The rise of Black nationalism

We emphasise that although time and care hass been spent preparing this paper^ it has been compiled by a committee and is not a work of scholarship* CAPE WESTERN REGION A FRICAN protest has a long history in South lawyer from Natal, was treasurer; and vice-presi- Africa. Starting with the conflict between dents included the Rev. Walter Rubusana, MPC Black and White in the 19th century, Africans for Tembuland in the Cape Colony. were gradually forced to come to terms with Although initiated and led by a mission-edu­ White power and western technology. cated, westernised elite, the intention was to The first attempts at political organisation on incorporate the chiefs as representatives of their a national scale came in the first decade of the tribal communities in an organisation embracing 20th century. In the meantime, divergent policies Africans of alt stations. affecting Black/White relations had evolved in Organised largely as a reaction to the ex­ the Boer republics and the British colonies. clusion of Africans from the government of South At the turn of the century there were over Africa, the positive intention of the organisation 12 000 Africans on the common voters' roll in was to act as a pressure group, defending African the Cape Colony. African voters exerted consider­ interests. Racial discrimination should be removed able influence in five Eastern Cape constituencies. and it was hoped that through improved educa­ Political leaders were drawn from the growing tion, economic progress and evolutionary partici­ pation in the country's political institutions, com­ class of westernised Africans —• the so-called mon citizenship would result.. "school people" as opposed to the "red blanket people". One of these was John Tengo Jabavu, The continuity noticeable in Congress's political editor of the first Xhosa/English newspaper to attitudes over four decades may be attributed to express African opinion — Imvo Zabantsundu, the persistence of certain factors: which was founded in 1884. Abhorrence of racial discrimination and legis­ The liberal Cape system (non-racial qualified lation passed by the South African government, franchise and the right to purchase land outside for example: (a) The Native Land Act of 1913, reserves) offered a means to political adjustment which stopped the share-crop system (whereby an for Africans of the Cape which might have been African farmed a portion of a White farmer's applied in the two defeated republics after the land, paying a proportion of his crop as rent) and also drastically limited the right of Africans to Anglo-Boer War. own land. It resulted in terrible hardship for Instead the Treaty of Verecniging specifically those who were forced off White-owned land and left "the question of granting the franchise to severely restricted the quota of land allocated natives" in abeyance. to Africans. In 1908 an all-White National Convention met to discuss Union. Far from accepting the Cape The Hertzog Bills, first mooted in 1925, which system as the pattern, the former republics and became law in 1936. One, the Native Representa­ Natal insisted there should be land segregation, tion Bill provided among other things for the re­ no equality for Africans in church or state, and moval of Africans from the common voters roll that Africans should be governed as a race in the Cape and their representation in Parlia­ apart. ment by Whites. As those developments unfolded, so the ferment The other, the Native Land and Trust Act, and sense of outrage in African circles increased. proposed to purchase more land for Africans than The first protest organisations were local, but provided in the 1910 Act, the projected total were followed in 1909 by a Native Conventian confining them to less than 13 per cent of South in Bloemfontein, attended by delegates from all Africa's land area. (In 1936 that meant 370 parts of the country. It was decided to plead acres for every White compared with six for for an extension of the Cape tradition. However, every African.) neither resolution nor a delegation to London • Recognition of the economic interdependence were effective. of all races in South Africa. As urbanisation in­ In 1912, on the initiative of several young creased the issues of African access to urban men recently returned from overseas study, an freehold and the necessity for improved welfare inaugural conference was called and the South services were highlighted. African Native National Congress (later renamed • Resentment over the pass laws. Protests the African National Congress) was founded. against these laws date back to 1913, when Con­ The Rev. John Dubc, editor of Ilanga Lase gress approved passive resistance by Free State Natal (The Sun of Natal), was elected first presi­ women who refused to carry passes. dent; Solomon T. Plaatje, a writer in English and The ANC saw the pass laws and the system lawyer from Natal, was treasurer; and vice-chair- of migrant labour as a means of ensuring a cheap The Black Sash, August 1970 25 Die Swart Serp, Augustus 1976 labour force while denying the right to seek and organised pan-Africanism in the ranks of the advancement on the basis of equal opportunity. ANC may be found in the formation of the Youth- The 1920s provided some stormy industrial League in 1944". At the ANC's annual conference conflicts. What in fact was taking place was in 1949 the League advocated a total boycott an industrial revolution in which Black labour