Lecture by Lt-Gen Keith Dayton on Palestine
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THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE FOR NEAR EAST POLICY PROGRAM OF THE SOREF SYMPOSIUM MICHAEL STEIN ADDRESS ON U.S. MIDDLE EAST POLICY SPEAKER: LIEUTENANT GENERAL KEITH DAYTON, U.S. SECURITY COORDINATOR, ISRAEL AND THE PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY THURSDAY, MAY 7, 2009 Transcript by Federal News Service Washington, D.C. The following is a transcript of a keynote address delivered by Lt. Gen. Keith Dayton to The Washington Institute's 2009 Soref Symposium on May 7, 2009. General Dayton currently serves as U.S. security coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority, a post he has held since 2005. He recently accepted appointment for another two-year term. It is truly an honor for me to have the opportunity to address such a distinguished audience. My name is Keith Dayton, and I head a small team of Americans, Canadians, British, and a Turkish officer who were sent to the Middle East to assist in bringing some order to the Palestinian Authority's security forces. The name of our group is the United States Security Coordinators Team—USSC for short—but we are really an international effort. We are English speakers all, just with a lot of accents. [Laughter.] I look forward to sharing my thoughts with you on this evening's topic: Peace through Security: America's Role in Building Palestinian Authority Security Forces. But do keep in mind as I go along, it is not just the United States, but Canada, the United Kingdom, and Turkey, who are working on the task at hand. Looking out at this group, we have a lot of people here tonight, and this is no doubt due to the invaluable work being done by the Washington Institute scholars here. It reminds me of a story that I heard about Winston Churchill. I love Churchill stories; I have to warn you, there will be two of them in this talk. The story is that once a young woman cornered Churchill and in a gushing voice, she walked up to him and said, "Oh, Mr. Prime Minister, doesn't it thrill you to know that every time you make a speech, the hall is filled, packed to overflowing?" And Churchill, of course—he was never at a loss for words—said, "Yes, Madame, it is quite flattering. But whenever I feel this way, I always remember that if, instead of making a speech, I was being hanged, the crowd would be twice as big." [Laughter.] Well, tonight, I will be direct with you, as befits a soldier who has served in the uniform of his country for almost thirty-nine years. I will tell you what is unique about our team, what we've been doing, and what we hope to accomplish in the future. I will talk about opportunities and I will touch on challenges. I would like to leave politics and policy to those better qualified than I am. The countries involved in this enterprise have sent officers to be part of this mission because, in the words of an esteemed Washington Institute scholar, Las Vegas rules no longer work in the Middle East. While it may be true that what happens in Vegas stays in Vegas, it is no longer true that what happens in the Middle East stays in the Middle East. And all of us on the security coordinator's team share the conviction that the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is in the national interests of our respective nations, and for that matter, of the world. Let me state at the outset a few bedrock principles that guide me in my work. First, as I just said, I profoundly believe that it is in the national security interest of the United States to help resolve the Israeli-Palestinian dispute. Second, I am one of those who firmly believes in a two-state solution: a Palestinian state living in peace and security alongside the state of Israel is the only solution that will meet the long-term needs of Israel and the aspirations of the Palestinian people. This has long been the policy of our national leadership, and I share it. Third, let me state very clearly my deep conviction—and I tell this to my Israeli friends all the time—that as President Obama said last year, the bond between the United States and Israel is unbreakable today, it is unbreakable tomorrow, and it is unbreakable forever. [Applause.] Before I begin, I want everyone in this room to know that I consider—and this is really sincere—The Washington Institute to be the foremost think tank on Middle East issues, not only in Washington, but in the world. [Applause.] I'm not done yet. I read the Institute's reports, I talk with the Institute fellows and staff about key matters. The people here at The Washington Institute give analytical and unbiased advice. I depend on it, and sometimes I feel I would be lost without it. Moreover—and some of you may not know this—but Washington Institute staff give of themselves. Mike Eisenstadt, you've got to be in the room—are you here? Mike, would you stand up? [Applause.] What some of you may not know—no Mike, you've got to keep standing. [Laughter.] That's an order—What some of you may not know is that this is Lt. Col. Mike Eisenstadt, U.S. Army Reserve. And he is a senior fellow here at The Washington Institute, and he's just completed an active duty tour as the plans officer on my staff in Jerusalem. [Applause.] I will tell you that Mike's knowledge and wisdom has contributed much toward our future plans and strategy, and Mike, I've got to tell you, I'm proud of you and this Institute should be proud of you too and thank you for your service. [Applause.] Okay, let's get started. I arrived in the region in December 2005, coming from the Pentagon in Washington, where I served as the deputy director of strategy plans and policy on the Army staff. Before that, I was in Iraq, where I set up and commanded the Iraq survey group, which was charged with the search for weapons of mass destruction. And some have questioned whether this assignment in the Middle East was a reward for the Iraq effort or someone's idea of retribution. [Laughter.] Secretary Wolfowitz, I won't ask you which it is. [Laughter.] I had been the defense attache of the United States in Russia, but in my heart, I'm an artilleryman. [Applause.] Thank you, I appreciate that. [Laughter.] It's important because artillerymen are schooled in the concept of "adjust fire." You fire your first round down range to get as close to the target as you can using all the local information you have available to you and then you apply that local knowledge to subsequent rounds and adjust until you hit the target. That is very much what the team and I do in the Middle East. We have become steeped in an understanding of the context and dynamics of the conflict from the perspective of both sides through daily interaction on the ground, and we adjust fire accordingly. Now, the Office of the U.S. Security Coordinator came into existence in March of 2005 as an effort to assist the Palestinians in reforming their security services. The Palestinian security forces under Yasser Arafat were never able to achieve internal cohesion, they were not properly trained, they were not properly equipped, and they had no clear or effective security mission. The idea in forming the USSC was to create an entity to coordinate various international donors under one plan of action that would eliminate duplication of effort. It was to mobilize additional resources and to allay Israeli fears about the nature and capabilities of the Palestinian security forces. The USSC was to help the Palestinian Authority to right-size its force and advise them on the restructuring and training necessary to improve their ability, to enforce the rule of law, and make them accountable to the leadership of the Palestinian people whom they serve. Why was a U.S. general officer chosen to command this thing? Well, three reasons. The first was that senior policymakers felt that a general officer would be trusted and respected by the Israelis. Put that one in the "yes" block. The second was that a general's prestige would help leverage Palestinian and other Arab cooperation. You can put that in the "yes" block. And the third idea was that a general officer would have greater influence over the U.S. government interagency process. Two out of three isn't bad. [Laughter.] Okay, so where are we now, or who are we and how do we fit into the regional context? And this is kind of important. We're kind of "coming out" tonight to let you know what we are, because we don't do this very often. As I said earlier, we are a multinational team. This is important. U.S. personnel have travel restrictions when operating in the West Bank. But our British and Canadian members do not. In fact, most of my British contingent—eight people—live in Ramallah. And those of you who know about the overseas missions [know] that the United States does understand that living among the people you work with is invaluable. The Canadians, who are going up to about eighteen people, are organized in teams we call road warriors, and they move around the West Bank daily visiting Palestinian security leaders, gauging local conditions, and working with real Palestinians in sensing the mood on the ground.