim 2 Aret ʃeːrim ʃeːrim ʃenʃuːrɑː ʃenʃuːrim 1 Chalas ʃəʃuːroː ʃəʃuːriː ʃəʃuːroː ʃəʃuːriː 4 Korangal ʃəʃurɑː ʃəʃuriː ʃəʃuroː ʃəʃuriː 1 Sanjan ʃəjiːr ʃəjruː ʃəjiːr ʃəjruː 1 Shemal ʃeːrəm ʃanʃurijeːm ʃeːrəm ʃanʃurijeːm 1 Ashkun ʃibusu ʃiboːs ʃibusu ʃiboːs 5 Dari χəsər χəʃ dumɑː taʁɑːji χɑːla 1 Parachi χusur χoʃ χusur χoʃ 1 Pashto χusər χwaːxeː χusər χwaːxeː 1 Waigali puʃyːr t͡soːdər puʃyːr t͡soːdər

Table 51: Spouse’s parents in Pashai and neighboring languages

4.2.4.2 Numerals Numeral base There are two structures used in the data for building the numeral base. The hybrid vigesimal-decimal system which is common for the region (Liljegren, 2017) is found in seven of the Pashai varieties and the Nuristani neighbors, Ashkun and Waigali. However, there are three different subcategories in the hybrid vigesimal-decimal group. Only Alishang expresses 100 with a separate term iː sad, the other varieties in the group use the expression 5x20 for 100. This brings Alishang closer to the two other western varieties, who use the Iranian term for 100 as well. Apart from Aret, Chalas and Waigali, all other varieties in group 2) use a separate term for 200, the Pashto term. All Pashai varieties, Iranian and Nuristani languages in the region use the same term for 1000.

43 Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) decimal 2 (22.2%) 5 (35.7%) 2) hybrid vigesimal-decimal 7 (77.8%) 9 (64.3%) 2a) 100-switch 1 (11.1%) 1 (7.1%) 2b) 200-switch 4 (44.4%) 5 (35.7%) 2c) 1000-switch 2 (22.2%) 3 (21.4%)

Table 52: Distribution of “numeral base” in Pashai and region

Value V/L 10 20 30 40 1 Alasai daːje west siː t͡ʃehel 2 Alingar deː wəst wistu deː duːwija 2 Alishang deː wast wastu deː deːo 2 Amla deː west west oː deː dəwija 2 Aret daːe weːst weːst me daːe duwija 2 Chalas daːj wist wista bi daːj dijo 2 Korangal daːj wist daːje bi wist dujo 1 Sanjan dɑː wəst triju t͡ʃelː 2 Shemal daːj wist wistə daːj dijɑː 2 Ashkun dos wiʃi wiʃaː dos duːʃi 1 Dari daː biːst siː t͡ʃəlː 1 Parachi doːs ʁoʃt ʃos t͡ʃel 1 Pashto las ʃəl deːrʃ t͡salweːxt 2 Waigali doːʃ wiʃi wiʃije doːʃ dyːwiʃi Value V/L 50 60 70 80 1 Alasai pind͡ʒɑ ʃast aftaːd aʃtaːd 2 Alingar duːwija deː heːwija heːwija deː t͡ʃaːrwija 2 Alishang deːo deː traewo traewo deː t͡ʃoːriju 2 Amla dəwija oː deː ɬewija ɬewija oː deː t͡ʃaːrwija 2 Aret duwija me daːe trewija trewija me daːe t͡ʃoːrwija 2 Chalas dija bi daːj ɬəjo ɬəja bi daːj t͡soːrijo 2 Korangal daːje bi dujo ɬəjo daːj bi ɬəjo t͡soːrijo 1 Sanjan pend͡ʒɑ ʃaːst haːftɑːd haːʃtɑːd 2 Shemal dijɑː bi daːj ɬejɑː ɬejɑː bi daːj t͡soːrijɑː 2 Ashkun duːʃaː dos treʃi treʃaː dos t͡sətaːʃi 1 Dari pind͡ʒɑ ʃaːst aftɑːd aʃtɑːd 1 Parachi pend͡ʒɑː ʃast haftɑːd haʃtɑːd 1 Pashto panzoːs ʃpeːtə awijaː atijaː 2 Waigali dyːwiʃije doːʃ treːwiʃi treːwiʃije doːʃ t͡ʃataːwiʃi Value V/L 90 100 200 1000 1 Alasai nawad ʃaːi do sad iː hazaːr 2 Alingar t͡ʃaːrwija deː pajnd͡ʒuwija də saw iː hazaːr 2 Alishang t͡ʃoːriju deː iː sad doː sad iː azaːr 2 Amla t͡ʃaːrwija oː deː pand͡ʒuwija doː sad iː azaːr 2 Aret t͡ʃoːrwija me daːe faːnjuwija daːewija zər 2 Chalas t͡soːrija bi daːj paːjnijo daːjijo zər 2 Korangal daːj bi t͡soːrijo paːjnijo du sawa zər 1 Sanjan nawad sad do sad iː hazɑːr 2 Shemal t͡soːrijɑː bi daːj paːnijɑː duː saw azɑːr

44 2 Ashkun t͡sətaːʃaː dos punt͡ʃi dusawa az(ə)rə 1 Dari nawad sad də sad azɑːr 1 Parachi nawad sad dosad hazɑːr 1 Pashto nawi səl dwa sawa zər 2 Waigali t͡ʃataːwiʃije doːʃ punt͡ʃw dyːwiʃiːje wiʃi eː azaːr

Table 53: Numeral base in Pashai and neighboring languages

Numeral composition There are only two patterns used in Pashai and the region. The dominant pattern is n+10, theunits(1-9) precede the base 10 and numbers larger than 20 follow the pattern 20+n, the units follow the base 20. Only Korangal and Pashto have a different pattern, with the base change from 10 to 20 and theunits always following the base.

Value Distribution (Pashai) Distribution (region) 1) n+10, 20+n 8 (88.9%) 12 (85.7%) 2) 10+n, 20+n 1 (11.1%) 2 (14.3%)

Table 54: Distribution of “numeral composition” in Pashai and region

Value V/L 4 14 24 1 Alasai t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃadaːje westu t͡ʃaːr 1 Alingar t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃadeː wistu t͡ʃaːr 1 Alishang t͡ʃoːr t͡ʃadeː wastu t͡ʃoːr 1 Amla t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃadeː west oː t͡ʃaːr 1 Aret t͡ʃoːr t͡ʃadaj weːst me t͡ʃoːr 1 Chalas t͡sor t͡saːdaːj wista bi t͡sor 2 Korangal t͡soːr t͡saːdaj t͡soːre bi wist 1 Sanjan t͡ʃur t͡ʃadɑː wəstə t͡ʃur 1 Shemal t͡soːr t͡sandaːj wistə t͡soːr 1 Ashkun t͡sətaː t͡sudis wiʃaː t͡sətaː 1 Dari t͡ʃɑːr t͡ʃɑːrdaː biːstə t͡ʃɑːr 1 Parachi t͡ʃoːr t͡ʃadoːs ʁoʃt u t͡ʃoːr 2 Pashto t͡saloːr t͡swaːrlas t͡salorwiʃt 1 Waigali t͡ʃataː t͡ʃadiʃ wiʃije t͡ʃataːi

Table 55: Numeral composition in Pashai and region

4.2.5 Summary In total 22 structural features are analyzed for Pashai. In table 56 the varieties are sorted geographically from west to east as they were presented in the Background section 2.1. Even though in many structural features (just as in the cognates) it seemed as if Southwest Pashai and Northwest Pashai form a cluster, this should not be simply ascribed to genetic grouping as western varieties. Based on the results some features can be described as general Pashai features: All Pashai varieties have a moderately large consonant inventory, thereby falling into the smaller category in Liljegren’s profile of the Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan languages. All Pashai varieties have at least palatal affricates which places them into the second smallest category in Liljegren’s profile. Only one variety has a retroflex affricate, placing it in the largest group in Liljegren’s profile. All Pashai varieties have at least retroflex plosives like the minority in the Hindu Kush profile. Just like the majority in the profile, Pashai hasa

