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Black Reconstruetion in America, 1860-1880 (New York: 3. Lawrence Notes I. PROLOGUE: THE LEGACY OF THE FIRST RECONSTRUCTION I. W. E. B. DuBois, Black Reconstruetion in America, 1860-1880 (New York: Atheneum, 1971), p. 59. 2. Ibid., p. 378. 3. Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment: A Short History rifthe Agrarian Revolt in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. ~. 4. C. Vann Woodward, TheStrange CareerofJim Crow (NewYork: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 118. 5. DuBois, Black Reconstruction, p. 703. 2. THE COLD WAR IN BLACK AMERICA, 1945-1954 I. Harold Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution? (New York: William Morrow, 1968), p. 12. 2. Philip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973 (New York: International Publishers, 1974), p. 270. 3. Henry Lee Moon, Balance rif Power: The Negro Vote (New York: Doubleday, 1948), pp. 9, 18. 4. Isaac Deutscher, Stalin: A Political Biography (New York: Oxford University Press, 1949), pp. 573, 575. 5. David Caute, The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1979), pp. 539-40. 6. Richard Pollen berg, One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since 1938 (New York: Penguin Books, 1980), pp. 87-8. 7. Lillian Hellman, Scoundrel Time (Boston: Little, Brown, 1976). 8. Pollenberg,One Nation Divisible, p. 106. 9. Caute, The Great Fear, p. 15. 10. Ibid., p. 11. 11. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973, p. 279. 12. On Randolph's political career, see William H. Harris, Keeping the Faith: A. Philip Randolph, Milton P. Webster, and the Brotherhood rif Sleeping Car Porters (Urbana, I1Iinois: University of IIIinois Press, 1977); Theodore Kornweibel, 'The Messenger Magazine, 1917-1928' (PhD dissertation, Yale University, 1971); Manning Marable, From the Grassroots: Social and Political Essays Towards Afro-American Liberation (Boston: South End Press, 1980), pp. 59-85. 13. Pollenberg, One Nation Divisible, p. 112. 14. Hanes Walton, Jr., Black Politics: A Theoretical and Structural Anarysis (Philadel­ phia: J. B. Lippincott, 1972), p. 66. 15. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, p. 280. 214 NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 16. W. E. B. DuBois, The Autobiography ofW. E. B. DuBois (New York: International Publishers, 1968), p. 293. 17. Ibid., p. 334. The shift in the NAACP's position on the Soviet Union and the American left in general can be observed by analysing the attitudes ofJames Weldon Johnson. Johnson, who was not a leftist, wrote this passage in 1934: Soviet Russia [isl a land in which there is absolutely no prejudice against Negroes .... I hold no brief against Communism as a theory of government. I hope that the Soviet experiment will be completely successful. ... If America should turn truly Communistic, ... if the capitalistic system should be abolished and the dictatorship of the proletariat established, with the Negro aligned, as he naturally ought to be, with the proletariat, race discriminations would be officially banned and the reasons and feelings back of them would finally disappear. See Johnson, Negro AmeTicans, What Now? (New York: Viking Press, 1962). 18. W. E. B. Du Bois, 'The Negro and Radical Thought', Grisis, 22 Uuly 1921),204. 19. W. E. B. DuBois, 'My Evolving Program for Negro Freedom', in Rayford Logan (ed.), What the Negro Wants (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University ofNorth Carolina Press, 1944), pp. 31-70. 20. Pollen berg, One Nation Divisible, pp. 112-13. 21. C. Vann Woodward, The Strange Gareer of Jim Grow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 136. Once out of office, Truman was absolutely candid about his opposition to blacks' civil rights. At a Cornell U niversity lecture in 1960, Truman charged that 'Communists' were 'engineering the student sit-downs at lunch counters in the South'. King and Wilkins deplored the former president's statement, and demanded that he provide details. Truman replied that he had no proof: 'But I know that usually when trouble hits the country the Kremlin is behind it'. Caute, The Great Fear, p. 35. 22. August Meier and Elliott Rudwick, GaRE: A Study in the Givil Rights Movement, 1942-1968 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 35. 23. Woodward, The Strange Gareer ofJim Grow, p. 142. 24. Jessie Parkhurst Guzman (ed.), Negro Year Book: A Review ofEvents Affecting Negro Life, 1941-1946 (Tuskegee Institute, Alabama: Tuskegee Institute, Department of Records and Research, 1947), pp. 270-1. 25. Pollen berg, One Nation Divisible, p. 159. 26. V. O. Key,Jr., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Vintage, 1949), p. 649. 27. Meier and Rudwick, GaRE, pp. 64-5. 28. Pollenberg, One Nation Divisible, p. 113. 29. Du Bois, Autobiography, p. 369. 30. Ibid., p. 370. 31. Caute, The Great Fear, p. 418. 32. Ibid., pp. 120, 128--9, 190, 193. 33. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, pp. 293-311. 