Fragmenting and Healing Bodies in the Early Modern Bay of Kotor

religions

Article “Equal Rites”: Fragmenting and Healing Bodies in the Early Modern Bay of Kotor

Milena Ulˇcar Faculty of Philosophy, Department of Art History, University of Belgrade, Cika Ljubina 18/20, 11000 Belgrade, Serbia; [email protected]

Received: 17 August 2019; Accepted: 25 October 2019; Published: 2 November 2019

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to examine the exchange of practices that developed when treating the bodies of ordinary laymen and those of saints. Body parts that had been obtained in unorthodox ways were used in private households in a manner strongly resembling the oﬃcial methods of relic veneration. Conversely, the church authorities carried out repairs to damaged reliquaries by adopting an approach that mirrored the ways in which common people were healed in their homes (the application of holy images, use of votive gifts, etc.).

Keywords: reliquaries; body-part reliquaries; post-Tridentine religion; Bay of Kotor; Republic of Venice; healing; domestic devotion

1. Introduction The main arguments in this article will be supported by a rather peculiar body of visual and archival data, including broken reliquaries (severely damaged in an earthquake that occurred in the 17th century), incomplete verbal descriptions of long lost amulets, and testimonies given by mostly illiterate witnesses at local church court hearings. The methodological approach examines domestic practices that occurred in the Bay of Kotor in what is today Montenegro, most of which were considered blasphemous, and theoretically reframes them as logical counterparts to complementary institutional practices. On the other hand, institutionalised church practices, which were still unorthodox for their time, despite being officially approved, I will treat as an important clue to understanding the “rules” of domestic piety. The main focus will be on two related processes: the fragmenting and healing of the body in the early modern period. I will consider the act of fragmentation as not only implying use of relics and reliquaries, but also the dismemberment and manipulation of the bodies of common laymen, both living and deceased. In the same manner, I will examine healing practices as acts that applied equally to the suffering of “ordinary” bodies as to those of saints. The topographical and chronological focus of this research is the 17th and 18th century Bay of Kotor, a small coastal area in the South-Western Balkans. Kotor, the capital of this region, and nearby villages Perast and Prˇcanj, were ruled by the Venetian government from the early 15th century until the fall of the Republic of Venice at end of the 18th century. Surrounding towns and villages such as Herceg Novi and Orahovac remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire (Butorac 1998, 2000). Due to the nature of the archival and material evidence and its redistribution, I will place the focus of this analysis on the areas where the Catholic Church was dominant. In a somewhat odd turn, official archival records will serve my interpretation as the main source when analysing domestic devotional practices, whereas the parallel examination of official church practices will be approached solely through the analysis of damaged physical evidence. Similar inversions, which occur throughout the paper, add support to the main hypothesis: the dualistic nature of the domestic and the institutional, i.e., private and public, can be understood as part of the same “devotional spectrum” rather than as mutually exclusive (Ryan 2003, pp. 281–90).

Religions 2019, 10, 606; doi:10.3390/rel10110606 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Religions 2019, 10, 606 2 of 18

2. Fragmentation of the Dead Body During the 17th and 18th century, a significant number of sermons urged believers in the Bay of Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 2 of 18 Kotor not to excavate and fragment the bodies of the deceased. They described this act as a practice that “had2. Fragmentation already made of twothe Dead priests Body abandon this area”.1 Despite the condemnation, the excavation and fragmentationDuring the of 17th bodies and occurred18th century, regularly, a significant and nu thember people of sermons who engagedurged believers in it believedin the Bay theyof were “being healedKotor not and to excavate saved from and fragment death”2 .the As bodies we learn of the from deceased. court They records, described men this and act women as a practice used bones and otherthat parts“had already taken frommade corpsestwo priests for abandon various this rituals, area”.1 which Despite theythe condemnation, performed atthe home excavation to ward off everydayand misfortune, fragmentation sickness, of bodies andoccurred death. regularly, This domestic and the people use ofwho fragmented engaged in it human believed bodies they were resembled “being healed and saved from death”2. As we learn from court records, men and women used bones the institutional treatment of saintly bodies. Both were treasured, used in rituals, and expected to offer and other parts taken from corpses for various rituals, which they performed at home to ward off protectioneveryday in times misfortune, of distress. sickness, However, and death. to This understand domestic use the of significance fragmented human of these bodies “sinful resembled acts”, we are requiredthe to institutional examine the treatment nuances of thatsaintly the bodies. process Both of we bodilyre treasured, fragmentation used in rituals, signified and expected for contemporary to believersoffer in protection the Bay of in Kotor. times of distress. However, to understand the significance of these “sinful acts”, Thewe focal are required point of to fragmentation, examine the nuances seen that from th thise process point of of bodily view, fragmentation was the relics signified in the for chapel of the Cathedralcontemporary of Saint believers Tryphon in the in Bay Kotor of Kotor. (Figure 1). Dozens of silver body parts—mainly legs, arms, The focal point of fragmentation, seen from this point of view, was the relics in the chapel of the and heads—have housed the bones of saints for centuries and are displayed on shelves around the Cathedral of Saint Tryphon in Kotor (Figure 1). Dozens of silver body parts—mainly legs, arms, and casket holdingheads—have Saint housed Tryphon’s the bones remains of saints (Tomić for centurie 2009s, and p. 35;are Ulˇcardisplayed 2017 on, shelves p. 6) (Figure around2 the). Duringcasket Saint Tryphon’sholding Day Saint celebrations, Tryphon’s these remains reliquaries (Tomić 2009, were p. displayed 35; Ulčar in2017, the p. church 6) (Figure and 2). carried During in Saint processions along theTryphon’s streets Day of Kotor, celebrations, where these common reliquaries people were coulddisplayed observe in the church (and touch)and carried the in fragmented processions bodies of theiralong patron the saintstreets and of Kotor, his entourage where common (Stjepˇcević people co 1938uld observe).3 The (and silver touch) limbs the fragmented and heads, bodies which were 3 alwaysof displayed their patron as saint a group, and his off entourageered an institutionally (Stjepčević 1938). approved The silver image limbs and of fragmented heads, which bodies.were This always displayed as a group, offered an institutionally approved image of fragmented bodies. This was crucialwas crucial for ritual for ritual and and devotional devotional acts acts in in the the earlyearly modern modern Bay Bay of ofKotor. Kotor.

Figure 1.FigureSaint 1. Tryphon’sSaint Tryphon’s relic relic chapel, chapel, 1704–1708, 1704–1708, Kotor, Kotor, Sain Saintt Tryphon’s Tryphon’s Cathedral Cathedral (photo (photo by Stevan by Stevan Kordi´c).Kordić).

1 Propovjedi. PROP VIII. p. 182. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.a). 2 Ibid., p. 179. 3 The Saint Tryphon’s Day procession is described in: Timotej Cizila. BoveD’Oro, NAP R XVI. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.b). 1 Propovjedi. PROP VIII. p. 182. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.a). 2 Ibid., p. 179. 3 The Saint Tryphon’s Day procession is described in: Timotej Cizila. BoveD’Oro, NAP R XVI. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.b).

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FigureFigure 2. Reliquaries, 2. Reliquaries, 16th–18th 16th–18th century, century, Kotor,Kotor, Saint Tryphon’s Tryphon’s relic relic chapel chapel (photo (photo by author). by author).

