New Social Movements, Class, and the Environment
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Frank Zelko Research Fellow, GHI
“MAKE IT A GREEN PEACE”: THE HISTORY OF AN INTERNATIONAL ENVIRONMENTAL ORGANIZATION Frank Zelko Research Fellow, GHI In the early 1970s, the United States Congress’s House Subcommittee on Fisheries and Wildlife Conservation held a series of hearings on the sub- ject of marine mammal protection. Among those who testified were rep- resentatives of America’s oldest and most established wilderness protec- tion groups, such as the Sierra Club, the Audubon Society, and the National Wildlife Federation. Although it was important to ensure that the world’s populations of whales and seals remained as healthy as pos- sible, these organizations argued, they did not support a policy of abso- lute protection. As long as the survival of the species was ensured, they believed, it was legitimate to use its “surplus” members for the benefit of people. In his testimony before the subcommittee, Thomas Kimball of the National Wildlife Federation employed phrases such as “renewable re- sources,” “stewardship,” and “professional wildlife management.” The “harvesting of surplus wildlife populations,” his organization felt, wasan “important management tool if the continuing long-range well-being of an animal population is the ultimate objective.”1 A few years later, a group of environmental protesters off the coast of California came across a fleet of Soviet whaling boats. Using motorized inflatable dinghies, the activists positioned themselves between a whal- er’s harpoon and a fleeing pod of sperm whales, acting as human shields to protect the defenseless giants. Whaling, these activists insisted, was not merely an issue of wildlife preservation or resource stewardship. Rather, it was an unconscionable act of violence perpetrated against a species whose intelligence and sensitivity put them in the same biological cat- egory as human beings. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Diplomarbeit
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OTHES DIPLOMARBEIT Titel der Diplomarbeit „Die externe PR von NPO im Ländervergleich Österreich – Schweden“ Verfasserin Claudia Dirnböck angestrebter akademischer Grad Magistra der Philosophie (Mag. phil.) Wien, im Juni 2009 Matrikelnummer: 98 07 034 Studienkennzahl lt. Studienblatt: A 301 295 Studienrichtung lt. Studienblatt: Publizistik- und Kommunikationswissenschaft Betreuer: Ing. Mag. Dr. Klaus Lojka II "Tu deviens responsable pour toujours de ce que tu as apprivoisé." „Du bist zeitlebens für das verantwortlich, was du dir vertraut gemacht hast.“ Antoine de Saint-Exupéry III IV ä p l u s k a k a o p . v l b m O i p r a n p b g e o e e V VI Vorwort Das Schreiben einer Diplomarbeit gehört zweifelsohne zum krönenden Abschluss eines Magistrastudiums. Das Thema für meine Diplomarbeit bedurfte keiner langen Suche, war früh gefunden und ist in folgender Mo- tivation begründet, die aus drei Richtungen stammt: Public Relations (PR) sind das Vertiefungsgebiet meiner Hauptrichtung Publizistik- und Kom- munikationswissenschaft. Um Erlerntes auch in der Praxis umzusetzen, war ich im zweiten Abschnitt meines Studiums auf der Suche nach einer „Spielwiese“, die ich in der Non Profit Organisation (NPO) „Stiftung Kin- dertraum“ gefunden habe. Eckpfeiler drei stammt aus einem Teil meiner Fächerkombination mit Skandinavistik, woraus ich Schwedisch gewählt habe. Während meiner Studienzeit habe ich insgesamt eineinhalb Jahre mit viel Freude und Begeisterung im Land, das als Synonym für IKEA, ABBA und Wohlfahrtsstaat gilt - Schweden - studiert. Besonders in einer neuen Umgebung sind Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten in vielerlei Angelegenheiten augenscheinlich. -
Why America Needs a Second Party by Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT Dsaction
PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA Why America Needs A Second Party By Harold Meyerson INSIDE DEMOCRATIC LEFT DSAction ... 11 Why We Need a Second Party Jimmy Higgins Reports ... 16 by Harold Meyerson ... 3 Turning Rage Into Action: Daring To Be Ambitious: New York City DSA Commentary on the Clarence Thomas Hearings Organizes to Elect a Progressive City Council by Suzanne Crowell ... 13 by Miriam Bensman ... 6 Book Review: Guy Molyneux reviews E.J. Dionne's Why Americans Hate Politics ... 14 On TheLefJ Canadian Health Care Speakers Tour Report ... 