45 complex syllable structure. Only one morphological feature is shared by all Pashai varieties, they all have two genders like most languages in the profile. Most HKIA languages (97%) have a subject-object- verb order and all have postpositions, Pashai is no exception. The lexicon shows much more variation, there is only feature listed that is shared by all varieties, the term for parent. But all Pashai varieties share the same pattern for male siblings of the father -F≠FB≠MB in the patterns for parent’s siblings meaning that there is no term used for all three of them (or even two of them). Pashai shares this with 10 out of 20 languages analyzed for the patterns in the terms for parent’s siblings (Liljegren, 2017:147). There are no features that show a split between the western and eastern Pashai varieties. Thereare, however, two features that split the varieties into east and west at the southeastern varieties, either at Alingar or Amla. The lateral fricative is an exclusive feature to northeastern Pashai, splitting thevari- eties “eastern of” Amla. The case marking split is between Alingar and Amla, the northeastern varieties and Amla are marked as nominative-accusative and the western varieties and Alingar as ergative- absolutive.

46 West East Dialect classification North South North South North Feature Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Phonology Consonant inventory: moderately large yes Palatal affricates yes Dental affricates no yes yes no no yes yes yes yes Retroflex affricates no no yes no no no no no no Lateral fricative no no no no no yes yes yes yes Retroflex plosives yes Retroflex fricatives no no no yes no yes yes yes yes Aspiration yes yes yes no no yes yes no yes Syllable structure: complex yes Morphology Nominative-accusative no no no no yes yes yes yes yes Ergative-absoutive yes yes yes yes no no no no no 47 Grammatical gender: two genders yes 3 demonstratives yes no yes yes yes yes yes yes yes 4 demonstratives no yes no no no no no no no Syntax SOV yes Postpositions yes polar question particle: only initial yes yes yes yes yes yes no no no polar question particle: two positions no no no no no no yes no no no particle no no no no no no no yes yes Lexicon Parent: mother-father yes Grandparents: four-fold no yes yes no no no no yes no Grandparents: two-fold yes no no yes yes no no no yes Grandparents: three-fold type I no no no no no no yes no no Grandparents: three-fold type II no no no no no yes no no no West East Dialect classification North South North South North Feature Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Grandchildren: four-fold no no no yes no no no yes no Grandchildren: two-fold yes yes yes no yes yes yes no no Grandchildren: 1 for all no no no no no no no no yes Parent’s sibling: F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ≠FZ yes no yes no no yes no yes no Parent’s sibling: F≠FB≠MB/M≠MZ=FZ no yes no yes yes no yes no no Parent’s sibling: F≠FB≠MB/M=MZ=FZ no no no no no no no no yes Sibling’s children: four-fold no yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes Sibling’s children: two-fold yes no no no no no no no no Sibling’s spouse: two-fold yes yes no no yes no yes no yes Sibling’s spouse: three-fold no no no yes no no no yes no Sibling’s spouse: four-fold no no yes no no yes no no no Spouse’s sibling: four-fold yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no yes Spouse’s sibling: three-fold no no no no no no no yes no 48 Spouse’s parent: two-fold yes yes no yes no yes no yes no Spouse’s parent: three-fold (2/1/1) no no yes no no no yes no no Spouse’s parent: two-fold (3/1) no no no no yes no no no no Spouse’s parent: three-fold (1 for fem.) no no no no no no no no yes Numeral base: decimal yes yes no no no no no no no Numeral base: hybrid vigesimal-decimal no no yes yes yes yes yes yes yes Numeral composition: 10+n, 20+n no no no no no no no no yes Numeral composition: n+10, 20+n yes yes yes yes yes yes yes yes no

Table 56: Overview: Results for structural features 5 Discussion

5.1 Cognate analysis When comparing the Pashai varieties with each other based on their dialect group classification, the four northeastern varieties share 68 cognates and the two southeastern varieties 65. The eastern varieties share 60 cognates in total. The two northwestern varieties share 74 cognates and with the inclusion of southwest Pashai, Alasai, the western varieties share 70 cognates. Within the western varieties, San- jan and Alasai share more cognates with each other than either of them shares with Alishang. This is visible in figure 19 and can also be seen in numbers, they share 80 terms. The numbers of cognates between eastern and western Pashai do not differ much and they still all share 49 cognates. Based on these numbers, the Pashai varieties do appear to form two variety clusters which can be seen in figure 19, too. The figure also shows that both the Nuristani and the Iranian languages remaincloser to their related languages than to any of the Pashai varieties. The western Pashai varieties are closer to the Iranian languages, particularly Parachi and the eastern Pashai varieties are closer to the Nuristani languages, particularly Waigali. Within the eastern Pashai varieties, Shemal and Chalas are closest to each other and share 89 cognates, followed by Shemal and Aret with 86 cognates. Korangal and Alingar are furthest away from any of the other eastern varieties.

Figure 19: Cognates in Pashai and region

5.1.1 Pashai as a dialect continuum Based on the values given in the distance matrix it can be shown which variety is closest to which variety and which varieties have the least in common with each other in the cognate analysis. The smaller the value, the smaller the distance between two varieties. Even though this does not prove mutual intelligibility, it shows tendencies in the dialect continuum. In tables 57 and 58 the varieties are listed from west to east, the diagonal line symbolizes the course from west to east. For each variety the closest variety is marked up per line in table 57 by highlighting the smallest pair value. In table 58 the vari-

49 ety with the largest distance is marked up per line for each variety by highlighting the largest pair value.

The western varieties Sanjan and Alasai display a “perfect” behaviour of dialects in a dialect continuum from one edge to the other. The most western variety Sanjan is closest to its next eastern neighbor Alasai (0.25) and Alasai is closest to its next eastern neighbor Alishang (0.25), but the distance to its western neighbor Sanjan is only slightly bigger. Alishang however is closest to Amla (0.21) and Alasai (0.23) and not its immediate eastern neighbor. Alingar is closest to its immediate neighbors in either direction. Amla is closest to Aret (0.20) and Alishang (0.21), even though the distance to its immediate neighbors is only slightly bigger. Shemal is closest to the next to eastern varieties Chalas (0.16) and Aret (0.19). The variety Aret is closest to its next to western varieties, Shemal and Amla (0.25). Chalasisalso closest to its next two western neighbors. Korangal at the end of the continuum is closest to Alingar (0.26), but is also close to Chalas (0.27). Even though the eastern varieties and Alishang share the most cognates with the “central” varieties Amla and Shemal, it still appears that the varieties share cognates along the line of the geographical distribution from west to east. In table 58 the varieties with the least shared cognates are marked up. Two clusters emerge, one for the western varieties, which all share the least amount of cognates with either Chalas or Korangal. The second cluster are the eastern varieties which all share the least amount of cognates with Sanjan and in Korangal’s case with Alasai.

West Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan 0.25 0.30 0.40 0.33 0.41 0.37 0.42 0.40 Alasai 0.25 0.23 0.36 0.28 0.36 0.29 0.40 0.42 Alishang 0.30 0.23 0.25 0.21 0.28 0.25 0.33 0.36 Alingar 0.40 0.36 0.25 0.24 0.32 0.27 0.33 0.26 Amla 0.33 0.28 0.21 0.24 0.25 0.20 0.26 0.30 Shemal 0.41 0.36 0.28 0.32 0.25 0.19 0.16 0.30 Aret 0.37 0.29 0.25 0.27 0.20 0.19 0.23 0.30 Chalas 0.42 0.40 0.33 0.33 0.26 0.16 0.23 0.27 Korangal 0.40 0.42 0.36 0.26 0.30 0.30 0.30 0.27

East

Table 57: Smallest distances between neighboring varieties based on cognate analysis

East

Table 58: Largest distance between varieties based on cognate analysis

50 5.1.2 Pashai and its neighbors The neighboring languages included in the cognate analysis are the Iranian languages Parachi, Pashto and Dari and the Nuristani languages Ashkun and Waigali. The full distance matrix for all Pashai varieties and those languages can be found in appendix C. Since this distance matrix also includes the distances between those five languages, they will be discussed here shortly, too. The distances based on the cognates between the Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages are much larger than within the Pashai varieties. Parachi and Dari are closer to each other than either (0.54) of them is with Pashto. Ashkun and Waigali (0.55) are closer to each other than to the Iranian languages.