of all elections provided for by the Native Re­ played a vital part. The possibility of an asser­ presentation Act of 1936, and the adoption of a tive mass movement was demonstrated by the definite programme to be achieved by methods phenomenal but short-lived Industrial and Com­ of passive resistance, non-collaboration and strike mercial Workers' Union. action where necessary. Founded in 1919 by Clemens Kadalie, its mem­ The League's triumph in carrying the Congress bership had risen by 1927 to between 50 and led to the resignation of Dr. Xuma, who was suc­ 80 000. The ICU successfully negotiated several ceeded by Dr Moroka. But while the ANC was wage claims, thereby raising serious concern in moving towards a more militant stance, a change Government circles. But financial and other prob­ was taking place among the White electorate as lems brought about splintering of the ICU and well, manifested by the victory of the National the gradual waning of its power. Party in the election of 1948. Moderation and conciliation were watchwords In the 1950s, under the leadership of Malan, of the ANC during the 1920s and 30». Strydom and Vcrwoerd, apartheid was entrenched Congress hoped to check the spread of racial by a series of parliamentary acts. The 1950 discrimination, to modify native policy and to Suppression of Communism Act had a bearing on establish a consensus within South African soci­ the ANC and similar organisations for it legis­ ety which would accept non-racial ideals as a lated not only against communists but against basis for legislation. Its efforts were ineffectual, anyone shown to advocate "any of the objects of however, the reasons for failure lying in the po­ Communism". litical power structure established at Union — Nevertheless, in 1952 the ANC (by then 40 Africans having no constitutional leverage; the years in existence) announced that it, together fears and prejudices prevalent in White politics, with the South African Indian Congress, would especially in the growth of an exclusive, inward- mount a campaign of passive resistance agains*; looking Afrikaner nationalism and the weakness unjust and oppressive laws. of Congress organisation. This Defiance Campaign lasted for many The world conflict of 1939-45 was a war of months, resulting in the arrest of 8 577 passive ideologies in which Africans perceived they would resisters and a vast increase in the membership not be better off if the Nazi creed prevailed. of the ANC. Prior to this, the imaginations of Blacks in It resulted also in much publicity overseas. But South Africa had been stirred by Ethiopian re­ from the Government came stricter legislation, sistance to Mussolini's forces. culminating in the General Law Amendment Act Though the sense of identification, experien­ and the Public Safety Act of 1953, which vir­ ced then — with Black men struggling against tually brought the defiance campaign to a close. White aggression — was lacking later, the ANC In June 1955 a Congress of the People met at supported the war effort. Initially Congress con­ Kliptown outside Johannesburg. Prof. Z. K. Mat­ sidered making its support conditional on Black thews had suggested that the ANC call this meet­ soldiers carrying arms like their White coun­ ing, which was attended also by the SAIC, the terparts, but this condition was opposed by Dr recently formed Cnogress of Democrats (a White A. B. Xuma, then President-General of the ANC, organisation) and the SA Coloured People's Or­ and others. ganisation. In the end co-operation was given along with a A Freedom Charter, which set out aims in very plea for full citizenship and equal rights. Afri­ general terms and concluded with a promise to cans, who enlisted served by and large in menial fight through to victory was drawn up. and supportive positions. Vigorous protests and demonstrations followed:, During the decade of the 40s the ANC was but the Special Branch had also stepped up its ac­ revitalised and consolidated under the leadership tivities. In December 1956, 156 people were ar­ of Dr Xuma. It was during this period that a rested including Chief Luthuli, then President- more radical sub-group, the Congress Youth Lea­ general of the ANC, and other Congress leaders. gue, was founded. Although all were eventually acquitted, the Initially under the leadership of Anton Lem- legal process known as the Treason Trial took bede, it included Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, five years. The prosecution sought in vain to Jordan Ngubane, Robert Sobukwe, Walter Sisulu prove that Congress ideology was communistic, and others now well known. and Luthuli defended ANC association with The League's particular interest lay in eradi­ former communists saying that to achieve Black cating African inferiority and associating the emancipation the ANC would work with all others South African struggle with the wider movement with similar aims. for emancipation throughout the African con­ While the Treason Trials were in progress the tinent. most dramatic happenings thus far took place: It has been claimed in fact, that "a conscious the Alexandra bus passenger strike in 1957, the