8 Cover photo by Robert Fox/Impact Visuals EDITORIAL West European social democracies. In bachev is correct to want those "inter SOVI ET the Soviet Union, he'd like to see similar esting results" in democracy, economic welfare state guarantees, active labor development, and human rights that market policies, and government in- are inspired by the socialist idea. In tervention in the economy for both this respect, he's in tune with the DREAMER growth and equity. In his heart of citizens of his country since polls con hearts, Gorby wants his country to sistently show widespread support by Joanne Barkan look like Sweden in good times. among them for welfare state guaran- Dream on -- James Baker would tees. If George Bush would stop ex The coup in the Soviet Union fails. certainly respond. And democratic so- porting his models of misery, what's The train of history is back on the cialists everywhere would have to admit worked best for the West Europeans reform track -- for the moment. Re that the economic resources and insti- might -- with time and aid -- work for publics of the former empire declare tutional mechanisms just don't exist the East. -
Greenpeace, Earth First! and the Earth Liberation Front: the Rp Ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America" (2008)
University of Rhode Island DigitalCommons@URI Senior Honors Projects Honors Program at the University of Rhode Island 2008 Greenpeace, Earth First! and The aE rth Liberation Front: The rP ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America Christopher J. Covill University of Rhode Island, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog Part of the Environmental Sciences Commons Recommended Citation Covill, Christopher J., "Greenpeace, Earth First! and The Earth Liberation Front: The rP ogression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America" (2008). Senior Honors Projects. Paper 93. http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog/93http://digitalcommons.uri.edu/srhonorsprog/93 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Honors Program at the University of Rhode Island at DigitalCommons@URI. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@URI. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Greenpeace, Earth First! and The Earth Liberation Front: The Progression of the Radical Environmental Movement in America Christopher John Covill Faculty Sponsor: Professor Timothy Hennessey, Political Science Causes of worldwide environmental destruction created a form of activism, Ecotage with an incredible success rate. Ecotage uses direct action, or monkey wrenching, to prevent environmental destruction. Mainstream conservation efforts were viewed by many environmentalists as having failed from compromise inspiring the birth of radicalized groups. This eventually transformed conservationists into radicals. Green Peace inspired radical environmentalism by civil disobedience, media campaigns and direct action tactics, but remained mainstream. Earth First’s! philosophy is based on a no compromise approach. -
UNDERSTANDING POWER the INDISPENSABLE CHOMSKY Edited by Peter R
THE FOOTNOTES FOR: UNDERSTANDING POWER THE INDISPENSABLE CHOMSKY Edited by Peter R. Mitchell and John Schoeffel. Preface 1. For George Bush's statement, see "Bush's Remarks to the Nation on the Terrorist Attacks," New York Times, September 12, 2001, p. A4. For the quoted analysis from the New York Times's first "Week in Review" section following the September 11th attacks, see Serge Schmemann, "War Zone: What Would ‘Victory’ Mean?," New York Times, September 16, 2001, section 4, p. 1. Understanding Power: Preface Footnote Chapter One Weekend Teach-In: Opening Session 1. On Kennedy's fraudulent "missile gap" and major escalation of the arms race, see for example, Fred Kaplan, Wizards of Armageddon, New York: Simon & Schuster, 1983, chs. 16, 19 and 20; Desmond Ball, Politics and Force Levels: The Strategic Missile Program of the Kennedy Administration, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980, ch. 2. On Reagan's fraudulent "window of vulnerability" and "military spending gap" and the massive military buildup during his first administration, see for example, Jeff McMahan, Reagan and the World: Imperial Policy in the New Cold War, New York: Monthly Review, 1985, chs. 2 and 3; Franklyn Holzman, "Politics and Guesswork: C.I.A. and D.I.A. estimates of Soviet Military Spending," International Security, Fall 1989, pp. 101-131; Franklyn Holzman, "The C.I.A.'s Military Spending Estimates: Deceit and Its Costs," Challenge, May/June 1992, pp. 28-39; Report of the President's Commission on Strategic Forces, Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, April 1983, especially pp. 7-8, 17, and Brent Scowcroft, "Final Report of the President's Commission on Strategic Forces," Atlantic Community Quarterly, Vol. -
Environmental Activism on the Ground: Small Green and Indigenous Organizing