By contrast,By contrast, the same the same act act of dissolutionof dissolution was was consideredconsidered sinful sinful when when other other kinds kinds of bodies of bodiescame came into question. As the popular sacral play of this period recalls, during his suffering on the cross, into question. As the popular sacral play of this period recalls, during his suffering on the cross, Christ’s Christ’s body was in danger of fragmentation. Missandro, one of the main protagonists in body wascondemnation in danger and of fragmentation. crucifixion in Nenadi Missandro,ć’s play, was one determined of the main to break protagonists Christ’s legs in condemnationwith a heavy and crucifixionmace in and Nenadić’splay, divide his body was into determinedpieces: “He should to break be cut/And Christ’s ripped legs withinto pieces/Let a heavy macethem trusting and divide his body into(his pieces: Resurrection)/remain “He should be deluded!” cut/And Longinus ripped into opposed pieces this/Let suggestion them trusting strongly: (his “Great Resurrection) injustice /remain deluded!”would Longinus it be/to do opposed that even this to deceased!” suggestion (Nenadi strongly:ć 1975, “Great p. 266).injustice The fragmentation would it of be Christ’s/to do body that even to would result in the destruction of his identity. Had it been performed, he would have failed to fulfil deceased!” (Nenadić 1975, p. 266). The fragmentation of Christ’s body would result in the destruction his purpose. Bodies of saints, on the other hand, acquired power through an act that was similar, of his identity.although Hadusually it beenless violen performed,t in nature he (Bynum would 1991). have failed to fulfil his purpose. Bodies of saints, on the other hand,Examples acquired seen powerin the “secular” through anlife actof people that was in similar,the bay correspond although usuallyto the aforementioned less violent in nature (Bynumduality 1991). of fragmentation. In official terms, the domestic use of common people’s body parts was Examplescondemned. seen Popular in the “secular”18th century life catechisms of people by in Antun the bay Nenadi correspondć warned to that the aforementionedexcommunication duality of fragmentation.awaited those In owhofficial excavated terms, thecorpses domestic and desecrated use of common deceased people’s bodies (Nenadi body partsć 1768, was p. condemned.113). Numerous sermons of the time reflect this sentiment: “And where are those hellish souls who with Popular 18th century catechisms by Antun Nenadićwarned that excommunication awaited those wickedness, just as infidels, viciously and cursedly open the graves and tear the dead body apart?” who excavatedIt was detailed corpses how and people desecrated would open deceased the tombs bodies and “tear (Nenadić the dead 1768 body, p. apart 113). or collect Numerous the pus sermons of the timefrom reflectthe corpse this and sentiment: apply it on “And the skin where of the are sick.” those The hellish same priest souls suggested who with perpetrators wickedness, be just as infidels,banished viciously “as andone branch cursedly from open the tree, the cut graves from andthe goodness tear the of dead the Holy body Church.” apart?”4 ItTherefore, was detailed the how people wouldprescribed open punishment the tombs for the and fragmentation “tear the dead of deceased body apart bodies or was collect the excommunication the pus from theof those corpse and apply itsinners on the taking skin ofpart the in sick.”this dangerous The same act. priestThe frequency suggested withperpetrators which similar bestatements banished appeared “as one in branch sermons of the time indicates that the practice was widespread4 in the 17th and 18th centuries. from the tree,In 1630, cut from a church the tribunal goodness in Venice of the accused Holy a Church.” woman fromTherefore, Dalmatia of the mutilating prescribed a male punishment corpse. for the fragmentationTwo of her servants of deceased had allegedly bodies he waslped her the execute excommunication this sinful act. Her of thosemaid confessed sinners takingthat she parthad in this dangerousbeen act. forced The to frequencyvisit the graveyard with which two or similar three times: statements “a pigliar appeared una testa del in mordo sermons (…), un of osso the di time homo, indicates that theo practicedi spalla, o was di coste widespread (…)” (Čorali inć 1998, the 17th p. 94). and Once 18th inside centuries. the household, they broke the bones with Ina 1630, hammer a church and performed tribunal inrituals Venice while accused uttering a prayer womans. As from will Dalmatia become clear of mutilatinglater in this apaper, male corpse. people from different social classes resorted to manipulating the bones of the deceased to gain various Two of her servants had allegedly helped her execute this sinful act. Her maid confessed that she had benefits, with the healing of the body being the most commonly desired outcome. Concurrently, been forcedbones to and visit particles the graveyard of saints’ bodies two or were three employed times: “ina a pigliar similar una manner testa in del churches mordo ( and... )chapels., un osso It di homo, o di spalla, o di coste ( ... )” (Coralićˇ 1998, p. 94). Once inside the household, they broke the bones with a hammer and performed rituals while uttering prayers. As will become clear later in this paper, people 4 Propovjedi, PROP VIII, pp. 180, 181. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.a). from diff erent social classes resorted to manipulating the bones of the deceased to gain various benefits, with the healing of the body being the most commonly desired outcome. Concurrently, bones and

4 Propovjedi, PROP VIII, pp. 180, 181. (Parish Archive in Perast NAP n.d.a). Religions 2019, 10, 606 4 of 18 Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 4 of 18