The Black Sank, August 1976 2'i Die Swart Serp, Augustus 197P founding of the Pan Africanist Congress in 1959 Nusas and the University Christian Movement, and, in I960, Sharpeville. but dissatisfaction with White domination led to Robert Sobukwe, a founder member of the Con­ the formation in the early sixties of various Black gress Youth League, was the leading light in students organisations. the PAC which set itself up in opposition to the These went defunct because of poor organisa­ ANC, stating Africans must work for their own tion, internal strife and intimidation of leaders. liberation and cease placing reliance on the assist­ Finally, in 1968, Saso was founded. Its member­ ance of Whites. ship grew rapidly and it is accepted as one of Both the ANC and the PAC planned anti-pass the most influential organisations in the Black campaigns for 1960, The ANC approach was that man's search for identity and liberation. of an orderly, carefully mounted campaign with Saso promotes Black consciousness which it a deliberately timed climax. Sobukwe, however, defines as follows: called on all Africans to follow him in leaving 0 Black consciousness is an attitude of mind, their passes at home and presenting themselves at police stations for arrest. a way of life; + The basic tenst of Black consciousness is Mass demonstrations took place on March 21 at that the Black man must reject all value systems Langa and Sharpeville, with the well-known tra­ that seek to make him a foreigner in the coun­ gic results. Other demonstrations and more re­ try of his birth and reduce his basic human dig­ tribution swiftly followed and by April 8 the nity. The Black man must build up his own value Government had created new legislation, the Un­ systems and see himself as self-defined and not lawful Organisations Act, by which both ANC defined by others; and PAC were banned, # The concept of Black consciousness implies A state of emergency was declared, leaders awareness by Black people of the power they were arrested; Luthuli, already restricted, was wield as a group, both economically and politic­ fined £100 for burning his pass and Sobukwe ally; and hence group cohesion and solidarity are was sent to prison on a charge of incitement. important facets of Black consciousness; The 50s, fifth decade of ANC activity, had been a period of above-ground political activity 0 Black consciousness will always be enhanced subjected to ever worsening repression. Now the by the totality of involvement of the oppressed political activities of African nationalists took on people, hence the message of Black conscious­ features of an underground movement, in which ness has to be spread to reach all sections of Nelson Mandela played a leading role until his the Black community, arrest in August 1962. Saso, which stresses self-help and self-reliance, is involved in several community projects such Mandela had remained in the ANC when So­ as literacy campaigns, health projects, practical bukwe founded the PAC. Two secret organisa­ building projects and home educational schemes. tions, Umkonte we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) There has also been an attempt to establish a and Poqo (which means "pure" or "completely") Black Press and a Black workers' project. came into being. They advocated the use of vio­ lence to force the Government to recognise their A second organisation is the Black People's demands but the Government countered with the Convention, founded in 1971, to provide a political General Law Amendment Act, called Sabotage home for all Black people who cannot reconcile Act. themselves to working within the framework of separate development. Its aims are: Several violent incidents occurred and more To unite the Black people of South Africa with than 3 000 alleged Poqo members were arrested. a view to liberating and emancipating them from Some link between Poqo and PAC was believed bot;* physical and psychological oppression. to exist but this was not made clear. To preach, popularise and implement the ph;io- In 1963 the dramatic Rivonia Trial took place, sophy of Black consciousness and Black solidar­ which virtually blotted out the executive of the ity. underground movement. Since then the climate To formulate and implement an educational for African political organisations has been so policy by Blacks for Blacks* hostile that many leaders, like Oliver Tambo, have To create and maintain an egalitarian society gone into exile. where justice is meted equally to all. The ANC and PAC-in-exile are said to have a To formulate, apply and implement the princip­ client relationship to Russia and China respec­ les and philosophy of Black communalism — the tively; however, lie aims and tactics of these and philosophy of sharing. other organisations outside South Africa are be­ To create and maintain an equitable economic yond the scope of this paper. system based on thy principle of Black commun­ The political vacuum created during the 50s alism. and 60s has to some extent been filled by the To co-operate with existing agencies to re-orient institutions of apartheid, the "homelands", and the theological system £o make religion relevant the growth of several new organisations con­ to the needs, aspirations, ideals and goals, of cerned with Black consciousness. One of these is Black people. the South African Students' Organisation (Saso). Aside from their avowed aims, organisations Black students were at one time active in both such as Saso and BPC represent in themselves a