Two clusters can be seen for the Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages. The three western varieties and Alingar are closer to Parachi. Sanjan and Alasai are also close to Dari. The remaining five eastern varieties are closest to Waigali, Korangal is as close to Pashto as to Waigali (0.75). This further supports the two clusters based on the cognate analysis for the Pashai varieties, even though Alingar does not group together with the other eastern varieties. However, Alingar does not form a group with the western varieties which all show a pair value between 0.60 and 0.65 for Parachi and Alingar a pair value of 0.72. The distances between Alishang and Parachi, Pashto and Waigali respectively areclose to equally long. Amla shows similar distances for all of the neighboring languages except for Pashto. Out of the five neighboring languages, Pashto is the one with which the Pashai varieties share theleast cognates, with the exception of Alingar, which shares the least cognates with Dari (0.78), followed by Ashkun (0.77).

Iranian Nuristani V/L Parachi Pashto Dari Ashkun Waigali Sanjan 0.60 0.79 0.65 0.74 0.72 Alasai 0.64 0.79 0.68 0.74 0.72 Alishang 0.65 0.75 0.72 0.71 0.70 Alingar 0.72 0.73 0.78 0.77 0.74 Amla 0.73 0.79 0.75 0.72 0.70 Shemal 0.74 0.82 0.77 0.71 0.65 Aret 0.72 0.78 0.76 0.71 0.68 Chalas 0.76 0.81 0.76 0.73 0.68 Korangal 0.73 0.71 0.75 0.75 0.71 Parachi 0.70 0.54 0.79 0.77 Pashto 0.70 0.75 0.83 0.86 Dari 0.54 0.75 0.81 0.79 Ashkun 0.79 0.83 0.81 0.55 Waigali 0.77 0.86 0.79 0.55

Table 59: Distances to the neighboring languages for cognates

5.1.3 Conclusion A list of 106 words may be a good start to see if one can expect any lexical clusters within Pashai. When looking at the cognates and the neighboring two similar patterns can be seen. The cognates show clusters for the western and the eastern varieties. The contact to the neighboring languages shows a similar pattern, but Alingar is here closer to Parachi like the western varieties. The resulting clusters forthe cognate analysis are shown in figure 20.

51 Figure 20: Map of Pashai and the neighboring languages for cognate clusters

5.2 Structural features Figure 21 shows the distance between the Pashai varieties based on the structural analysis. For the neighboring languages data is only available for lexical features, adding them to the figure does not change the distances between the Pashai varieties in a distance matrix, but it would change the distances in the visualization in figure 21. The lexical features are included here with all structural features, but they are also discussed together with the neighboring languages further below.

Even though the varieties are rather widespread and almost evenly distributed at the edges in figure 21 some conclusions can be drawn: The northeastern varieties are forming a cluster, the southeastern varieties are separate from the northeastern varieties and the western varieties are building a cluster as well.

52 Figure 21: Structural features in Pashai and region

5.2.1 Pashai as a dialect continuum The distance matrix for structural features is given in tables 60 and 61. The varieties with the most shared structural features and the varieties with the fewest shared structural features are marked. Just like for the values displayed in the tables for the cognate analysis (tables 57 and 58), the smallest and largest pair value are used for analysis. The analysis of structural features shows similar clusters as the cognate analysis, but the bordersbe- tween the clusters are not as clear cut as for the cognate analysis. Just like in the cognate analysis, the two western varieties Alasai and Sanjan are closer to each other (0.23) than to any other variety, but they are not as close to Alishang (0.32). Alishang and Alingar are closest to the southeastern variety Amla (0.27 and 0.23). The northeastern varieties are closest to other northeastern varieties, butAret shows the same distance to Amla as to Shemal (0.27). Korangal is closest to all three northeastern varieties (0.32). The distances in table 61 show that the western and the southeastern varieties share the fewest structural features with the northeastern varieties and the other way around. The clustering for structural features shows just like the cognate analysis a western cluster andan eastern cluster. Sanjan and Alasai form the western cluster, the four northeastern varieties form the eastern cluster. The southeastern varieties form their own cluster but Amla is also close to Sanjan,Al- ishang and Aret. The northwestern variety Alishang is closer to the two southeastern varieties based on the mean or the number of shared features, Alishang and the southeastern varieties are closer. The mean for the western cluster Sanjan and Alasai is (0.32+0.32)/2 = 0.32 and for the southeastern cluster (0.32+0.27)/2 = 0.295. The three western varieties have 13 structural features in common, Sanjan and Alasai 17. The southeastern varieties also share 17 structural features, together with Alishang they share 14 features. The northeastern varieties share 13 features and together with the southeastern varieties 9. The proposed clusters are therefore three clusters. Sanjan and Alasai form a western cluster and the northeastern varieties form a second cluster. Alishang and the southeastern varieties form a third “central” cluster, that is perhaps better described as a zone of accumulation.

53 West Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan 0.23 0.32 0.32 0.27 0.36 0.41 0.50 0.50 Alasai 0.23 0.32 0.36 0.32 0.36 0.41 0.45 0.50 Alishang 0.32 0.32 0.32 0.27 0.32 0.41 0.45 0.55 Alingar 0.32 0.36 0.32 0.23 0.36 0.36 0.36 0.45 Amla 0.27 0.32 0.27 0.23 0.36 0.27 0.50 0.41 Shemal 0.36 0.36 0.32 0.36 0.36 0.27 0.23 0.32 Aret 0.41 0.41 0.41 0.36 0.27 0.27 0.36 0.32 Chalas 0.50 0.45 0.45 0.36 0.50 0.23 0.36 0.32 Korangal 0.50 0.50 0.55 0.45 0.41 0.32 0.32 0.32

East

Table 60: Smallest distances between varieties based on structural features

West Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan 0.23 0.32 0.32 0.27 0.36 0.41 0.50 0.50 Alasai 0.23 0.32 0.36 0.32 0.36 0.41 0.45 0.50 Alishang 0.32 0.32 0.32 0.27 0.32 0.41 0.45 0.55 Alingar 0.32 0.36 0.32 0.23 0.36 0.36 0.36 0.45 Amla 0.27 0.32 0.27 0.23 0.36 0.27 0.50 0.41 Shemal 0.36 0.36 0.32 0.36 0.36 0.27 0.23 0.32 Aret 0.41 0.41 0.41 0.36 0.27 0.27 0.36 0.32 Chalas 0.50 0.45 0.45 0.36 0.50 0.23 0.36 0.32 Korangal 0.50 0.50 0.55 0.45 0.41 0.32 0.32 0.32

East

Table 61: Largest distance between varieties based on structural features

5.2.2 Pashai and its neighbors - lexical features Out of the structural features, the 10 lexical ones show the most variation. Since the neighboring languages were analyzed for those terms as well, they are discussed here briefly. The distances for lexical features for the neighboring languages are visualized in figure 22. A full matrix including the distances between the Pashai varieties for lexical features can be found in appendix E. The distance matrix in table 62 suggests overall no clusters like the cognates analysis shows for the neighboring languages. The numbers are however clearer as there are ten features and each feature is represented by a 0.10 step between 0 and 1. The numbers in the table show the differences not matches between the pairs, therefore the pair value 0.20 for Sanjan and Parachi is equal to 8 shared lexical features. Sanjan stands out as it shares at least five lexical features with all neighboring languages. Alasai is closest to Parachi and Pashto, the pair value is 0.40 or six shared lexical features. Aret and Korangal both share only two lexical features with Dari (0.80). Just like for the cognate analysis, Dari is the language with the least shared lexical features for all Pashai varieties. This is however not eas- ily detectable when looking at the matrix; in figure 22 this is marked in Dari’s position further away from the other languages and varieties. It becomes clearer when looking at the mean of the pair values for all Pashai varieties and the neighboring languages. The sum of all pair values for Pashai and Dari (0.50+0.70+…+0.70+0.80=6.20) is divided by 9 and gives a mean of 0.69 as the pair value for Pashai-Dari.

