THEY RUN AMERICA All of the Members of the Council on Ments of U.S
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Illustration by Don Eckelkamp Gary Allen, a graduate of Stanford, isauthor of None Dare Call It Conspiracy, The Rockefeller File, Kissinger: Secret Side Of The Secretary Of State, and Jimmy Carter/Jimmy Carter. Mr. Allen is an AMERICAN OPINION Contributing Editor. • SPECULATION about Who's Who in omists, and political scientists now the American Establishment is at actively debate whether America is a tracting more and more attention as "pluralist society" or an "elitist" one political journalists, scholars, and - speculation which roughly com academics are drawn into the study of pares to the debate among Conserva who runs the United States and how. tives between the accidentalists and Talk of conspiracy is almost fashion conspiratorialists. While academic able as commentators set out to redis proponents of the elitist theories do cover the wheels within wheels that we not yet go so far as to charge in public call the Insiders. Sociologists, econ- that we are the victims of a master MAY,l978 1 Our Constitution says it is to be we the people of the United States who run this coun try, but powerful elitists now do so by con trolling government through key institutions including the Council on Foreign Relations, the Trilateral Commission, and a handful of multi national corporations and international banks. conspiracy, many do now see that the Another academic who has done elitists of big government, big fi considerable research in the area of nance, and big business work together elitist control of our country is Pro behind the scenes in major interna fessor Thomas Dye of Florida State tional projects that threaten our liber University, who summarized his ties. Professor William Domhoff, analysis in his 1976 book, Who's Run possibly the nation's foremost exposi ning America?: Institutional Leader tor on the Left of the elitist theory, ship In The United States.* Dye pre sees the conflict as one between the sents the arguments of both the plur classes, rejecting the Americanist alist and elitist theories. While he view that a tight group of Insiders avoids expressing his own opinion, the manipulates the power pyramid from evidence he presents makes it clear the very top. Domhoff writes: that he is aware of how the game is "If it is true, as I believe, that the played. Like the late Professor Car power elite consists of many thou roll Quigley of Georgetown, however, sands of people rather than several Dye is apparently an admirer of the dozen; that they do not meet as a com elite who he claims manipulate pow mittee of the whole; that there are er for the good of the country. Pro differences of opinion between fessor Dye writes: them; that their motives are not well "The 'elitist' model of the policy known to us beyond such obvious in process would portray policy as the ferences as stability and power; that preferences and values of the dom they are not nearly so clever or power inant elite. Public policy does not re ful as the ultra-conservatives think flect demands of 'the people' but it is nonetheless also true, I believe, rather the interests, sentiments, and that the power elite are more unified, values of the very few who partici more conscious, and more manipula pate in the policy -making process. tive than the pluralists would have us Changes or innovations in public pol believe, and certainly more so than icy come about when elites redefine any social group with the potential to their own interests or modify their contradict them. If pluralists ask just own values. Of course, elite policy how unified , how conscious, and how need not be oppressive or exploitative manipulative, I reply that they have of the masses. Elites may be very asked a tough empirical question to which they have contributed virtually "Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, New J ersey, no data." $8.95 hardbound and $5.95 in paper. 2 AMERICAN OPINION I I I. 'public-regarding,' and the welfare of thirds of all government spending. the masses may be an important con More importantly, concentration of sideration in elite decision-making. resources in the nation's largest insti But the important point of the model tutions is increasing over time." is that elites make policy, not masses. Both Dye and Domhoff agree that The elite model views the masses as there is an institutional elite com largely passive, apathetic, and ill posed of the heads of major corpora informed about policy . Mass views tions, international banks, civic orga are easily manipulated by the elite nizations, comm unications media, dominated mass media. Communica the foundations, and the prestigious tion between elites and masses flows universities. They realize that the downward. The 'proximate policy