bones and particles of saints’ bodies were employed in a similar manner in churches and chapels. It particles of saints’ bodies were employed in a similar manner in churches and chapels. It is apparent is apparent that there was a need to maintain and conduct the same processes in the domestic setting, that there was a need to maintain and conduct the same processes in the domestic setting, as well as as well as relying on officially approved rituals. In addition to various herbs, “dragon’s leaking relying on o cially approved rituals. In addition to various herbs, “dragon’s leaking blood”, and blood”, and ffi“claw or hoof of a large beast”, an inventory discovered at Kotor’s old pharmacy also “clawlisted ora tooth hoof of of Saint a large Nicholas beast”, (Butorac an inventory 1999, p. discovered 294). Particles at Kotor’sof saints’ old bodies pharmacy were obviously also listed used a tooth offor Saint medical Nicholas purpos (Butoraces outside 1999 the ,jurisdiction p. 294). Particles of the church. of saints’ Once bodies again, were fragmentation obviously was used tolerated for medical purposeswhen it came outside to the the remains jurisdiction of saints, of thebut church.objectionable Once when again, attempted fragmentation or executed was on tolerated Christ’s when or it came“ordinary” to the deceased remains ofbodies. saints, but objectionable when attempted or executed on Christ’s or “ordinary” deceasedMore bodies. recent research reminds us that the concept of fragmentation of the holy body could be linkedMore to another recent researchcontempora remindsneous practice, us that thewherein concept bod ofy parts fragmentation considered of criminal the holy were body put could on be linkedpublic display to another as form contemporaneous of punishment (Terpstra practice, 2015, wherein pp. body7–52). partsThe m consideredutilation of criminal“criminal” were bodies put on publicwas allowed display across as form Europe, of punishment and it would (Terpstra be of great 2015 ,scholarly pp. 7–52). interest The mutilation to understand of “criminal” the parallel bodies wasperceptions allowed that across occurred Europe, in the and early it wouldmodern be believer of great, e.g. scholarly, the image interest of a powerful to understand silver limb the of parallel a perceptionssaint in the church that occurred juxtaposed in theagainst early the modern sight of believer,a criminal’s e.g., rotting the image dismembered of a powerful arm, leg silver, or head. limb of a saintHowever, in the as church we learn juxtaposed from the archival against thematerials, sight of those a criminal’s kinds of rottingpunishments dismembered were quite arm, rare leg, in orthe head. However,Republic of as Venice, we learn at least from when the archivalcompared materials, with other those parts kinds of Europe of punishments (Seitz 2011; Ostling were quite 2011), rare and in the Republicalmost entirely of Venice, absent at from least the when Bay compared of Kotor. One with exception other parts occurred of Europe after a (Seitz victory 2011 over; Ostling the Ottoman 2011), and almostarmy in entirely Perast in absent 1654. from The locals the Bay cut of off Kotor. the right One arm exception of Mehmed occurred Paša after Rizvanagić, a victory commander over the Ottoman of the enemy troops, and sent his corpse to the Ottomans in exchange for slaves (Krušala 1996, p. 220). army in Perast in 1654. The locals cut off the right arm of Mehmed Paša Rizvanagić,commander of Through this act, they desecrated Rizvanagić’s identity and humiliated his body by destroying its the enemy troops, and sent his corpse to the Ottomans in exchange for slaves (Krušala 1996, p. 220). power and integrity. In 1538, a similar fate met don Carlo Gonzaga, Spanish commander of Herceg Through this act, they desecrated Rizvanagić’sidentity and humiliated his body by destroying its Novi, who was killed in retaliation for raping and murdering two young girls from Perast.5 The power and integrity. In 1538, a similar fate met don Carlo Gonzaga, Spanish commander of Herceg townsfolk cut off his right arm and confiscated his sword, which is preserved in Perast to this day. In 5 Novi,spite of who the rareness was killed of similar in retaliation occurrences, for raping fragmenting and murdering the enemies two’ or youngcriminals girls’ bodies from in Perast. the Bay The townsfolkof Kotor, in cutcontrast off his to righttheir saintly arm and counterparts, confiscated always his sword, brought which disempowerment is preserved and in Perast harm to to their this day. Inidentity. spite of the rareness of similar occurrences, fragmenting the enemies’ or criminals’ bodies in the Bay ofSuch Kotor, acts in of contrastfragmentation to their implied saintly harming counterparts, an individual always’s brought integrity disempowerment, whether it was Christ and harm on to theirthe cross, identity. a defeated enemy, a common criminal, or a deceased neighbour. Tearing and cutting up the bodySuch brought acts of fragmentationhumiliation, diminish implieded harming its power an, and individual’s endangered integrity, the prospect whether of itlife was after Christ death. on the cross,And yet a defeated, when it enemy,came to a relics common and criminal,reliquaries, or the a deceased fragmentation neighbour. of bones Tearing and their and cuttingplacement up theinto body broughtbody-part humiliation, containers diminished was deemed its a power, prerequisite and endangered for the opposite the prospect effect of—one life after of gaining death. Andand yet, whendistributin it cameg power to relics and and preserving reliquaries, identity the fragmentation (Hahn 1997, pp. of bones20–31). and Howev theirer, placement the domestic into use body-part of containers“common” wasdeathly deemed remains a prerequisite should not forbe reduce the opposited to a mere effect—one consequ ofence gaining of these and mixed distributing messages power andabout preserving fragmentation identity and (theHahn preservation 1997, pp. of 20–31). body parts However, in the ea therly domestic modern b useay. of “common” deathly remainsFragmentation should not was be reduced considered to a a mere powerful consequence yet dangerous of these act. mixed Dismembering messages an about enemy’s fragmentation body andimplied the preservation superiority and of body control parts acquired in the earlythrough modern victory bay. over him. Missandro’s desire to tear Christ’sFragmentation body stemmed was from considered a similar amotive. powerful Both yet case dangerouss depict dismember act. Dismemberingment and fragmentation an enemy’s body impliedas acts to superiority relocate and and gain control power. acquired Alternatively through, body victory part over reliquaries him. Missandro’s were always desire displayed to tear as Christ’s a group in chapels, church altars, and in the processional carrier along the streets. These particular body stemmed from a similar motive. Both cases depict dismemberment and fragmentation as acts types of reliquaries (as opposed to caskets, ostensory-shaped reliquaries, medallions, etc.) were to relocate and gain power. Alternatively, body part reliquaries were always displayed as a group meant to “work” together. To the early modern believer in the bay, they were always presented as a in chapels, church altars, and in the processional carrier along the streets. These particular types carefully orchestrated group of body parts, meant to create physical evidence for the concept of pars of reliquaries (as opposed to caskets, ostensory-shaped reliquaries, medallions, etc.) were meant to pro toto. They gained their power through a metaphorical or performative integration with the whole, “work”whether together. that was a To saint the in early heaven modern or other believer reliquaries in the in bay,the chapel they were (Bynum always et al. presented 1997, pp. 3 as–7; aHahn carefully orchestrated2010, pp. 284– group316). Fragmentation of body parts, and meant integration to create were physical considered evidence two sides for the of conceptthe same ofcoinpars, both pro toto. Theyof which gained were their heavily power co- throughdependent a metaphorical. The paradoxical or performative (although theologi integrationcally complementary) with the whole, way whether thatof thinking was a (Bynum saint in 2012, heaven pp. orviii other–455) allowed reliquaries for this in theinstitutional chapel ( Bynumpractice to and beco Gersonme desirable 1997, and, pp. 3–7; Hahnmore 2010 importantly,, pp. 284–316 translatable). Fragmentation to the domestic and integration setting. This were f consideredragmentation two implied sides of power, the same its coin, distribution, manipulation, or relocation.

5 Прилог „Гласника народног универзитета“. 1934. Списак изложених предмета на културно историјској 5 изложби Народног универзитета Боке Которске која је свечано отворена 7. октобра 1934. г. (The(The list list of of exhibited exhibited artifacts artifacts of of The The National National University University of Boka of Boka Kotorska, Kotorska, opened opened 7 October 7 October 1934). 1934).