54 The pair values for the neighboring languages and Pashai are: Pashai-Parachi: 0.49, Pashai-Pashto: 0.52, Pashai-Ashkun: 0.51, and Pashai-Waigali: 0.62. This shows that out of the five neighboring languages Dari is the one with which Pashai shares the least amount of lexical features, followed in increasing order by Waigali, Pashto, Ashkun and Parachi. In numbers of lexical features this means that on average a Pashai varieties shares five lexical features with Parachi, Pashto and Ashkun and four features with Waigali in this study. On average a Pashai variety shares three lexical features with Dari.

Figure 22: Visualization of lexical features in Pashai and region

55 Iranian Nuristani V/L Parachi Pashto Dari Ashkun Waigali Sanjan 0.20 0.30 0.50 0.40 0.50 Alasai 0.40 0.40 0.70 0.50 0.70 Alishang 0.60 0.60 0.70 0.60 0.70 Alingar 0.50 0.60 0.60 0.50 0.50 Amla 0.50 0.50 0.70 0.40 0.60 Shemal 0.50 0.50 0.70 0.50 0.60 Aret 0.60 0.60 0.80 0.50 0.70 Chalas 0.60 0.70 0.70 0.60 0.60 Korangal 0.50 0.50 0.80 0.60 0.70 Parachi 0.40 0.50 0.50 0.60 Pashto 0.40 0.50 0.60 0.80 Dari 0.50 0.50 0.70 0.80 Ashkun 0.50 0.60 0.70 0.40 Waigali 0.60 0.80 0.80 0.40

Table 62: Distance matrix for lexical features for Pashai and the neighboring languages

5.2.3 Conclusion The structural features show three clusters in Pashai, a western cluster with Sanjan and Alasai, acluster of the northeastern varieties Shemal, Aret, Chalas and Korangal and a central cluster with northwestern Alishang and the southeastern varieties Alingar and Amla. The map in figure 23 shows these clusters.

Figure 23: Map of Pashai based on potential clusters in structural features

5.3 Comparison of results The cognate analysis and analysis of structural features show somewhat different results. Thecognate analysis shows two clusters along the dialect classification into eastern and western Pashai varieties, but northwestern Alishang is closest to the southeastern variety Amla outside its cluster (see table 57

56 for all values). The structural features however, show three clusters, here Alishang is grouped together with the southeastern varieties Alingar and Amla. Sanjan and Alasai form a western cluster, since they are each others closest variety based on their pair value (table 60). The analysis of the pair values for the least shared cognates and structural features show different patterns as well. In the cognate analysis the three western varieties share the least cognates with the two most eastern varieties, Chalas and Korangal (table 58). In the structural features the western varieties and the southeastern varieties share the least features with the northeastern varieties and the other way around (table 61). There are a few reasons as to why the analysis of cognates and that of structural features mayyield different results. It is always possible that due to human error cognates or features were analyzed incorrectly and therefore influence the results. It is also possible that terms may have been mistranslated in the questionnaires. The main reason for the difference in clusters between cognate analysis and structural features possibly lies in the interpretation of results. In the cognate analysis, two clusters are defined for the western varieties and the eastern varieties, but just like for the structural features,it could be discussed whether there is a central cluster consisting of the southeastern varieties that is not part of a cluster with the northeastern varieties.

5.4 Method discussion The method, a micro-typological study is a reasonable choice to investigate a dialect continuum with a limited data set. There are some limitations posed by the data. The amount of data is considerably small with data from only one speaker per variety and it can not be assured that answers given are representative of a group of speakers of the same variety. The cognate analysis gave satisfactory results in that clusters were identified, but this approachonly aligned one word per variety to one word in all other varieties. Second and sometimes third or fourth alternative translations remained unused. There are possibly more cognates in the kinship terms for all Pashai varieties if those terms are considered and it might also have influence on the patterns in kinship terms. As mentioned in the background section, Morgenstierne identified isoglotts for Pashai, terms that differ between West and East Pashai. He described two kinds of isglotts. One kindcanbe identified in the cognate analysis; two different words are used for to express the same meaninglike for “house”: West waːi, but East goːšiŋ. The second type is not addressed in the cognate analysis, where the words are cognates, but differ phonologically like for “eye”: West ačhiː, but East anč(iː).

In the structural features, but also in the cognate analysis, many interesting finds had to be dropped due to time constraints, but also because they did not relate to the features. They would maybe find more appreciation in a study that only deals with phonological or morphological properties of Pashai. They are here added to the suggestions for future research. The inclusion of the neighboring languages was informative for the cognate analysis, but couldnotbe done for the analysis of structural features. The lexical features were included because the data was already familiar from the cognate analysis. Each structural feature was analyzed nine times and adding another five languages would have exceeded the scope of the study, but did also restrict the insight into the small region of those five language and Pashai.

57 6 Conclusions

6.1 Research questions In this study nine varieties of the northwestern Indo-Aryan dialect continuum Pashai were compared. A cognate analysis was conducted on 106 words for the Pashai varieties and five neighboring languages. An analysis of 22 phonolological, morphological, syntactical and lexical features was conducted as well. The results are summarized below:

1. Which clusters can be found in the Pashai varieties based on shared cognates? The cognates analysis reveals a cluster of the three western varieties, of which two are from thenorth- western group, Sanjan and Alishang, and one from the southwestern group, Alasai. The two southeastern varieties Alingar and Amla form a cluster with the four northeastern varieties, Shemal, Aret, Chalas and Korangal. Out of 106 terms 49 terms are cognates in all Pashai varieties, the varieties within the clusters share more cognates, the western varieties share 68 cognates and the eastern varieties 60.

1a. Which relations can be seen between Pashai and the neighboring languages included for the cognate analysis (Ashkun, Waigali, Dari, Parachi, Pashto)? The western varieties are closer to the Iranian language Parachi, and the eastern varieties totheNuris- tani language Waigali.

2. Which clusters can be found in the Pashai varieties based on the analysis of structural features? Based on the analysis of the structural features three clusters are found, the two geographically most western varieties Sanjan and Alasai form a cluster and the northeastern varieties form another cluster. The northwestern variety Alishang, and the two southeastern varieties form a cluster basedonthe number of shared structural features.

2.a If there are any, which features are shared by all varieties? All Pashai varieties share six features, of which two are phonological features, one morphological, two syntactical and one lexical. Based on WALS classification, Pashai has a moderately large consonant inventory and a complex syllable structure. All Pashai varieties have two genders. Pashai is classified as having a dominant Subject-Object-Verb order and postpositions. The only lexical pattern all Pashai varieties share is the term for parent which is a compound of the terms for mother and father. Addi- tionally all Pashai varieties share another lexical pattern which is not included as a structural feature - there is no shared term for father, father’s brother and mother’s brother in any of the varieties.

3. Do cognates and structural features suggest the same or similar relations between the Pashai varieties? Two different patterns can be seen in the cognates analysis and the structural features. Thecognates show two clusters between the western varieties and the eastern varieties. The structural features show three clusters, a smaller western cluster without the variety Alishang and the northeastern varieties form a cluster without the southeastern varieties. The southeastern varieties and Alishang form a third cluster which is not based on a convincing number of shared features but rather lack thereof. The cluster of Alishang and the southeastern varieties share fourteen structural features and all three western varieties share thirteen features.