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2019-01 Environmental Activism on the Ground: Small Green and Indigenous Organizing University of Calgary Press Clapperton, J., & Piper, L. (2019). Environmental activism on the ground: small green and indigenous organizing. Calgary, AB: University of Calgary Press. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/109482 book https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 4.0 International Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca ENVIRONMENTAL ACTIVISM ON THE GROUND: Small Green and Indigenous Organizing Edited by Jonathan Clapperton and Liza Piper ISBN 978-1-77385-005-4 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. COPYRIGHT NOTICE: This open-access work is published under a Creative Commons licence. -
Mobilizing for Mumia Abu-Jamal in Paris
Essays Mobilizing for Mumia Abu-Jamal in Paris Kathleen Neal Cleaver* I. RETURNING TO THE CITY OF LIGHT The strike halted all railways, subways, and buses. Bumper-to- bumper traffic flooded the narrow streets of Paris, and walking became the fastest way to travel. The grey beauty of the Seine felt soothing that December morning as I walked by the river looking for number 19 Quai Bourbon, the law office of Roland Dumas. It was only Friday, but so much had happened that week, my head was spinning. It felt like the time I first met Dumas, back in the seventies. Eldridge Cleaver and I, among hundreds of other revolutionaries, lived clandestinely in Paris then, and Dumas was our lawyer. A deputy in the French Assembly at the time, he petitioned the government to legalize Eldridge's presence when he was a fugitive Black Panther leader facing imprisonment in the United States. * Visiting Assistant Professor of Law, Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law. This Essay was enhanced by my excellent research assistant, Maud Maron, Cardozo School of Law Class of 1998. Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities, Vol. 10, Iss. 2 [1998], Art. 2 Yale Journal of Law & the Humanities [Vol. 10: 327 Cities were still going up in flames after Martin Luther King's assassination that night Eldridge was arrested with eight other Panthers following a gun battle with the Oakland Police in 1968. Once his parole was revoked it looked as though he would spend his next four years in prison regardless of how the shoot-out trial ended. -
An Anarchist FAQ — Section J Tendency to Make People Passive, to Look for Salvation from Above and Not from Their Own Self-Activity
Therefore, voting has the important political implication of encouraging people to identify with state power and to justify the status quo. In addition, it feeds the illusion that the state is neutral and that electing parties to office means that people have control over their own lives. Moreover, elections have a An Anarchist FAQ — Section J tendency to make people passive, to look for salvation from above and not from their own self-activity. As such it produces a division between leaders and led, with the voters turned into spectators of activity, not the participants within it. All this does not mean, obviously, that anarchists pre- fer dictatorship or an "enlightened" monarchy. Far from it, democratising state power can be an important step towards abolishing it. All anarchists agree with Bakunin when he argued that "the most imperfect republic is a thousand times better that even the most enlightened monarchy." [quoted by Daniel Guerin, Anarchism, p. 20] It simply means that anarchists refuse to join in with the farce of electioneering, particularly when there are more effective means available for changing things for the better. Anarchists reject the idea that our problems can be solved by the very institutions that cause them in the first place! J.2.4 Surely voting for radical parties will be effective? There is no doubt that voting can lead to changes in policies, which can be a good thing as far as it goes. However, such poli- cies are formulated and implemented within the authoritarian framework of the hierarchical capitalist state – a framework which itself is never open to challenge by voting. -
Autumn 2004 Volume 18
CON TROVERSY LOOKOUT #17 • a forum for writers 3516 W. 13th Ave., Vancouver, BC V6R 2S3 LOOKOUTLOOKOUT LOOKOUT7REASONS why the British explorer didn’t reach British Columbia in 1579. Edward Von DOUBTING der Porten is one of many and named them the Isles of ? Saint James. Saint James’ Day naval schol- is July 25. So Drake did not ars who have leave the islands on August 25 as Bawlf claims, but on July 25. The calendar as given taken extremeDRAKE objection to in the contemporary accounts is the correct one. This leaves Drake 14 days—not 44—to carry out his explorations Samuel Bawlf’s The Secret between his arrival on the coast and his arrival at the port. Voyage of Sir Francis Drake With no stops, his day-and-night speed to travel 2,000 miles would have had to be 5.95 knots average, or 142.8 (D&M 2003). Its marketing miles per day in a three-to-four-knot ship capable of less leads one to assume Francis than one knot in daylight along an unknown shore. For Drake to explore 2,000 miles of the northwest coast in Drake was the first European 14 days—the amount of time he had available to spend on exploration—is impossible. to reach British Columbia. 