Religions 2019, 10, 606 5 of 18 both of which were heavily co-dependent. The paradoxical (although theologically complementary) way of thinking (Bynum 2012, pp. viii–455) allowed for this institutional practice to become desirable and, more importantly, translatable to the domestic setting. This fragmentation implied power, its distribution, manipulation, or relocation. In his Catechism, Ivan Antun Nenadićexplained that a soul inhabits every limb of the human body in the same way that Christ was present in every host and chalice in the world. When death occurs, the soul separates from the “bodily temple” and transcends from the earthly domain into the realm of God (Nenadić 1768, p. 192). Nevertheless, various examples of post-mortem use of body parts in the early modern period point to a belief that human flesh and bones possessed power even after death. With veneration of relics, this belief was built upon the fact that the deceased person was holy and, as such, different from an “ordinary” human. The use of dead bodies was carefully orchestrated within the institutional context of church rituals. By contrast, manipulation of non-saintly corpses by common laymen was severely condemned. Numerous above-mentioned incidents testify that believers in the Bay of Kotor (as well as in other parts of the Venetian Republic) still excavated bodies of their neighbours from their graves and used the fragments in domestic rituals. This practice implied a strong conviction in the power of the human body to hurt or heal, even after death. Katherine Park has argued that, during the late Middle Ages, Italians believed that “the corpse was only a corpse, the cast off of a self now definitely elsewhere.” Once the being no longer occupied the body, the corpse became a mere object, in contrast to Northern European beliefs, which held that deceased bodies were “a magical and semi-animated subject.”(Park 1995, pp. 115, 125) Therefore, dissection practices, burial rituals, but also theological perspectives, greatly differed between these two regions. When it came to the post-mortem use and misuse of bodily remains, it was Northern Europeans who focused on powers that bodies obtained after death, not Italians. Non-saintly bodies, such as royal ones, were treated in accordance with that belief (Đorđević 2017, pp. 1–19). In regard to the use of the “ordinary” human body after death, Michael Camille inspected the phenomenon of mumia, a substance that was derived from corpses and consumed as a drug. During the late medieval and early modern period, parts of human corpses were widely used in traditional medicine, while the sick were supposed to be healed by ingesting these substances. However, this practice was thought to work by “direct natural, rather than supernatural or divine means.” (Camille 1999, p. 312) Moreover, mumia was always extracted from “pagan” corpses, obtained mostly from Egypt and Syria. In the past, examination of dead bodies’ potential was usually illustrated through the examples of royal, pagan, criminal, or holy bodies. Once again, the “otherness” of the deceased (perceived either as an affirmative or a negative feature) was needed to create the belief that their corpses could influence the living. And still, in the Venetian Bay of Kotor during the 17th and 18th century, people dissected corpses of ordinary laymen. No archival source specified the identity, social class, or gender of the excavated bodies. It appears that the quality of other-worldliness was deemed enough to achieve the desired effect. In contrast with Park’s hypothesis, the belief in the “semi-animated” corpse was still widespread in the southernmost part of the Venetian Republic, years after the Tridentine Reform. As already noted, in one of the aforementioned sermons, a priest urged his congregation not to collect pus from corpses. He mentioned how people used it “to apply it to the skin of the sick, or as protection from the deceased.” This warning illuminates how a “common” corpse could both cure the sick and protect the living from mortal danger. Corpses were understood, therefore, to simultaneously heal and harm. As the archival records do not specify the identity of corpses used in “sinful” rituals nor detail the reasons behind this unorthodox concept, its influences should be sought elsewhere. One possible explanation could be found in popular beliefs that existed in Southeast Europe at the time. The Balkan peninsula was an area characterised by a dynamic exchange between Western and Eastern cultural codes. As such, the age-old beliefs in vampires and other kinds of “undead”, common in local folklore, could have influenced the use of bodily fragments within the private domain. Furthermore, from the 8th century onwards, the Bay of Kotor fashioned its identity as the “city of relics”, where Religions 2019, 10, 606 6 of 18 most of the civic rituals revolved around the remains of Saint Tryphon, the town’s patron saint. The complex performative agency made the reliquaries and relics an integral part of everyday life for Kotor’s residents. The important role holy bodies played in times of distress, in combination with the vivid imagery derived from local folklore, could have contributed to the emergence of practices of unearthing and fragmenting of dead bodies. The belief that a deceased body could heal (and not only harm) the living likely stems from the same source as the relic veneration in the Bay. Visual and ritual methods of conservation and treatment of dead bodies were shared between official and unofficial domains. By assigning power to “ordinary” bodies and placing them in private domains, people from the Bay took control over this process, although always by mirroring established institutional practices. The differing ways in which deceased bodies were used in either an institutional or domestic setting—although the latter was condemned—should be regarded as complementary, resting on opposite sides of the same early modern devotional coin. Laymen found creative ways to put into practice the knowledge they gained in institutional contexts. Their strong belief in the dogmas of the Catholic Church triggered an impulse to refashion its form, bringing them closer to their own world (Arnold 2005). Domestication of institutional practices, despite being condemned as “magical”, “superstitious”, or “sinful” by church authorities, can be understood as a coherent part of the same religious mechanism. From this point of view, the fragmentation and use of body parts was widespread across various social settings. Despite existing within different contexts, it relied on a similar set of rules. Material objects used in these practices reveal a mirroring between the institutional and the domestic, official and popular, even orthodox and deviant.

3. Healing Using the Fragmented Body In 1626, a woman from Kotor named Lucieta was accused before a church tribunal of performing acts of witchcraft, or strigarie. As the case unfolded, it soon became obvious that not only Lucieta, but also several other women in the town were involved in the “arte di Demonio”. The names Maria from Korˇculaand Mariza from Ragusa were often mentioned in the records, which described how these women had been healing children, men, and women in the bay.6 The town physician Francesco Grassi was called on to inspect the evidence found in Lucieta’s home. An object “in the shape of agnus dei” was found in the cupboard. Wrapped in red cloth, it held animal bones, blonde hair (strongly resembling that of Lucieta), children’s nails, and various types of wood of unknown origin (Vicentius Bucchia, pp. 916, 918). Additionally, it was revealed that Lucieta had given a cup of water to Maria from Korˇcula,which she was to serve to her master Vicenzo Bucchia. In the meantime, Lucieta was supposed to say “parole invocative di Dio” (Vicentius Bucchia, p. 920), i.e., the prayers that would complete the ritual. All three women were accused of healing children by witchcraft, a practice condemned by the Catholic Church, yet broadly accepted in the everyday life of its subjects. One witness even claimed that the women had been “doing the same for the whole town” and beyond, e.g., in the neighbouring villages of Orahovac and Ljuta (Ibid.). The objects Lucieta used (bones, wax, body parts such as hair and nails, red cloth, and water) and the fact they were used in conjunction with rituals such as spoken prayers further elucidate the relationship between institutional and domestic devotion. Firstly, her “instruments” were stored with care, hidden in a cupboard and wrapped in red fabric. Secondly, they included speciﬁcally chosen materials, such as body parts, wax, water, and wood. Finally, they were utilised as tools in ritual performances with the aim of healing or eliciting beneﬁts for herself and other citizens of the bay. The instruments employed in the secrecy of Lucieta’s home could be seen in a strikingly similar format and more institutional setting only a few streets away, at the Cathedral of Saint Tryphon.

6 Bu´ca(Vicentius Bucchia). 1623–1646. pp. 916–20. (Diocesan Archive in Kotor (BAK) Fond I/XVI n.d.). Religions 2019, 10, 606 7 of 18

The most important reliquary in the bay, the “Glorious Head”, containing the skull of Saint Tryphon, patron of the cathedral and protector of the town, has been treasured for centuries in the centralReligions part 2019 of the, 10, x relic FOR PEER chapel REVIEW (Tomi´c 2009, p. 125; Stjepˇcevi´c 1938, p. 36) (Figure3). 7 of 18

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FigureFigure 3. Reliquary 3. Reliquary of Saint of Saint Tryphon’s Tryphon’s head head (“Glorious (“Glorio Head”),us Head”), 15th–17th 15th–17th century, century, gold, gold, sliver, sliver, enamel,

rockenamel, crystal, rock jewels, crystal, 43 cmjewels,27 43 cm cm × 2327 cm cm, × Kotor,23 cm, SaintKotor, Tryphon’sSaint Tryphon’s relic relic chapel chapel (photo (photo by by Stevan Figure 3. Reliquary of ×Saint Tryphon’s× head (“Glorious Head”), 15th–17th century, gold, sliver, Kordić).Stevan Kordić). enamel, rock crystal, jewels, 43 cm × 27 cm × 23 cm, Kotor, Saint Tryphon’s relic chapel (photo by Stevan Kordić). The renovationThe renovation of theof the chapel chapel at at the the beginning beginning of the the 18th 18th century century formally formally replicated replicated the earlier the earlier organization of the space (Milošević 2003, p. 267). The silver casket with Saint Tryphon’s bones and organization of the space (Milošević 2003, p. 267). The silver casket with Saint Tryphon’s bones and the headThe reliquary renovation were of concealedthe chapel inat thea marble beginning box inof the 18thchapel. century The entireformally space replicated was enclosed the earlier with organization of the space (Milošević 2003, p. 267). The silver casket with Saint Tryphon’s bones and the heada large reliquary red iron weregrid, which concealed had been in a recorded marble boxin the in archives the chapel. before The the entire renovation. space It was was enclosedmentioned with a the head reliquary were concealed in a marble box in the chapel. The entire space was enclosed with largespecifically red iron grid, in the which 17th hadcentury, been indicating recorded that in the Lucieta archives could before have thewitnessed renovation. its existence It was (Tomi mentionedć a large red iron grid, which had been recorded in the archives before the renovation. It was mentioned specifically2009, p. in170) the7 (Figure 17th century, 4). indicating that Lucieta could have witnessed its existence (Tomić 2009, specifically in the 17th century, indicating that Lucieta could have witnessed its existence (Tomić p. 170)7 (Figure4). 2009, p. 170)7 (Figure 4).