The Black Sash, August 1976 27 Die Swart Serp, Augustus 1976 deliberate counter to the divisive effect of the Four years later Verwoerd's homeland policy White Government's policy for Blacks. was launched via the Bantu Self-Government Act. African nationalists are only too well aware of which subsequent legislation has spelt out. The the unadvertised "divide and rule" factor built seal seemed to be set on land allocation, with little into the masterplan of which institutions like hope of significant concessions. Nevertheless, tribal universities and tribal homelands form a African spokesmen have been outspoken in their part. No discussion of African nationalism can, complaints concerning land. in fact, be complete without reference to the At a summit meeting at Umtata in November "homelands" policy. 1973, homelands leaders agreed that they would A shift in focus, away from urban areas which not go for independence until land far in excess are centres of the nationalist movement to rural of that promised in the 1936 Land Act had been areas which, by and large, are conservative and conceded. tribally based is one feature of this policy. It therefore came as a shock when, before a In effect, tribalism is promoted at the expense year was out, Matanzima announced that the of nationalism. Despite this move by the White Transkei would after all take its independence. National Party to check the Black nationalist Some homeland leaders regretted while others movement, the impulse to a national outlook denounced the decision, which caused a break in persists, and we thought we should ask: to what Black solidarity on this issue. Most commentators extend, if any, do African nationalists see the saw it as a triumph for the Government's Bantu- homelands policy as fulfilling their aspirations? Stan policy and Saso agreed, saying it would sup­ Until recently African spokesmen were virtu­ ply Pretoria with "more diplomatic ammunition". ally unanimous in rejecting the existing home­ Blacks would be fobbed off with woefully un­ lands policy as the fulfilment of their aspirations. derdeveloped "countries", denied land rightfully It was from this position of solid opposition that theirs, and cut off from their fair share in the two broad viewpoints emerged. all economy. One view was typified by homeland leaders How to explain this about-face? Various mo­ who worked within the prescribed framework, tives have been alleged but in Black Review one using their position very often to speak out finds the comment: "Seemingly Matanzima's view against apartheid and advance the claims of the was that people were anxious to have a free state people. of their own, without the consolidation issue be­ As Buthelezi has stated, the Black man's ing thrashed". And when all is said and done this struggle must begin, where he actually is and may be the essence of it. proceed through existing institutions if it ia to be Rationally the problems loom large but emo­ conducted by peaceful and not by violent means. tionally, spiritually — however you care to put At the same time he rejects the "narrow tribal it — the desire to escape White domination is nationalism" which the homelands policy fosters. overriding. The chance to rule, to exercise the The other view has despised all government- authority hitherto exercised by Whites, lies in created platforms. Saso and BPC have all along taking independence — which is offered on a rejected both the Bantustans and those who at­ platter and does not need to be fought for. tempt to work through them who, they claim, In this important sense — the aspiration for serve to make separate development look respect­ liberation — the homelands policy affords an able. answer for some Blacks. Mantanzima's stint as an observer at the UN, Bophutatswana has since spoken for independ­ the visits by homeland leaders to European and ence, but makes certain demands concerning African capitals and the posting of homeland offi­ rights and compensation. It will be interesting to cials on overseas assignments means, according to see how the negotiations with Pretoria fare, and a Saso spokesman that Blacks are "maintaining a whether still other homelands will choose this full-time 'cooling system' for the South African route. Government in the hot international diplomatic However much yielding to pressure there may chamber". be to adopt the homelands route to liberation, it Such differences lead to bitterness but there is difficult to imagine that African spokesmen of are areas where all parties are in agreement, any stamp — those doggedly nationalist in out­ for example concerning land as it has been allo­ look or those who accept fragmentation in order cated to Blacks by successive acts of Parliament to rule —• will forsake that prime goal of na­ mentioned before. tionalists: a fair share of "White" South Africa's We did not discover in very specific terms how land and wealth. African nationalists of the past have thought to To sum up, the nationalist movement has been tackle the land question, to achieve the redistri­ weakened in recent years by the homelands poli­ bution desired. cy as well as by repressive measures against For example, the Freedom Charter adopted by effective nationalist organisations. But though the Congress of the People in 1955 simply stated : one nationalist aim, to play a part in the govern­ "The land shall be divided among those who work ing process, may now be realised piecemeal, it". Freedom of movement and the right to occu­ other aims concerning land and economic justice py land according to choice, free from racial remain matters which African nationalists seem restrictions, were mentioned under this heading. unlikely to resolve except by joint action.

The Black Sash, August 1976 28 Die Swart Serp, Augustus 1976