58 6.2 Future research This micro-typological study compared nine varieties of Pashai based on cognates and structural features. Based on the findings it can be concluded that Pashai as a dialect continuum shares features with the other Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan languages. Some of the features included in this study would benefit from further research particularly case marking and demonstratives, but also aspiration in combination with tone. It is generally assumed that aspiration has been partially replaced by tone for some Hindu Kush Indo-Aryan languages. This would be interesting to see as development within Pashai. Further phonological features that could be interesting are an analysis of the vowel inventory and a more thorough analysis of the consonant inventory with focus on allophones for sounds considered loans into Pashai. A dive into the synchronic development of sounds in cognates might contribute to revealing better defined clusters in the phonology of Pashai. The two aforementioned isoglottsdono longer agree fully with Morgenstierne’s definition of West and East Pashai. One western variety uses a different term for “house”, but the other two still use the isoglott, the eastern varieties doaswell. For the term “eye”, only the southeastern varieties kept the nasal while the other varieties all use the western term.

59 References

Bashir, E. (2003). Dardic. In Cardona, G. and Jain, D., editors, The Indo-Aryan languages, pages 818–894. London & New York, Routledge.

Bashir, E. (2016). Chapter 2. Contact and convergence, pages 241–374. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter.

Chambers, J. K. and Trudgill, P. (1998). Dialectology. Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics. Cambridge University Press, 2 edition.

Comrie, B. (2013a). Alignment of case marking of full noun phrases. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Comrie, B. (2013b). Numeral bases. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Corbett, G. G. (2013). Number of genders. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M.,editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Croft, W. (2003). Typology and Universals. Cambridge University Press.

Dahl, Ö. and Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M., editors (2001). Circum-Baltic Languages : Volume 2: Grammar and Typology, chapter Introduction. Philadelphia: John Behnjamins Publishing Company.

Diessel, H. (2013). Distance contrasts in demonstratives. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Dryer, M. S. (2013a). Order of adposition and noun phrase. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Dryer, M. S. (2013b). Order of subject, object and verb. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Dryer, M. S. (2013c). Position of polar question particles. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors (2013). WALS Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Eberhard, D. M. and Simons, G. F., editors (2019). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com.ezp.sub.su.se.

Edelmann, D. I. (1983). The Dardic and Nuristani Languages. Moscow: ”Nauka” Publishing House.

Hartmann, Iren & Haspelmath, M. . T. B. e., editor (2013). Valency Patterns Leipzig. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Huson, D. H. and Bryant, D. (2006). Application of Phylogenetic Networks in Evolutionary Studies. In: Molecular Biology and Evolution, 23(2). software available from www.splitstree.org.

Keiser, R. L. (1974). Social Structure in the Southeastern Hindu-Kush: Some Implications for Pashai Ethno-History. Anthropos, 69(3/4):445–456.

60 Koptjevskaja-Tamm, M. (2010). Linguistic Typology and Language Contact. In Song, J. J., editor, The Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Typology, pages 568–590. Oxford University Press.

Lamuwal, A.-E.-M. and Baker, A. (2013). Southeastern pashayi. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 43(2):243–246.

Lehr, R. (2014). A descriptive grammar of Pashai: the language and speech community of Darrai Nur. PhD thesis, The University of Chicago.

Liljegren, H. (2014). A survey of alignment features in the greater hindukush with special references to indo-aryan. In On Diversity and Complexity of Languages Spoken in Europe and North and Cen- tral Asia:, number 164 in Studies in Language Companion Series, pages 133–174. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company.

Maddieson (1984). Patterns of Sounds. Cambridge Studies in Speech Science and Communication. Cambridge University Press.

Maddieson, I. (2013a). Consonant inventories. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Maddieson, I. (2013b). Syllable structure. In Dryer, M. S. and Haspelmath, M., editors, The World Atlas of Language Structures Online. Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig.

Masica, C. P. (1991). The Indo-Aryan languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Mikuteit, S. and Reetz, H. (2007). Caught in the act: The timing of aspiration and voicing in east bengali. Language and Speech, 50(2):247–277.

Morgenstierne, G. (1929). Indo-Iranian frontier languages Vol. 1 Parachi and Ormuri. Oslo Universitets- forlaget.

Morgenstierne, G. (1960). Georg Buddruss: Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Pašai-Dialekte. (Abhandlun- gen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, xxxiii, 2.) [v], 74 pp. wiesbaden: Deutsche morgenländische gesellschaft, kommissionsverlag franz steiner gmbh, 1959. dm. 10. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 23(1):153–154.

Morgenstierne, G. (1967). The Pashai language. Indo-Iranian Frontier Languages 3:1. Oslo Universitets- forlaget.

Morgenstierne, G. (1973a). The Pashai language: 2. Texts and translations; with comparative noteson Pashai folktales by Reidar Th. Christiansen. Indo-Iranian Frontier Languages 3:2. Oslo Universitets- forlaget.

Morgenstierne, G. (1973b). The Pashai language: 3. Vocabulary. Indo-Iranian Frontier Languages 3:3. Oslo Universitetsforlaget.

Morgenstierne, G., Elfenbein, J. H., MacKenzie, D. N., and Sims-Williams, N. (2003). A new etymological vocabulary of Pashto. Reichert, Wiesbaden.

Nikolayeve, L. (2014). Typology of kinship terms. Peter Lang GmbH, Internationaler Verlag der Wis- senschaften.

Ovesen, J. (1984). On the Cultural Heritage of the Pashai. Anthropos, 79(4/6):397–407.

Song, J. J. and Stassen, L. (2012). The problem of cross-linguistic identification. https://www.oxfordhandbooks.com/view/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199281251.001.0001/oxfordhb- 9780199281251-e-006.

61 Wichmann, Søren, E. W. H. and (eds.), C. H. B. (2018). The ASJP Database (version 18). Website: https://asjp.clld.org/. Accessed: 25.08.2019).

Wilkins, D. (1999). Eliciting contrastive use of demonstratives for objects within close personal space (all objects well within arm’s reach). In Wilkins, D., editor, Manual for the 1999 Field Season, pages 25–28. Nijmegen: Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics.

Yun, J.-H. (2003). Pashai language development project: promoting Pashai language, literacy and community development. In Conference on language development, language revitalization and multilingual education in minority communities in Asia, 6-8 November 2003, Bangkok, Thailand.

62 A Figures and Tables List of Tables

1 Patterns for parent’s siblings ...... 13 2 Distance matrix of cognate analysis for Pashai ...... 15 3 Most diverse terms in Pashai and the region ...... 16 4 Cognates in Pashai and the region ...... 16 5 Cognates by group in percentage in Pashai ...... 17 6 Distribution of “consonant inventory” in Pashai ...... 17 7 Consonants in Pashai ...... 18 8 Most common consonants cross-linguistically according to Maddieson (1984)) ..... 18 9 Nasals in Pashai ...... 18 10 Plosives in Pashai ...... 19 11 Tap/flaps in Pashai ...... 20 12 Sibilant fricatives in Pashai ...... 21 13 Non-sibilant fricatives in Pashai ...... 21 14 Number of words with /f/ in Pashai ...... 22 15 Approximants in Pashai ...... 22 16 Lateral approximant in Pashai ...... 22 17 Distribution of “affricates” in Pashai ...... 23 18 Affricates in Pashai ...... 23 19 Distribution of “lateral fricative” in Pashai ...... 24 20 The lateral fricative in Pashai ...... 24 21 Distribution of “retroflexion” in Pashai ...... 24 22 Retrolfex sounds in Pashai ...... 24 23 Distribution of “aspiration” in Pashai ...... 25 24 Syllable structure distribution in the Pashai varieties ...... 28 25 Onset consonant clusters CCV(C) in Pashai ...... 28 26 Coda consonant clusters (C)VCC in Pashai ...... 29 27 Case marking in Pashai ...... 29 28 Gender distribution in the Pashai varieties ...... 31 29 Gender in Pashai ...... 32 30 Distribution of “demonstratives” in Pashai ...... 32 31 Demonstratives in Pashai in present tense ...... 33 32 Distribution of “word order” in Pashai ...... 34 33 Distribution of “polar question marker” in Pashai ...... 36 34 Distribution of adpositions in Pashai ...... 36 35 Postpositions in Pashai ...... 37 36 Distribution of “parent” in Pashai and region ...... 37 37 Parent terms in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 38 38 Distribution of “grandparents” in Pashai and the region ...... 38 39 Parent’s parents in Pashai and neighboring regions ...... 39 40 Distribution of “grandchildren” in Pashai and region ...... 39 41 Childrens’ children in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 40 42 Distribution of “parent’s sibling” in Pashai and region ...... 40 43 ”parent’s sibling” in Pashai and region ...... 40 44 Distirbution of “sibling’s children” in Pashai and region ...... 41 45 Sibling’s child in Pashai and neighboring lanugages ...... 41 46 Distribution of “sibling’s spouse” in Pashai and region ...... 41