4. The Native-American peoples Drake met were de- “Bawlf’s book is fantasy on the same plane as 1421, Vi- scribed in great detail in the accounts. Bawlf claims Drake kings in Minnesota and ancient astronauts,” says Von der Porten. “Serious research has long resolved the issues of where met the peoples who inhabited the shore from southern Drake traveled in the Pacific, and British Columbia could Alaska to central Oregon: northwest-coast peoples with not have been a place he visited.” huge cedar canoes, split-plank communal houses and to- Given that Bawlf’s book received ample coverage in B.C. -
L'espace De L'altermondialisme
G4/450-D60303-373 à 378 Page 373 Lundi, 17. octobre 2005 5:01 17 Document téléchargé depuis www.cairn.info - Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris 193.54.67.94 10/11/2017 09h49. © Presses Sciences Po (P.F.N.S.P.) L’ESPACE DE L’ALTERMONDIALISME CORE NONNA MAYER, JOHANNA SIMÉANT Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by SPIRE - Sciences Po Institutional REpository e dossier aborde les mobilisations altermondialistes en croisant deux approches généralement séparées, la sociologie des mouvements sociaux et C celle des relations internationales 1. La première privilégie les conditions d’émergence de cette nouvelle cause et ses cadres d’interprétation, les reconversions militantes et organisationnelles qui en permettent l’institutionnalisation, les évolu- tions du répertoire d’action protestataire. La seconde s’attache plutôt aux turbulences de la scène mondiale, à l’irruption des « nouveaux acteurs transnationaux » qui vien- draient concurrencer l’État et préfigurer l’émergence d’une « internationale » civile, à commencer par les ONG 2. Mais la place de ces dernières dans le mouvement altermondialiste, la nature des relations, d’alliance ou de concurrence, qu’elles établissent avec ses composantes, notamment avec des organisations comme ATTAC, qui se sont spécialisées dans la lutte contre la mondialisation libérale et les excès du capitalisme marchand, n’est pra- tiquement pas étudiée. Les travaux récents consacrés aux mouvements sociaux trans- nationaux, souvent mis sur un pied d’équivalence avec l’altermondialisation, sont, en général, menés par des chercheurs qui ont étendu leur intérêt pour les mouvements sociaux à l’international et sont davantage consacrés à des ONG aux pratiques fort modérées 3 plutôt qu’adeptes d’une protestation conflictuelle 4. -
Black Reconstruetion in America, 1860-1880 (New York: 3. Lawrence
Notes I. PROLOGUE: THE LEGACY OF THE FIRST RECONSTRUCTION I. W. E. B. DuBois, Black Reconstruetion in America, 1860-1880 (New York: Atheneum, 1971), p. 59. 2. Ibid., p. 378. 3. Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment: A Short History rifthe Agrarian Revolt in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. ~. 4. C. Vann Woodward, TheStrange CareerofJim Crow (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 118. 5. DuBois, Black Reconstruction, p. 703. 2. THE COLD WAR IN BLACK AMERICA, 1945-1954 I. Harold Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution? (New York: William Morrow, 1968), p. 12. 2. Philip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973 (New York: International Publishers, 1974), p. 270. 3. Henry Lee Moon, Balance rif Power: The Negro Vote (New York: Doubleday, 1948), pp. 9, 18. 4. Isaac Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949), pp. 573, 575. 5. David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 539-40. 6. Richard Pollen berg, One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since 1938 (New York: Penguin Books, 1980), pp. 87-8. 7. Lillian Hellman, Scoundrel Time (Boston: Little, Brown, 1976). 8. Pollenberg,One Nation Divisible, p. 106. 9. Caute, The Great Fear, p. 15. 10. Ibid., p. 11. 11. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973, p. 279. 12. On Randolph's political career, see William H. Harris, Keeping the Faith: A. Philip Randolph, Milton P. Webster, and the Brotherhood rif Sleeping Car Porters (Urbana, I1Iinois: University of IIIinois Press, 1977); Theodore Kornweibel, 'The Messenger Magazine, 1917-1928' (PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1971); Manning Marable, From the Grassroots: Social and Political Essays Towards Afro-American Liberation (Boston: South End Press, 1980), pp.