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Introduction 1 'Seeds and Roots/ 1893-1913 Notes Introduction 1 Alfred B. Xuma, Charlotte Manye (Mrs Maxeke): What an Educated Afri- can Girl Can Do (AME Church, 1930), p. 9. 2 Notable exceptions include Thomas Karis and Gwendolen Carter, eds, From Protest to Challenge: a Documentary History of African Politics in South Africa, 1882-1964, vols. 1-4 (Stanford: Hoover Institution Press, 1972-7); Paul Rich, White Power and the Liberal Conscience: Racial Segregation and South African Liberalism (Johannesburg: Ravan Press, 1984); Richard Ralston, 'American Episodes in the Making of an African Leader: a Case Study of Alfred B. Xuma/ International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 6, no. 1, 1973, pp. 72-93; and Peter Walshe, The Rise of African National- ism in South Africa: the African National Congress, 1912-1952 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971). 1 'Seeds and Roots/ 1893-1913 1 Commenting on his family background in the first of a series of auto- biographical articles published in Drum magazine in South Africa in the 1950s, Xuma wrote that 'these are the seeds and roots from which I spring.' This phrase seemed an appropriate way to begin Xuma's bi- ography. For Xuma's autobiographical articles, see 'Extracts from the Life Story of Dr Alfred Xuma/ Drum, March 1954-January 1955. 2 For an elaboration of this point, see the introduction to William Beinart and Colin Bundy, Hidden Struggles in Rural South Africa: Politics & Popu- lar Movements in the Transkei and Eastern Cape, 1890-1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987). Beinart developed this argument earlier in The Political Economy of Pondoland, 1860-1930 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1982). 3 For historical background on the Southern Nguni, see Robin Derricourt, 'Settlement in the Transkei and Ciskei before the Mfecane/ in Beyond the Cape Frontier: Studies in the History of the Transkei and Ciskei, ed. Christopher Saunders and R. Derricourt (London: Longman, 1974), pp. 39-82; J.B. Peires, The House of Phalo: a History of the Xhosa People in the Days of their Independence (Johannesburg: Ravan, 1981); and John Henderson Soga, The Ama-Xosa: Life and Customs (Lovedale Cape: Lovedale Press, c. 1931). 4 These figures are given in the official Cape census reports of 1891, as quoted in R. Hunt Davis, Jr, 'Nineteenth Century African Education in the Cape Colony: a Historical Analysis' (PhD dissertation, University of Wisconsin, 1969), pp. 131 and 144. 5 Colin Bundy, The Rise and Fall of the South African Peasantry, 2nd ed. (London: James Currey, 1988), particularly pp. 65-108. Although Bundy 207 208 Notes may have overstated the extent of this peasantry's 'rise' and 'fall/ his assertion that a stratum of African farmers responded to new market opportunities after 1870 remains convincing. 6 C.C. Saunders, 'The Annexation of the Transkei/ in Beyond the Cape Frontier, pp. 185-98. 7 On the Cape colony's incorporation of the Transkeian territories, see also C.C. Saunders, The Annexation of the Transkeian Territories' in Archives Year Book 1976, (Pretoria: Government Printer, 1978); Beinart and Bundy, Hidden Struggles, pp. 1-45; and Andre Odendaal, Vukani Bantu! The Beginnings of Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912 (Cape Town: David Philip, 1984), pp. 1-29. 8 Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!, pp. 197-227. 9 For discussion of African political activities in the Cape colony and the Transkeian territories, see Andre Odendaal, 'African Political Mobilisation in the Eastern Cape, 1880-1910' (PhD dissertation, University of Cam- bridge, 1983) and Odendaal, Vukani Bantu!, pp. 12-15. 10 In his study Songs of Zion: the African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), James Campbell notes that Africans played a particularly important role in the spread of the Wesleyan Church in South Africa. In the nineteenth- century Cape, for example, it was common for African Wesleyans to participate in the missionary endeavor by serving as lay preachers and evangelists. See Campbell, pp. 103-38. 11 Davis, 'Nineteenth Century African Education,' p. 144. 12 Sources that discuss the role of missionaries among the Southern Nguni include Beinart and Bundy, Hidden Struggles in Rural South Africa, pp. 1-45; Campbell, Songs of Zion, pp. 103-38; R. Hunt Davis, Jr, 'School vs Blanket and Settler: Elijah Makiwane and the Leadership of the Cape School Community/ African Affairs, vol. 78, no. 310, Jan. 1979, pp. 12-31; Davis, 'Nineteenth Century African Education/ pp. 104-87; B.A. Pauw, Christianity and Xhosa Tradition: Belief and Ritual among Xhosa- speaking Christians, (Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1975), pp. 18-34; and Monica Wilson, Reaction to Conquest: Effects of Contact with Europeans on the Pondo of South Africa, 2nd ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1961). 