closest thing America has ever had to a makers' knowingly or unknowingly king is David Rockefeller, who coordi respond primarily to the opinions of nates the leaders of the above institu the elites." tions. Professor Dye identifies Rocke The power of the major Establish feller as "the only man for whom the ment institutions, whose leaders com presidency of the United States prise the elite, is becoming more and would be a step down." more concentrated. As Professor Because so much of the Rockefel Thomas Dye observes: ler family's vast wealth is now outside "The nation's resources are con the United States, David Rockefeller centrated in a relatively small number is fanatically interested in our coun of large institutions. Half of the na try's foreign policy . Dye reports ad tion's industrial assets are concentra miringly: "Above all, Rockefeller is ted in 100 manufacturing corpora an internationalist. His active inter t ions; half of the nation's ba nking vention in American foreign policy assets are concentrated in the 50 larg has produced remarkable results. As est banks; half of the nation's assets has been mentioned, he was personal in transportation, communications, ly involved in Nixon's arrangement of and utilities are concentrate d in 33 detente with the USSR, the Strategic corporations; two-thirds of the na Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), and tion's insurance assets are concentra Nixon's spectacular trip to China. He ted in just 18 companies; 12 founda is the key sponsor of the Council on tions control nea rly 40 percent of all Foreign Relations." foundation ass ets; 12 univer sities It is through the Council, widely control 54 percent of all private en known as the C.F .R., that the Rocke dowmen t funds in higher education; 3 fellers manipulate American foreign network broad castin g companies con policy. Professor Dye describes the trol 90 percent of the television news, Council's accomplishments as " daz and 10 newspaper cha ins account for zling," and while he refrains from one-third of the daily newspaper cir using Dan Smoot' s description of it as culation. It is highly probable that 30 America's invis ible government, he Wall Street and Washington law does observe: "T he CFR is designed to firms exercise comparable domi build consensus among elites on for nance in the legal field, and that a eign policy ques tions. Its commissions dozen cultural and civic organizations make investigation s concerning for dominate music, drama, the arts, and eign policy, and set maj or direc tions civic affairs. Federal government of official U.S. policy. This council alone now accounts for 21 percent of largely determines when reassess- the gross national product and two- (Continued on page seventy -one. ) 4 AMERICAN OPINION ,From page four The C.F.R. List It should be kept in mind that not THEY RUN AMERICA all of the members of the Council on ments of U.S. foreign or military pol Foreign Relations are Insiders. Cer icy are desired . CFR publishes tainly all are considered potential In the journal Foreign Affairs, considered siders when they are invited to join, throughout the world the unofficial but occasionally the membership mouthpiece of U.S . foreign policy. committee guesses wrong and admits Few important initiatives in U.S. pol a patriot who refuses to compromise icy are not first outlined in articles in his country for the advancement of this publication ...." his career. Those who sit on the The C.F .R. is a conduit where cor C.F.R.'s board of trustees are some porate and government policy are thing else. They are committed to the merged. Thomas Dye reports: "Recog conspiracy or they wouldn't be in this nizing that U.S. corporations make key position. Here is who they are: foreign policy, as well as the U.S. gov David Rockefeller serves as chair ernment, the CFR provides 'corpora man of the board of trustees of the tion services' for large fees; these C.F .R. He holds the same position sources include consultation, infor with the elitist Trilateral Commission mation, and the right to nominate which will be discussed next. Mr. 'promising' young executives to at Rockefeller is also chairman of the tend its semi-annual seminars. Its cor board of Chase Manhattan, the porate members include Chase Man world's most politically powerful hattan, General Motors, Ford Motors, bank. It is he who heads the Rockefel Continental Can, Gulf Oil, General ler family empire which controls Electric, and other giant corporations ' Exxon, the nation's largest corpora - particularly those with overseas in tion. Through trusts and foundations terests. The CFR limits itself to 700 the family also controls the Mobil, individual resident members (New Standard of Indiana, Standard of York and Washington) and 700 non California, Chevron, Sohio, Phillips resident members.