FigureFigureFigure 4. Grid,4. 4.Grid, Grid, 17th 17th 17th century, century, century, SaintSaint Saint Tryphon’sTryphon’s re relicliclic chapel,chapel, chapel, Kotor, Kotor, Kotor, photo photo photo by by author. author. by author.

7 The red grid was made in Venice in 1652: Tomić,Radoslav. 2009. Umjetnost od XVI do XX stoljeća.In (Tomić 2009, p. 170). 7 7 The The red red grid grid was was made made in in Venice Venice in in 1652: 1652: Tomi Tomićć,, Radoslav.Radoslav. 2009.2009. Umjetnost Umjetnost od od XVI XVI do do XX XX stolje stoljeća.ć Ina. In(Tomi (Tomić ć 2009,2009, p. 170).p. 170).

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Moreover, the cathedral inventory listed red curtains in the chapel, also evidenced by the red wrought iron hooks that lined its interior. It can be concluded that the bones of the most important saint in town were carefully stored and locked in a casket, and then fenced off oﬀ with an iron grid and covered withwith red red curtains. curtains. Furthermore, Furthermore, the headthe head reliquary, reliquary, ritually ritually held in held processions, in processions, was wrapped was wrappedin precious in redprecious cloth andred cloth hidden and from hidden the viewfrom ofthe the view common of the common people for people the remainder for the remainder of the year of (Figurethe year5 ).(Figure 5).

Figure 5. ClothCloth for for the the “Glorious “Glorious Head”, Head”, 17th 17th century, century, Ca Cathedralthedral of ofSaint Saint Tryphon, Tryphon, Kotor, Kotor, photo photo by author.by author.

On 3 February, SaintSaint Tryphon’sTryphon’s Day, Day, as as part part of of the the complex complex ritual ritual celebration celebration and and manipulation manipulation of ofthe the relics, relics, this this reliquary reliquary was was washed washed with with water, water, which which was was then then preserved preserved and and later later used used by by nuns, nuns, as 8 asit wasit was believed believed to be to capable be capable of healing of healing the sick. the sick.Ritual8 Ritual washing washing of the headof the using head water using as water a precious as a preciousand powerful and powerful substance, substance, along with along spoken with prayers spoken andprayers the kissingand the of kissing the reliquary, of the reliquary, was the focalwas pointthe focal of celebrationpoint of celebration for the common for the common people. people. This was This the was sole the instance sole instance in the liturgicalin the liturgical year when year whendirect direct physical physical contact contact with the with saint the wassaint institutionally was institutionally approved. approved. In addition In addition to being to being washed washed with water,with water, the reliquary the reliquary was dried was dried with linenwith clothslinen cloths attached attached to tiny to candles. tiny candles. After After the ceremony, the ceremony, these wouldthese would be treasured be treasured by believers by believer “untils “until the hour the hour of their of their death”. death”.9 Water9 Water and and wax wax candlesticks, candlesticks, the theobjects objects that that remained remained after after the celebrations the celebrations were we over,re wereover, keptwere in kept the householdsin the households of common of common people peopleas precious as precious contact contact relics. relics. The physicalphysical evidence evidence found found in Lucieta’s in Lucieta’s cupboard cupboard reveals thereveals profound the inﬂuenceprofound that influence institutional that practicesinstitutional had practices on the common had on people. the common Since the people. possession Since ofthe saints’ possession bones wasof saints’ a privilege bones reserved was a privilegefor religious reserved institutions for religious and wealthy institutions citizens, and she wealthy replaced citizens, them she creatively replaced with them di ﬀcreativelyerent kinds with of differentcorporeal kinds elements of corporeal obtained elements from animal obtained carcasses from animal and even carcasses living and human evenbodies, living human including bodies, her includingown. The useher own. of the The fragmented use of the body, fragmented along with body, the along particular with waysthe particular in which ways it was in preserved which it was and preservedmanipulated and in healingmanipulated rituals, in was healing Lucieta’s rituals, way ofwas controlling Lucieta’s everyday way of life,controlling something everyday she achieved life, somethingby replicating she institutionalachieved by formsreplicating of devotion. institutional forms of devotion.

8 8 “Dal ritornoritorno in in Chiesa Chiesa queste queste reliquie reliquie sogliono sogliono toccar untoccar bombace un bomb e quelloace lavare e quello i Reverendi lavare iSacerdoti Reverendi del Sacerdoti Capitolo con del aqua Capitolo i qualle con poi aquadavano i qualle alle Reverendi poi davano Suore alle o Monache Reverendi ( ... Suore) Queli o lo Monache conservano (…) con Queli gran diligenza lo conservano e divotione con per gran tutto diligenza l’anno, e e la divotione distribuiscono per tuttogiornalmente l'anno, secondo e la distribuiscono le occasioni che giornalmente gli si rappresentano secondo ( ... le )occasioni”: Timotej che Cizila. gli siBove rappresentano d’Oro, pp. 55,(…) 56.”: NAPTimotej R XVI. Cizila. Bove 9 Ibid., p. 56. d'Oro, pp. 55, 56. NAP R XVI. 9 Ibid., p. 56.

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Witnesses conﬁrmed that the two other women, Maria and Mariza, used a similar performative framework in their “witchcraft”. Maria was rumoured to be a witch because she healed “children, women, and men” by using herbs and “saying sacred words”. Mariza used “certain oils” to heal children while saying “various prayers”. A male witness confessed that she had healed his impotence by giving him a remedy for “poter ussar carnalmente con le Donne”.10 The use of oils, water, bones, wax, or wood particles in combination with sacred words and prayers was how the three women performed healing across the Bay of Kotor. The evidence of treasuring material objects for use in “witchcraft”, in the case of Lucieta, further illuminates the dynamic relationship between the oﬃcial and the private. After deciding to take control of the healing process, these women simulated and appropriated knowledge that had been gained in an institutional context. It had been proven repeatedly that the fragmented bodies in the relic chapel and the church were potent. Lucieta decided not only to relocate that power by translating it to her private household, but to do so by following the rules of presentation and animation as prescribed by the church authorities; for example, by using the colour red, treasuring the bones by wrapping them in cloth, and securing them in a concealed place in her home. Their animation was triggered through the utterance of sacred words and usage in combination with other materials believed to be sacred and potent, such as wax, wood, and water.

4. Healing the Fragmented Body In 1667, forty years after Lucieta’s misdeeds had been brought to light, a massive earthquake caused severe damage to parts of the Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, including the relic chapel. Numerous silver body part reliquaries were broken. Archival material holds evidence detailing efforts to overcome the devastation caused to the sacred objects. Among the donors was nobleman Radeta Chiapechi, who bequeathed part of his funds to be used annually for repairs to two reliquaries in the cathedral (Tomić 2009, p. 122). However, the archival document offers no description of the exact manner in which repairs were conducted. Fortunately, physical proof of these efforts is still present in Kotor’s cathedral, although it remains hidden inside the cupboards of the relic chapel, as opposed to being displayed on the shelves of the cathedral’s Museum of Sacral Art. Taking into consideration important research on animation (Bynum 2011, pp. 25–31), as well as the complex nature of reliquaries, which were seen as objects and subjects by contemporary observers (Hahn 2005, pp. 239–63), I would like to propose the concept of healing—as opposed to repairing or fixing—the physical damage caused by the earthquake to these sacred containers. Caroline Walker Bynum, in her highly influential study on Christian materiality, argues that not only did medieval devotional objects point beyond their own materiality, but also deliberately disclosed their “stuffness” to the beholders. Their problematic nature led to simultaneous proliferation and occasional iconoclasm. Both hostility and enthusiasm, thus, could be found in the attitudes of the church authorities and theologians toward different forms of holy matter. All those numerous oppositions have grown from the powerful and problematic assertion that matter was experienced as organic, fertile, changeable, and, most importantly, alive. This basic understanding of matter, shared between different social classes, although present during the previous centuries, was mostly found in later medieval phenomena. (Bynum 2011, pp. 35–40). When it comes to post-Tridentine attitudes toward the living matter, the circumstances remained problematic, although church authorities continued to warn against the “wrong” beliefs. Nenadićin his catechesis reminds the congregation that “the image does not hear our prayers, but those who are depicted there do” (Nenadić 1768, p. 111). However, during the 17th and 18th century, believers in the Bay of Kotor continued to treat devotional objects, and especially reliquaries, as if they were alive. The sacred composite of relic and reliquary was referred to as an animated (or at least semi-animated) substance. The skull of Saint Tryphon in its lavish reliquary was