63 47 Sibling’s spouses in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 42 48 Distribution of “spouse’s sibling” in Pashai and region ...... 42 49 Spouse’s siblings in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 42 50 Distribution of “spouse’s parents” in Pashai and region ...... 43 51 Spouse’s parents in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 43 52 Distribution of “numeral base” in Pashai and region ...... 44 53 Numeral base in Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 45 54 Distribution of “numeral composition” in Pashai and region ...... 45 55 Numeral composition in Pashai and region ...... 45 56 Overview: Results for structural features ...... 48 57 Smallest distances between neighboring varieties based on cognate analysis ...... 50 58 Largest distance between varieties based on cognate analysis ...... 50 59 Distances to the neighboring languages for cognates ...... 51 60 Smallest distances between varieties based on structural features ...... 54 61 Largest distance between varieties based on structural features ...... 54 62 Distance matrix for lexical features for Pashai and the neighboring languages ..... 56 63 List of 106 terms used for cognate analysis ...... 66 64 Distance matrix for cognate analysis for region ...... 71 65 Consonant inventory for Alasai ...... 72 66 Consonant inventory for Alingar ...... 72 67 Consonant inventory for Alishang ...... 72 68 Consonant inventory for Amla ...... 73 69 Consonant inventory for Aret ...... 73 70 Consonant inventory for Chalas ...... 73 71 Consonant inventory for Korangal ...... 74 72 Consonant inventory for Sanjan ...... 74 73 Consonant inventory for Shemal ...... 74 74 Distance matrix for lexical features for Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 75

List of Figures

1 Languages in Hindu Kush-Karakoram region ...... 3 2 The Pashai varieties from Liljegren’s sample ...... 4 3 Pashai and neighboring languages ...... 6 4 Glottal stop in Alasai ...... 20 5 Korangal: Aspirated voiceless plosive ...... 26 6 Korangal: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 26 7 Chalas: Realization of transcribed /pʰ/ ...... 26 8 Chalas: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 26 9 Sanjan: Aspirated voiceless plosives ...... 26 10 Sanjan: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 26 11 Alasai: Aspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 12 Alasai: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 13 Alishang: Aspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 14 Alishang: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 15 Aret: Aspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 16 Aret: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 17 Shemal: Aspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 18 Shemal: Unaspirated voiceless plosive ...... 27 19 Cognates in Pashai and region ...... 49

64 20 Map of Pashai and the neighboring languages for cognate clusters ...... 52 21 Structural features in Pashai and region ...... 53 22 Visualization of lexical features in Pashai and region ...... 55 23 Map of Pashai based on potential clusters in structural features ...... 56

65 B Appendix I

Table 63: List of 106 terms used for cognate analysis 1 Brother laːi lajɑːm laːem laːiː blɑːm loːm lɑːm bɽuːjə lɑːm 2 Brother’s laːi wijə laeːstam oːjə laːweːm laːwjəm laːestam oːja laːstəm wa wurijeːrə χuwɑːr dɑːduː laːstəm wa daughter 3 Brother’s lawuːtr laeːstam oːjeː laːwu trəm laːwləm laːestam laːstəm pʰulə wuraːrə bɽɑːw tuːr laːstəm pulə son Brother’s wife 4 laːd͡ʒaː wəreːndɑːrə laːd͡ʒeːm ʃinək ʃenegam ʃinik ʃənik jənguː laːstəm ɬika (fem. ego) Brother’s wife 5 laːd͡ʒaː wəreːndɑːrə wərindar ʃinək ʃenegam ʃinik ʃənik jənguː ʃənigeːm (male ego) 6 Child baːlkuːl t͡ʃənɖɑː baːɽo t͡ʃənʈaː mɑːʃum laːm kɑːku oʃʈuːk bəlɑːgul 7 Co-wife ambaːʁ amak anboːχ ambak ʒuwɑːɽin d͡ʒoːɽ d͡ʒoːɽa ambɑːʁə jɑːɽ