13 The date of Xuma's birth is difficult to document with absolute cer- tainty. The date mentioned above is consistent with information gleaned from two sources: a letter Xuma wrote to an acquaintance in South West Africa in 1946 [A.B. Xuma papers no. 460315, Division of Histori- cal Papers, Cullen Library, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg (hereafter referred to as ABX)] and Xuma's official death notice, filed on 2 February 1962 (State Archives, Pretoria: MHG.559 1056/62). However, in a form he completed while registering at the Northwestern Univer- sity medical school (c. 1923), Xuma listed his birth date as 5 March 1894. The whereabouts of Xuma's baptismal record - if one ever existed - remain a mystery. 14 This discussion of Xuma's family background is based on the follow- ing: interview with Attwell J. Xuma, Alfred's nephew, 24 October 1990, Manzana, Transkei and personal communication from the same (1991); Notes 209 interview with Dabulamanzi Gcanga; Alfred's cousin, 24 October 1990, Manzana, Transkei; Xuma's autobiographical writings, both in typescript form (ABX box P, file 24) and published as 'Extracts from the Life Story of Dr Alfred Xuma/ Drum, March 1954-January 1955; Nat Nakasa, 'Who was Dr Xuma? An Intimate Profile,' Drum, March 1962; and 'Master- piece in Bronze: Dr Alfred B. Xuma,' Drum, December 1953. 15 Alfred B. Xuma, autobiographical typescript, p. 3. 16 Gcanga and Xuma interviews. For a more general discussion of migra- tion and ethnic identities among the Southeast Nguni in the nineteenth century, see Peires, House of Phalo, pp. 13-26. 17 T.R.H. Davenport's South Africa: a Modern History, 4th ed. (Toronto: Uni- versity of Toronto Press, 1991), pp. 55-7, provides valuable background information on Thembuland. For a more detailed analysis, see EJ.C. Wagenaar, 'A History of the Thembu and Their Relationship with the Cape, 1850-1900' (PhD dissertation, Rhodes University, 1988). 18 Davis, 'Nineteenth Century African Education,' p. 293. 19 This description is based on my personal visit to Manzana in October 1990; interviews with A.J. Xuma and D. Gcanga; and Alfred B. Xuma, autobiographical typescript, p. 3. Although the name 'Manzana' ('little water') suggests that the community was well-watered, droughts were not unknown in the region. In her study of late-nineteenth-century Thembuland, Elsie Wagenaar notes that the Engcobo district experienced droughts in 1885-6 and in 1892. See Wagenaar, 'A History of the Thembu/ pp. 357-64. 20 'Rondavel' is a South African term for a round hut with a thatched roof; the word 'kraal' refers to an enclosure for cattle or other stock animals. 21 Interviews with A.J. Xuma and D. Gcanga; see also Alfred B. Xuma, autobiographical typescript. These sources suggest that the Xumas had ample land and livestock to provide for their growing family. The pre- cise socio-economic position of the Xumas in relation to other families in Manzana is admittedly difficult to determine. 22 A.J. Xuma interview; Alfred B. Xuma, autobiographical typescript, pp. 2-3; 'Masterpiece in Bronze: Dr Alfred B. Xuma,' Drum, December 1953. 23 Wesleyan Methodist Church of South Africa, Minutes of the Eleventh Conference at Queenstown, 1893 (Cape Town: Argus, 1893), pp. 18-19. The designation 'Thembuland Proper' refers to the region bordered by the Mbashe and Mtata rivers in the Transkeian territories. It was here that the Xumas settled after the birth of their first child in 1877. 24 Christopher Saunders, 'Tile and the Thembu Church: Politics and Inde- pendency on the Cape Eastern Frontier in the Late 19th Century,' Journal of African History, vol. 11, no. 4, 1970, pp. 553-70. Further commen- tary on Tile's church can be found in Francis Meli, South Africa Belongs to Us: a History of the ANC (Harare: Zimbabwe Publishing House, 1988), p. 9; Saunders, 'The New African Elite in the Eastern Cape and Some Late Nineteenth Century Origins of African Nationalism,' Collected Seminar Papers on the Societies of Southern Africa in the 19th and 20th Centuries, vol. 1, 10, October 1969-March 1970, pp. 44-55; and Wagenaar, 'A History of the Thembu,' pp. 219-27. 210 Notes 25 'Districts' in the Transkeian territories were administrative units some- what akin to 'counties' in the United States or Britain. 26 For background on the Engcobo district, see T.R. Beattie, A Ride Through the Transkei (King William's Town: S.E. Rowles & Co., 1891), chapters 3 and 4; Frank Brownlee, The Transkeian Native Territories: Historical Records (Lovedale: Lovedale Institution Press, 1923) pp. 20-31; Davis, 'Nineteenth Century African Education,' p. 145; A. Stanford (Resident Magistrate, Engcobo) to Chief Magistrate, Thembuland, 14 Dec. 1891 [Cape Archives: CT 3/86]; and Wagenaar, 'A History of the Thembu,' pp. 342-53. 27 See the correspondence between the Engcobo Resident Magistrate and the Chief Magistrate of Thembuland (Umtata), 14 December 1891 and 10 June 1892 [Cape Archives: CMT. 3/86]; also Wagenaar, 'A History of the Thembu,' pp.
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