10 Vicentius Bucchia, p. 917. (NAP n.d.). Religions 2019, 10, 606 10 of 18 called the Glorious Head. The arm reliquary of Blessed Grazia bears on its skin the carved inscription “Il brazo di Beato Grazia” (The arm of Blessed Grazia). The semiotic inseparability of relics and reliquaries enabled relentless belief in the animated nature of the powerful composite. Reliquaries took on propertiesReligions 2019 of, 10 the, x FOR very PEER things REVIEW they contained, becoming “both subject to and the object10 of of 18 sacred contagion” (Klein 2015, p. 233). Therefore, the physical repair that broken objects endured after the earthquakenature of in the Saint powerful Tryphon’s composite. cathedral Reliquaries took the took form on of properties the process of the of healingvery things that they injured contained, individual wentbecoming through inside“both subject the walls to and of domestic the object space. of sacred contagion” (Klein 2015, p. 233). Therefore, the Thephysical practice repair of that “healing” broken theseobjects broken endured limbs after sheds the earthquake light on the in waysSaint Tryphon’s in which institutionalcathedral took eff orts simulatedthe form certain of theprinciples process of healing of private that devotion,injured individual mirroring went previously through inside presented the walls examples, of domestic which space. illustrated the process in the opposite direction. Several body part reliquaries from Kotor feature small, The practice of “healing” these broken limbs sheds light on the ways in which institutional silverefforts ex-voto simulated plates oncertain their principles surfaces, of which private were devotion, used asmirroring patches previously to cover crackedpresented skin examples, or missing parts.which These illustrated odd-looking the process objects promptin the opposite the question: direction. Why Several were body silver part votive reliquaries plates used from to Kotor undo the harmfeature inflicted small, on thesilver reliquaries? ex-voto plates on their surfaces, which were used as patches to cover cracked Inskin the or 17thmissing and parts. 18th These century, odd-looking silver was objects widely prompt used the and,question: therefore, Why were was silver visibly votive prominent plates in the churchesused to undo of the the bay. harm A inflicted great number on the reliquaries? of icons were adorned with silver casings and lit by candles inserted intoIn the large 17th silverand 18th candlestick century, silver holders. was widely The Cathedralused and, therefore, of Saint Tryphonwas visibly had, prominent among in other treasures,the churches an entire of altarthe bay. made A great of silver number (Butorac of icons 1999 were, p. adorned 290). The with reasoning silver casings behind and thelit by use candles of ex-voto inserted into large silver candlestick holders. The Cathedral of Saint Tryphon had, among other plates in the “healing” of the reliquaries should not be reduced to a pragmatic explanation such as a lack treasures, an entire altar made of silver (Butorac 1999, p. 290). The reasoning behind the use of ex- of other materials or the convenience of using silver for these particular shapes. Since the reliquaries voto plates in the “healing” of the reliquaries should not be reduced to a pragmatic explanation such wereas highly a lack valued of other and materials carefully or the protected convenience as the of cathedral’susing silver mostfor these precious particular treasure shapes. (Stjepˇcević Since the 1938, 11 p. 13)reliquaries, any argument were highly that valued implies and ignorance carefully or protected negligence as the on cathedral’s behalf of their most guardians precious treasure should also be dismissed.(Stjepčević To 1938, answer p. 13) the11 , questionany argument posed that above, implies it is ignorance useful to or delve negligence deeper on into behalf the functionof their and role theseguardians plates should acquired also be once dismissed. they were To answer removed the qu fromestion the posed walls above, and reusedit is useful as partsto delve of deeper holy limbs. In theinto early the modernfunction and era, role donating these plates an ex-voto acquired plate once afterthey were surviving removed an from ordeal the suchwalls asand a reused shipwreck, enslavement,as parts of or holy sickness limbs. wasIn the common early modern practice era, (donatingJacobs 2013 an ex-voto; Didi-Huberman plate after surviving 2007, pp. an 7–16).ordeal As a result,such the as walls a shipwreck, of churches enslavement, in the bay, or especially sickness was the islandcommon church practice of Our(Jacobs Lady 2013; of theDidi-Huberman Rocks (Gospa od 2007, pp. 7–16). As a result, the walls of churches in the bay, especially the island church of Our Lady Škrpjela) in Perast, were covered in hundreds of silver plates depicting cured legs, arms, eyes, torsos, of the Rocks (Gospa od Škrpjela) in Perast, were covered in hundreds of silver plates depicting cured or breasts (Brajović 2006) (Figure6). Others portrayed praying figures, various saints, ships caught in legs, arms, eyes, torsos, or breasts (Brajović 2006) (Figure 6). Others portrayed praying figures, storms,various or chained saints, ships men caught praying in beforestorms, anor icon.chained men praying before an icon.

FigureFigure 6. Votive 6. Votive plates, plates, 17th, 17th, 18th 18th century, century, Perast, Perast, Church Church of of Our Our Lady Lady of of thethe RocksRocks (photo by by author). author).

On reliquaries, the majority of ex-votos were found on round surfaces on the top or at the

11 Threebottom, guardians, depending “thesaurarii on ”,whether took care the of theplate relics was during added the yearto an and arm- held threeor leg-shaped keys to the chapel:container. (Stjepˇcevi´c This 1938, p.particular 13). placement has its own micro history, which can be traced back to the medieval period.

11 Three guardians, “thesaurarii”, took care of the relics during the year and held three keys to the chapel: (Stjepčević 1938, p. 13).

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On reliquaries, the majority of ex-votos were found on round surfaces on the top or at the bottom, Religions 2019, 10, x FOR PEER REVIEW 11 of 18 depending on whether the plate was added to an arm- or leg-shaped container. This particular placementIt is important has its own to micronote that history, this miniscule which can area be of traced the object back was to thenot medievalvisible to the period. beholder, neither in theIt is relic importantReligions chapel 2019, 10 tonor, x noteFOR during PEER that REVIEW a this procession.miniscule If we area compare of the object late medieval was not and visible early to modern the beholder,11 ofexamples, 18 neither inwe the reliccould chapel draw northe duringconclusion a procession. that this Ifparticular we compare spot late served medieval a similar and earlypurpose, modern even examples, when It is important to note that this miniscule area of the object was not visible to the beholder, neither wedifferences couldin draw the in relic thevisual chapel conclusion vocabulary nor during that aand thisprocession. form particular are If we taken spotcompare into served lateaccount. medieval a similar It was and purpose, earlyused modern either even examples,for when inscriptions di fferences inor visual figuralwe vocabulary representations,could draw and the formconclusion which are is taken thwhyat this intomany particular account. of them spotIt bear wasserved the used afigures similar either of purpose, forsaints inscriptions oreven saints’ when ornames. figural representations,Furthermore,differences representations which in visual is why vocabulary manyof Jesus, and of themtheform Arma are bear taken Christi the into figures, oraccount. Christograms of It saints was used or were saints’ either commonly for names. inscriptions Furthermore, displayed representationsduring orthe figural early of representations, Jesus,modern the periodArma which (Figure Christi is why, 7). or many Christograms of them bear were the commonlyfigures of saints displayed or saints’ during names. the early Furthermore, representations of Jesus, the Arma Christi, or Christograms were commonly displayed modern period (Figure7). during the early modern period (Figure 7).