66 8 Daughter wijə oːɖək weːm oːj wɑːm (?) wom wɑːm d͡ʒɑːnd͡ʒigə wɑːm 9 Daughter’s nətiː masijɑːmiː natiːm nadi nɑːsijum waːstəm waː masej nati nɑːsijem daughter 10 Daughter’s d͡ʒaːmaːi d͡ʒɑːmajɑː d͡ʒaːmeːm d͡ʒaːmaːi d͡ʒomɑːm zoːmom zoːməm d͡ʒɑːmɑː wastəm husband pɑːnzə 11 Daughter’s nawaːi masijɑːm nawaːem nawaːi nawɑːsum waːstəm masej nawəj nɑːwajeːm son pʰulə 12 Father baːw bwɑː baːwa daːdaː bəːw baːw babɑː bɑːbɑː bɑːw 13 Father’s mambuː kɑːkɑː kaːka kaːkaː kaːgɑː baːwas la dɑːdɑː mambuː bɑːwəs la brother 14 Father’s awlaː baːbaː bɽiːn bwɑː baːba baːba bəːwəs gaːɽ baːw bluw(?) babɑː ɑːwluː buː gaɽ bɑːw father bɑːbeː 15 Father’s awliː aːji bɽən ɑːi bəɖənlaːi baːiː gaɽeːam gaːɽ aːi bluwiː(?) aːi ɑːwliː ɑːiː gaɽ aːi mother 16 Father’s sis- maːmbiː mɑːmoː maːnbi maːmaː maːmeːam baːwas sawaː kaniʃʈiː aːi (?) ɑːmə bɑːwəs sawa ter 17 Husband iʃpaːnd͡ʒ pɑːnd͡ʒ kaleːt paːnt͡ʃ poːnja? pojn punzə iʃpund͡ʒ ɬik pɑːnzuk No. Term Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal 18 Husband’s deːruː leːwar deːrewam dərəw dərwiː ʃiwuɽuk (leːwar) diːruː pɑːnzstəm la brother deːra 19 Husband’s ʃəjiːr sansərɑː ʃeːreːm ʃeːruːm ʃenʃuːrɑː ʃəʃuːroː ʃəʃuroː ʃəjiːr ʃeːrəm father 20 Husband’s ʃəjruː sansəriː ʃeʃriː ʃeːrim ʃenʃuːrim ʃəʃuːriː ʃəʃuriː ʃəjruː ʃanʃurijeːm mother 21 Husband’s d͡ʒaːmiː pɑːnd͡ʒəstam d͡ʒaːmeːm d͡ʒaːmijaː d͡ʒɑːmijɑː zuzumi poːzstəm sawa d͡ʒɑːmiː zuzumijeːm sister sajeː 22 Mother aːjə ɑːi a:i a:i oːj aːi aːi ɑːiː aːi 23 Mother’s maːmaː mɑːmɑː maːma baːwu maik meːk mɑːmɑː mawluː moːləm brother 24 Mother’s fa- buɖaː bɽiːn bwɑː bəɖən baːwa baːbaː bɑːbeːam aːi bohoː gaːɽ bluw babɑː ɑːwluː buː aːi bɑːw gaɽ ther baːw aːi 25 Mother’s buɖiː bɽən ɑːi aːkane baːiː gaɽeːam aːi bohoː gaːɽ bluwiː aːi ɑːwliː ɑːiː aːi bɑːw gaɽ mother bəɖənlaːi aːi aːi 67 26 Mother’s maːmbiː mɑːmoː χaːla maːmaː maːmeːam aːis sawaː aːi mɑːm biː aːis sawa sister 27 Sister saːjə sajɑːm saːem sajaːm saːwom saːwom sawɑːm sɑːjə sawɑːm 28 Sister’s nətiː saeːstam oːjə seːaseme nadi nawɑːsi nosim χurzəm χuwɑːr dɑːduː sawastəm daughter weːa wa 29 Sister’s son nawaːi saeːstam oː- seːaseme nawaːi nawɑːsa xoːraja χarijɑː χuwɑːr dɑːduː susastəm jeː pətər pulə Sister’s husband 30 daːdaː saeːstam ʃeːreːm d͡ʒaːmaːi pɑːeːreːm ʃiwuɽuk zum d͡ʒɑːmɑː pɑːrijeːm (fem. ego) pɑːnd͡ʒə Sister’s husband 31 daːdaː d͡ʒɑːmajɑː d͡ʒaːmiːm d͡ʒaːmaːi pɑːeːreːm zoːmom zum d͡ʒɑːmɑː zomɑːm (male ego) 32 Son puːtr uwejɑː pujtər pulim putrəm pʰuːləm pʰuləm puːtər puləm 33 Son’s nətiː masɑːmiː natiːm nadi nɑːsijum nusijim masej nati nɑːsijem daughter 34 Son’s son nawaːi masɑːm nawaːem nawaːi nawɑːsum nusum masej nawəj nɑːwajeːm No. Term Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal 35 Son’s wife suːnzə laeːstam za- t͡sanzeːm sənzam sunzam suzoːm sunzom sənzə suzɑːm jbiː 36 Wife maːʃiː zajbam maːʃiːm maːda trik ɬik muːʃim iʃtərkə pɑːnzuk ɬik 37 Wife’s iʃpaːriː pijɑːriː iʃpaːɽiːm paːiːriː faːriː ʃiwuɽuk (ɑːwχaj) iʃpɑːriː poːriː brother 38 Wife’s ʃəjiːr sansərɑː ʃeːriːm ʃeːruːm ʃeːrim ʃəʃuːroː ʃəʃurɑː ʃəjiːr ʃeːrəm father 39 Wife’s ʃəjruː sansəriː ʃeːriːm ʃeːruːm ʃeːrim ʃəʃuːriː ʃəʃuriː ʃəjruː ʃanʃurijeːm mother 40 Wife’s sister səjɑːniː sajɑːniː sajaːniːm sijaːniː awər blɑːm ʃiwuɽik χina sajɑːniː ʃijɑːɽik 41 1 iː iː iː iː eː je je juwal je 42 2 doː də doː doː duː du du dowal duː 43 3 tra heː tran ɬe trəː ɬə ɬe tra ɬe 44 4 t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃoːr t͡ʃaːr t͡ʃoːr t͡sor t͡soːr t͡sur t͡soːr 45 5 paːnd͡ʒe pajnd͡ʒ paːnd͡ʒə pand͡ʒ paːnj paːjn paːjn pɑːnd͡ʒe paːjn 68 46 6 ʂe ʃeː t͡ʃaː ʃeː t͡ʃəː t͡ʃə t͡ʃe ʂe t͡ʃə 47 7 saːte sat saːtə sat saːt saːt saːt sɑːta saːt 48 8 aːʂʈe aʃʈ aːʃʈə haʃt aːʃt aːʃ aːʃ ɑːʃta aːʃt 49 9 naːwe noː naːu noː naw naːw naːw nɑːwa naːw 50 10 daːje deː deː deː daːe daːj daːj dɑː daːj 51 11 ʒaːi jaːe ʒuiː jaːe juːj juwoːj juːj ʒuj joːj 52 12 duwaːi duːwaːe duiː duwaːe duːj duwoːj duːj duj duwoj 53 13 truːi həwi truiː ɬue truj ɬəj ɬej duj triju ɬiː 54 14 t͡ʃadaːje t͡ʃadeː t͡ʃadeː t͡ʃadeː t͡ʃadaj t͡saːdaːj t͡saːdaj t͡ʃadɑː t͡sandaːj 55 15 pand͡ʒiː pand͡ʒuː pand͡ʒiː pand͡ʒu paːnju paːziw/paːziju pant͡siːw pand͡ʒi pa(n?)ziju 56 16 ʂuːi ʃuːɽ t͡ʃuiː ʃoːɽ ʃiɽ ʃuːɽ ʃuj ʂuj səɽ 57 17 satːiː satuː satiː satu satin satiw satiːw satiː satiju 58 18 aʂʈiː aʃʈuː aːʃʈiː aʃʈu aʃʈiju aʃʈiw aʃʈiːw aʃʈiː aʃʈiju 59 19 naiː nahuː nawiː nau nawijaw nawiw nawiːw nawiː nawiju 60 20 west wəst wast west weːst wist wist wəst wist No. Term Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal 61 30 siː wistu deː wastu deː west oː deː weːst me wista bi daːj daːje bi wist triju wistə daːj daːe 62 40 t͡ʃehel duːwija deːo dəwija duwija dijo dujo t͡ʃel dijɑː 63 50 pind͡ʒɑ duːwija deː deːo deː dəwija oː deː duwija me dija bi daːj daːje bi dujo pend͡ʒɑː dijɑː bi daːj daːe 64 60 ʃast heːwija traewo ɬewija trewija ɬəjo ɬəjo ʃaːst ɬejɑː 65 70 aftaːd heːwija deː traewo deː ɬewija oː deː trewija me ɬəja bi daːj daːj bi ɬəjo haːftɑːd ɬejɑː bi daːj daːe 66 80 aʃtaːd t͡ʃaːrwija t͡ʃoːriju t͡ʃaːrwija t͡ʃoːrwija t͡soːrijo t͡soːrijo haːʃtɑːd t͡soːrijɑː 67 90 nawad t͡ʃaːrwija deː t͡ʃoːriju deː t͡ʃaːrwija oː t͡ʃoːrwija me t͡soːrija bi daːj bi t͡soːrijo nawad t͡soːrijɑː bi deː daːe daːj daːj 68 100 ʃaːi pajnd͡ʒuwija iː sad pand͡ʒuwija faːnjuwija paːjnijo paːjnijo sad paːnijɑː 69 blood aːr aːʃ oːr aːʃ oːstr oːʃ oːjs oːr oːʃt 70 bone aʈaː anʈiː aːʈu anʈiː aʈi aːʈi anʈiː ustuχul aːʈi 71 breast t͡ʃut͡ʃuː t͡ʃət͡ʃuː t͡ʃut͡ʃu t͡ʃut͡ʃu t͡ʃut͡ʃu t͡suːt͡su t͡sut͡suː t͡ʃit͡ʃuː t͡sut͡su 69 72 come ajiːk jaː jaː iːm ek eːk jeː aːid iːk 73 die muɽiːk lig məɽ liːkaːlaː lik lik liːk muɽiːk lik 74 dog ʃuːng ʃuɽing ʃuŋ ʃuːɽiŋ ʃuɽiŋ ʃuɽiŋ ʃuɽiŋ ʃung ʃuɽiŋ 75 drink pijiːk pejk piːja pek peːk pik peːm pediːk peːk 76 ear kahaːj χaːl keːʈiː kaːɽ χoːɽ χoɽ χow kuj χoːɽ 77 eye at͡ʃiː ant͡ʃ at͡ʃiː ajnt͡ʃ ãːt͡ʃ at͡s aːjt͡s at͡ʃuj aːt͡ʃ 78 fire laːne a(ã?)ːr aːŋguɽ aŋgaːr aːr oːŋgor aːngoː iʃnaːiː oŋgor 79 fish maːt͡se maːt͡ʃ masaʈiː maːt͡ʃ maːt͡ʃ maːj maːjs maːiː maːi 80 full aːt͡ʃe ɖak dal puːrawaː ɖak pəruwo [purjuwo] lep purjuwa 81 hand haːst aːs oːst aːs oːst oːs oːs oːst oːs 82 hear kahaːj d͡ʒajiːk arejk kand͡ʒaːni aːreːm aːrik aːrak [arajm] kuj d͡ʒahik arajk 83 horn ʂaːng ʃing ʃaŋgaʈi ʃuŋg(ə)ɽaː ʃaŋ ʃin ʃiŋ ʃuχ ʃiŋ 84 I mam mam moː mam aː a aː aː a 85 knee kaːɽ kuʈaː gunɖu kuʈa ɖuwaː (?) χoɽ pinɖr koːɽ ɖuhaw 86 leaf paʈaː paʈik paːʈu paʈək paʈək paʈək paːʈek poːʈ paːɽek 87 liver haːɽ d͡ʒigar d͡ʒigar d͡ʒigar aːɽ zəɽ zəɽəm d͡ʒigaːr eːɽ No. Term Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal 88 louse ʒuː ʒuː ʒuː ʒu ʒuː ju jiw ʒu jəw 89 mountain dahaːr daːr duːr daːr doːr izor doːr doːr daːr 90 name naːm naːm num naːmi nom nom nom noːm nom 91 new naːng nungaː nuwe nuŋgaː naga nawe nawaj nung nagaː 92 night wijaːl wel weːle wejl wijal wel wel weːla wel 93 nose naːst naːs noːs naːs noːs(t?) noːs noːs noːst noːs 94 path paːnde pan paːndə pan pan paːn paːn paːnde pan 95 person aːdam bandaː aːdam aːdami mut͡ʃak kas mut͡seːk aːdam mut͡sək 96 see diːk leʃik dijani lajkam lat͡ʃeːk paɽajk meːleːim datoː paɽajk 97 skin pustaːk pust postaːk t͡ʃumpaɽa pəst pəst pəs puːstuːk pəst 98 star s(ə)taːraː s(ə)taːraː s(ə)taːru taːraː tajaːk leːtoro lajtaroː s(ə)taːruː litaːra 99 stone zaːmb waːɽ zomb waːɽ kaːmar woɽ woː zumb woɽ 100 sun sura sər sər sor sur sur sur səra suːr 101 tongue d͡ʒiba ʒəb d͡ʒibə d͡ʒəb zib ziːb zib d͡ʒiba zib