34. 'Caute, The Great Fear, pp. 192, 198--9, 209-10. 35. W. A. Swanberg, Norman Thomas: The Last Idealist (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1976), pp. 353-5, 479-80. 36. Thomas Sowell, Rau and Economics (New York: Longman, 1975), p. 94. 37. Mario T. Garcia, 'On Mexican Immigration, the United States, and Chicano History',Journal of Ethnic Studies, 7 (Spring 1979),85. 38. Key, Southern Politics in State and Nation, pp. 272-5. 39. Stan Steiner, La Raza: The Mexican-Americans (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), pp. 232-3. NOTES TO CHAPTER 2 215 40. Roxanne Dunbar Ortiz, 'Land and Nationhood: The American Indian Struggle for Self-Determination and Survival', Soeialist Review, 12 (May-August 1982), 109. 41. William Loren Katz, The Blaek West (Garden City, New York: Anchor Books, 1973), pp. 201-14. 42. S. J. Makielski, Jr., Beleaguered Minorities: Cultural Polities in Ameriea (San Francisco: W. H. Freeman, 1973), p. 56. 43. Ortiz, 'Land and Nationhood', p. 116. 44. Makielski, Beleaguered Minorities, p. 57. 45. Richard A. Garcia, 'The Chicano Movement and the Mexican-American Community, 1972-1978: An Interpretative Essay', Socialist Review, 8 Ouly-October 1978), 123. 46. Guzman (ed.), Negro Year Book, pp. 182-3. 3. THE DEMAND FOR REFORM, 1954--1960 I. C. Vann Woodward, TheStrange CareerofJim Crow (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), pp. 14~7. 2. Ibid., p. 144; Carl N. Degler, Affluenee and Anxiery, 1945-Present (Glenview, Illinois: Scott, Foresman, 1968), p. 96. 3. Numan V. Bartley and Hugh D. Graham, Southern Polities and the Seeond Reeonstruction (Baltimore:Johns Hopkins Press, 1975), p. 67. Wallaee's metamorphosis as araeist demagogue merits serious examination, because it helps to explain the relations hip between racism and American polities. When Wallaee began his political eareer, he urged friends not to oppress loeal blaeks. 'You know, wejust ean't keep the eolored folks down like we been doin' around here for years and years', he argued in 1946. 'We got to quit. We got to start treatin' 'ern right. They just like everybody else.' On eeonomic issues, Wall ace was a progressive populist, a supporter of extensive state programmes for public schools, medical clinics, and welfare. In 1958, Wallace's opponent for governor aceepted the public support of the Klan. Wallaee promptly issued a denunciation of the Klan. After that, he won the support of 'the substantial Jewish minority in Alabama land] the NAACP'. Wallace's defeat in 1958, losing by 65,000 votes, made hirn into the South's most notorious bigot. In 1962, 1970 and 1974 Wallaee was elected governor of Alabama on a racist programme. In 1982, as huge numbers of blaeks were now voters, and a black man, Riehard Arrington, served as mayor of Alabama's largest city, Birmingham, Wallace ran successfully for governor for a fourth term - this time, as an economic liberal and racial moderate. In doing so, he managed to attract about one-third of the black voters in the state's Democratic primary race. See Marshall Frady, Wallaee (New York: New American Library, 1976), pp. 12~7, 137, 141. 4. Woodward, The Strange Career ofJim Crow, pp. 15~8. 5. Ibid., pp. 165---6. 6. Richard Wright, 'A Blueprint for Negro Writing', New Challenge, II (1937), 53-65. 7. Riehard Wright, The Outsider (New York: Harper and Row, 1953), p. 366. B. Langston Hughes, 'Un-American Investigators', in Dudley Randall (ed.), The Blaek Poets (New York: Bantarn, 1972), pp. 79---80. 9. Harold Cruse, The Crisis of the Negro lntellectual (New York: William Morrow, 1967), pp. 267-84. 10. LeRoiJones, Blaek Musie (New York: William Morrow, 1970), pp. 21, 37-40, 5~57, 69---73. 11. Martin Luther King, quoted in Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution?, pp. 60-1. 12. DuBois, The Autobiography of W. E. B. DuBois, pp. 399---401. 216 NOTES TO CHAPTER 3 13. Herbert Hili, 'Race and Labor: The AFL-CIO and the Black Worker Twenty-Five Years After the Merger',Journal rif Intergroup Relations, 10 (Spring 1982), 14. 14. Philip S. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, 1619-1973 (New York: International Publishers, 1974), pp. 314-15. 15. Gus Tyler, 'Contemporary Labor's Attitude Toward the Negro', in Julius Jacobson (ed.), The Negro and the American Labor Movement (Garden City, New York: Anchor, 1968), p. 367. 16. Ibid., p. 363. 17. Hili, 'Race and Labor', p. 20. 18. Foner, Organized Labor and the Black Worker, pp. 330-1. 19. Hili, 'Race and Labor', p. 25. 20. C. Eric Lincoln, The Black Muslims in America (Boston: Beacon Press, 1961), pp. x, 251. 21. Ibid., pp. 147-8. 22. Malcolm X andJames Farmer, 'Separation or Integration: A Debate', Dialogue Magazine, 2 (May 1962), 14-18. 23. Cruse, The Grisis rif the Negro Intellectual, p. 352. 24. Robert F. Williams, 'USA: The Potential ofa Minority Revolution', The Grusader Monthly Newsletter, 5 (May-June) 1964), 1-7.
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