Figure 7.FigureBottom 7. Bottom of an arm-shapedof an arm-shaped reliquary, reliquary, 15th15th century, century, Cathedral Cathedral of Saint of SaintTryphon, Tryphon, Kotor, photo Kotor, photo Figure by7. BottomStevan Kordi of anć. arm-shaped reliquary, 15th century, Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor, photo by Stevan Kordi´c. by Stevan Kordić. These round spaces also contained the names or coats of arms of donors or those of the artisans These round spaces also contained the names or coats of arms of donors or those of the artisans Theseand silversmithsround spaces who also made contained the reliquaries. the names During or the coat earlys of modern arms of period, donors artisans’ or those names of thewere artisans and silversmithsalso accompanied who made by the the stamps reliquaries. of their workshops During the (Figure early 8). modern It can be period,assumed artisans’that the function names of were also and silversmiths who made the reliquaries. During the early modern period, artisans’ names were accompaniedthis tiny by silver the stamps spot was of twofold. their workshops It could have (Figure been a medium8). It can used be to assumed enhance the that object’s the function sacred of this also accompanied by the stamps of their workshops (Figure 8). It can be assumed that the function of tiny silverpower spot by was adding twofold. an image It couldor the name have of been a holy a mediumperson, or useda prominent to enhance votive thededication object’s through sacred power this tinywhich silver artisans spot orwas patrons twofold. recommended It could themselveshave been to a God.medium used to enhance the object’s sacred bypower adding by an adding image an or image the name or the of name a holy of person,a holy person, or a prominent or a prominent votive votive dedication dedication through through which artisanswhich orartisans patrons or recommendedpatrons recommended themselves themselves to God. to God.

Figure 8. Bottom of an arm-shaped reliquary, 18th century, Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor, photo by Stevan Kordić.

FigureFigure 8. 8.Bottom Bottom of of an an arm-shaped arm-shaped reliquary, 18th century, century, Cathedral Cathedral of of Saint Saint Tryphon, Tryphon, Kotor, Kotor, photo photo byby Stevan Stevan Kordi´c. Kordić.

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In somesome cases, cases, the the ex-voto ex-voto plates plates that replacedthat replaced the original the original parts of parts damaged of damaged reliquaries reliquaries replicated replicatedthe same iconographic the same iconographic scheme. A scheme. few of them A few featured of them representations featured representations of holy figures, of holy such figures, as the Virginsuch as Mary the Virgin or various Mary saints. or various These saints. depictions These could depictions be classified could asbe motifsclassified that as served motifs to that emphasize served tocontinuity emphasize with continuity their medieval with their neighbours—the medieval neighb imageours—the of a holy image person of a whoseholy person task was whose to empower task was tothe empower object as the a whole. object More as a whole. provocative, More provocative, however, was however, the choice was of the votive choice plates of votive that depicted plates that the prayingdepicted figuresthe praying of donors. figures On of the donors. votive On plate the placedvotive atplate the placed bottom at of the one bottom arm-shaped of one reliquary,arm-shaped an reliquary,anonymous an man anonymous is seen praying man is to seen the praying figures of to the the Virgin figures Mary of the and Virgin a saint Mary who and is wearing a saint military who is wearinggarments military and holding garments in his and left holding hand a birdin his with left ahand ring a in bird its beakwith (Figurea ring in9). its beak (Figure 9).

Figure 9. BottomBottom of of an an arm-shaped arm-shaped reliquary (15th centur century)y) with ex-voto (18th century), Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor,Kotor, photophoto byby StevanStevan Kordi´c.Kordić.

This rather unusual iconography for the early mode modernrn Bay of Kotor proves less exotic once the second figure figure is identifiedidentified as a saint whose portrait is currently housed in the Cathedral of Saint Tryphon’s MuseumMuseum of of Sacral Sacral Art: Art: Saint Saint Oswald Oswald of Northumbria, of Northumbria, a 7th a century 7th century British British ruler whoruler united who unitedtwo kingdoms two kingdoms of the British of the Isles.British Isles. The painting likely dates to 1700 and and is is the the work work of of Giovanni Giovanni Venanzi, Venanzi, a a lesser-known lesser-known Venetian Venetian artist (Tomi (Tomićć 20052005,, pp.pp. 14–16) (Figure 1010).). The The particular particular iconography iconography seen in the portrait portrait is explained explained by events in the saint’s vita: the the raven raven was was used used as as a a mediator mediator between between the king and his bride, bride, carrying the ring ring in in both both directions directions (Giampietro (Giampietro della della Stua Stua 1 769).1769 ).It could It could be bethat that this this painting painting was was used used as the as modelthe model for forthe thefigure figure on onthe the plate. plate. In Inhis his right right hand, hand, Saint Saint Oswald Oswald holds holds a asceptre, sceptre, which which can can be discerned onon anotheranother votivevotive plate,plate, placed placed not not on on top top or or at at the the bottom bottom of of the the silver silver reliquary, reliquary, but but on theon themain main surface. surface. Although Although severely severely damaged, damaged, the saintly the king saintly in military king in attire military can still attire be distinguished can still be (Figuredistinguished 11). On (Figure the same 11). leg-shaped On the same reliquary, leg-shaped another reliquary, votive plate another is used votive as a “patch”, plate is depictingused as a “patch”,figure kneeling depicting and a figure praying kneeling with rosary and praying beads (Figure with rosary 12). Abeads similar (Figure relationship 12). A similar of an relationship anonymous oflayman an anonymous praying to layman the saintly praying king to is the visible saintly on king both is objects, visible althoughon both object creativelys, although combined creatively using combinedseparate ex-voto using separate plates on ex-voto the leg-shaped plates on reliquary.the leg-shaped The third reliquary. example, The originatingthird example, from originating the same fromtreasury, the bearssame atreasury, peculiar bears depiction a peculiar of a young depiction nobleman of a young with, oncenobleman again, with, a bird once and again, a ring (Figurea bird and 13). Althougha ring (Figure likely 13). dating Although to the likely late Middle dating Ages,to thethis latemetalwork Middle Ages, is attached this metalwork to the top is byattached visible to nails, the topsuggesting by visible itcould nails, havesuggesting been added it could to thehave medieval been added reliquary to the later. medieval However, reliquary this particularlater. However, silver “patch”this particular differs silver in nature “patch” from differs the other in nature examples from mentioned the other examples and it is probablementioned that and this it is image probable was thatnot meantthis image to have was a not votive meant purpose. to have On a votive the other purp hand,ose. On its the function other hand, and familiar its function iconography, and familiar not iconography,dissimilar to the not depictions dissimilarof toSaint the depictions Oswald on of other Saint votive Oswald plates, on other could votive very wellplates, place could itwithin very well the placesame groupit within of the ex-votos. same group of ex-votos.

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Figure 10. Saint Oswald, Giovanni Venanzi, 1700 ca., Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor, photo by Figureauthor.Figure 10. 10.Saint Saint Oswald, Oswald, Giovanni Giovanni Venanzi, Venanzi, 1700 1700 ca., ca., Cathedral Cathedral of Saint of Saint Tryphon, Tryphon, Kotor, Kotor, photo photo by author. by author.

Figure 11. Leg-shaped reliquary reliquary (15th century) with ex-v ex-votooto plates (18th century), Cathedral of Saint Tryphon,Figure 11. Kotor, Leg-shaped photosphotos reliquary byby StevanStevan (15th Kordi´c.Kordi century)ć. with ex-voto plates (18th century), Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor, photos by Stevan Kordić.