70 102 tooth daːnd daːn daːndə daːn don don don doːnd daːn 103 tree butaː d͡ʒal kaʈiː kaɽək d͡ʒaːl zol zal kungaːl zol 104 water warajk warik urgə warik warək waːrik warik oːrga warajk 105 we hama ama hama aːma aːma ama ama amaː aːma 106 you tu ima tə tə tu tu tu te tuː C Appendix II

Alasai Alingar Alishang Amla Aret Chalas Korangal Sanjan Shemal Ashkun Dari Parachi Pashto Waigali Alasai 0.36 0.23 0.28 0.29 0.40 0.42 0.25 0.36 0.74 0.68 0.64 0.79 0.72 Alingar 0.36 0.25 0.24 0.27 0.33 0.26 0.40 0.32 0.77 0.78 0.72 0.73 0.74 Alishang 0.23 0.25 0.21 0.25 0.33 0.36 0.30 0.28 0.71 0.72 0.65 0.75 0.70 Amla 0.28 0.24 0.21 0.20 0.26 0.30 0.33 0.25 0.72 0.75 0.73 0.79 0.70 Aret 0.29 0.27 0.25 0.20 0.23 0.30 0.37 0.19 0.71 0.76 0.72 0.78 0.68 Chalas 0.40 0.33 0.33 0.26 0.23 0.27 0.42 0.16 0.73 0.76 0.76 0.81 0.68 Korangal 0.42 0.26 0.36 0.30 0.30 0.27 0.40 0.30 0.75 0.75 0.73 0.71 0.71 Sanjan 0.25 0.40 0.30 0.33 0.37 0.42 0.40 0.41 0.74 0.65 0.60 0.79 0.72 Shemal 0.36 0.32 0.28 0.25 0.19 0.16 0.30 0.41 0.71 0.77 0.74 0.82 0.65 Ashkun 0.74 0.77 0.71 0.72 0.71 0.73 0.75 0.74 0.71 0.81 0.79 0.83 0.55 Dari 0.68 0.78 0.72 0.75 0.76 0.76 0.75 0.65 0.77 0.81 0.54 0.75 0.79

71 Parachi 0.64 0.72 0.65 0.73 0.72 0.76 0.73 0.60 0.74 0.79 0.54 0.70 0.77 Pashto 0.79 0.73 0.75 0.79 0.78 0.81 0.71 0.79 0.82 0.83 0.75 0.70 0.86 Waigali 0.72 0.74 0.70 0.70 0.68 0.68 0.71 0.72 0.65 0.55 0.79 0.77 0.86

Table 64: Distance matrix for cognate analysis for region D Appendix III

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Aspirated plos. tʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ ʂ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 65: Consonant inventory for Alasai

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ɳ ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 66: Consonant inventory for Alingar

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g Aspirated plos. tʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ ʂ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡s t͡ʃ d͡ʒ ʈ͡ʂ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 67: Consonant inventory for Alishang

72 Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ ʂ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. ɬ Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 68: Consonant inventory for Amla

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ɳ ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g Aspirated plos. pʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 69: Consonant inventory for Aret

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ χ h Approximant j Lateral fric. ɬ Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡s t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 70: Consonant inventory for Chalas

73 Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ɳ ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g Aspirated plos. pʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ χ h Approximant j Lateral fric. ɬ Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡s d͡z t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 71: Consonant inventory for Korangal

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Aspirated plos. pʰ tʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ ʒ ʂ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 72: Consonant inventory for Sanjan

Labio- Post- Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal dental alveolar Nasal m n ŋ Plosive p b t d ʈ ɖ k g q Aspirated plos. tʰ Tap/Flap ɾ ɽ Fricative f s z ʃ χ ʁ h Approximant j Lateral fric. ɬ Lateral approx. l Affricate t͡s t͡ʃ d͡ʒ Labio-velar approx. w

Table 73: Consonant inventory for Shemal

74 E Appendix IV

V/L Sanjan Alasai Alishang Alingar Amla Shemal Aret Chalas Korangal Parachi Pashto Dari Ashkun Waigali Sanjan 0.3 0.5 0.5 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.2 0.3 0.5 0.4 0.5 Alasai 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.5 0.6 0.4 0.4 0.7 0.5 0.7 Alishang 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.4 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.7 Alingar 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.5 Amla 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.3 0.4 0.2 0.6 0.4 0.5 0.5 0.7 0.4 0.6 Shemal 0.4 0.4 0.2 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.4 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.7 0.5 0.6 Aret 0.5 0.3 0.3 0.4 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.8 0.5 0.7 Chalas 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.6 0.4 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.6 Korangal 0.6 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.6 0.5 0.7 0.5 0.5 0.8 0.6 0.7 Parachi 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.5 0.6 Pashto 0.3 0.4 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.8

75 Dari 0.5 0.7 0.7 0.6 0.7 0.7 0.8 0.7 0.8 0.5 0.5 0.7 0.8 Ashkun 0.4 0.5 0.6 0.5 0.4 0.5 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.5 0.6 0.7 0.4 Waigali 0.5 0.7 0.7 0.5 0.6 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.7 0.6 0.8 0.8 0.4

Table 74: Distance matrix for lexical features for Pashai and neighboring languages Stockholm University SE-106 91 Stockholm Phonenumber 08 - 16 20 00 www.su.se