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Figure 12. Leg-shaped reliquary reliquary (15th century) with ex-v ex-votooto plates (18th century), Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor, photosphotos byby StevanStevan Kordi´c.Kordić.

FigureFigure 13. 13. BottomBottom of of an an arm-shaped arm-shaped reliquary, reliquary, 14th 14th ce century,ntury, Cathedral of Saint Tryphon, Kotor.

This iconographic clarification clariﬁcation only complicates the question posed earlier. Is Is it possible that Venanzi’s late 17th17th/early/early 18th century painting triggered a cult of Saint Oswald in Kotor and that votive plates were oofferedﬀered to thisthis particularparticular saint?saint? Even more curious is the reasoning behind the repeated use of Saint Oswald’sOswald’s image onon damageddamaged reliquariesreliquaries inin thethe cathedral.cathedral. His Northumbrian hagiography can hardly be related to Venetian Kotor. There were no other votive plates with similar iconography recorded in churches in the bay, nor were comparable objects mentioned in archival

Religions 2019, 10, 606 15 of 18 hagiography can hardly be related to Venetian Kotor. There were no other votive plates with similar iconography recorded in churches in the bay, nor were comparable objects mentioned in archival material or secondary literature (at least to the author of this paper’s knowledge). Saint Oswald’s nearest and most developed cult was in Sauris, located in Friuli Venezia Giulia, which was at the time ruled by the Republic of Venice (Grassi 1782, p. 170). The church of Saint Oswald was a centre of pilgrimage during the 17th and 18th century. As we learn from the notably scarce sources, this particular saint was venerated across the Republic of Venice as a protector against disease. More precisely, he was often invoked as “saint protector of bones”. Unfortunately, the physical findings of his cult remain insufficiently researched. It is known, however, from contemporary pilgrim sources, that the saint was famed for the successful and quick healing of damaged bones.12 If we recall that the reliquaries were not only instruments for treasuring the memory of saints, but themselves dynamic and present subjects throughout the past centuries, it can be argued that healing them required a process more complex than the mere fixing of cracks caused by an earthquake. The application of votive plates to the epidermal layer of broken reliquaries, together with the choice of a saint responsible for healing disease and broken bones, could lead this interpretation to the topics of animation and subject–object relations. However, this phenomenon might also offer a deeper insight into the role that “domestic” or “private” processes for healing the “ordinary” body occupied in the creative refashioning and treatment of saintly bodies in the institutional setting. As dozens of silver ex-voto plates in the bay testify, the men, women, and children of households prayed before an icon for their loved one to be healed in times of sickness. Some plates feature miniscule representations of families, united around the bed of an ailing family member, kneeling and praying under an icon of the Virgin Mary or another saint. Other plates render single body fragments—leg parts, arms, breasts, or eyes—as evidence of healed body parts. Some depict a saint or praying figure as crucial elements in the act of receiving heavenly aid. The most common timeline for the process would have been: suffering; praying to the saint; healing; donating the votive plate. Through the final element in the chain, a process that largely takes place within the domestic space of the injured person suddenly becomes part of the institutional setting (Laven 2016, pp. 191–212). As such, silver votive offerings incorporated features of both private and public devotion. When it comes to their application to body-part reliquaries, the timeline mentioned above, which assumes a gradual process of miraculous transformation, is replaced with an instantaneous change. From the point of iconography, these composite objects—reliquary with votive plates attached—required the presence of praying figures, patron saints of the sick, and the newly cured limb. In this case, the healing was performed by integrating an object that represented aid successfully received, one that held the power of the holy presence in the everyday world. The choice of Saint Oswald, a sacred figure celebrated for curing the diseased, especially those with injured bones and limbs, conforms to the popular image of a reliquary that simultaneously involves components of the object and subject. The praying figures and the presence of carefully chosen saints were needed to affect the “subject” part of the sacred composite. Applying newly forged silver plates as “patches” rather than pre-used but more evocative ones would leave us in no doubt about the clear-cut separation of the two spheres within the institutional setting after the Reformation. However, treating the reliquaries as animate matter shows the existence of highly complex attitudes in early modern (official) devotion to the saints. Most importantly, in times of distress, the church authorities, which had to approve every contact with the reliquaries in the chapel, chose a mechanism of healing that reflected the private lives of believers. They treated the injured saintly body the same way that loved ones treated their sick family members or themselves, by using elements already familiar—from images of saints and rosary beads to performing the act of kneeling and praying, and, finally, offering a votive gift as testament to

12 “Il pellegrinaggio a Sauris (Carnia) per pregare nella chiesa dedicata a S. Osvaldo”: http://www.costalissoio.it/varie/SAURIS/sauris. htm. Religions 2019, 10, 606 16 of 18 the successful end of the journey. The body parts of saints, who for centuries assisted in healing and protecting believers in the bay, were themselves healed by simulating procedures usually performed in a domestic setting, even though that was sometimes done by using fragmented bodies other than those of the saints.

5. Conclusions The domestic use of fragmented bodies for the purpose of healing was a consistent practice in the early modern Bay of Kotor. Instead of relics and reliquaries, common laypeople used the remains of deceased people acquired through the risky practice of grave exhumation. Others, such as Lucieta, used fragments of living bodies and animals. When questioned before a church tribunal, both the accused and witnesses emphasized their strong belief in God, which they supported by stating that they attended church regularly and took communion twice a year. The “sinful acts” that resulted in their condemnation, in terms of iconographic and performative elements, bore a strong resemblance to the institutional treatment of the fragmented bodies of saints. On the other hand, institutional efforts to repair damaged reliquaries, with the use of particular iconography and votive plates, mirrored the way in which the injured bodies of common laypeople were healed in the private domain. When a body needed to be protected from illness and damage, both parties from the different sides of the border separating the “official” and “unofficial” domains of religion reached for tools that had proved effective in yielding the desired result. By borrowing and adopting iconographic and ritual elements from each other, the church authorities and common people participated in a shared devotional world in which the fragmented body and its creative (mis)use possessed healing powers. The examples of creative exchange in ways of healing the sacred and the ordinary human bodies, where official and private practices existed on a continuum rather than as opposites of orthodox and heretical, could be seen as a fruitful ground for further methodological treatment of similar subjects. The lack of archival data on domestic practices could be complemented, although carefully, by the existent knowledge of institutional manipulation of the body (and vice versa), allowing for the more flexible approach to the matter. Dissolution of clear bynaristic methodological structures should not leave the researcher on a shaky relativistic or pluralistic ground of postmodernism with the fear that following any particular direction would only mean creation of another fixed narrative. In this case, allowing the spectrum or continuum of religious practices, instead of familiar binary model, does not imply the lack of (always artificial) methodological symmetry. However, the ways in which domestic and institutional attitudes toward the body intersected are various and rather complex. In this paper, the chosen methodological path has followed usage of the fragmented bodies in the two domains, merging them into the vast research ground, and denying the firm line of division. In that manner, diverse historical subjects (the witch and the priest, among others) were allowed to communicate their realities as equals, in spite of differences in verbal and visual vocabularies that were both used for the purpose. Moreover, the articulations of the healed bodily image that each offered were treated as equally influential, allowing for the ideas to flow in both directions. In that way, fragmentation and healing, as the focal points in this analysis, proved to be flexible and adaptive concepts, similarly used in both official and domestic surroundings.

Funding: This research is part of a project: “Representation of Identity in Art and Verbo-Visual Culture of the Early Modern Period”. This project is sponsored by the Ministry of Science and Technology, Government of the Republic of Serbia, project number: 177001, led by Nenad Makuljević. Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.

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