U.S. Security Assistance to the Palestinian Authority
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Palestinian Economy: a Historical View
The Palestinian Economy: A Historical View Brian J. Friedman, CFA September 30, 2014 Among the thousands of articles written about the Israeli‐Palestinian conflict, very few study the impact of the conflict on the Palestinian economy. According to the CIA approximately 2.2 million Palestinians live in the West Bank (along with 350,000 Jewish settlers) and 1.8 million in the Gaza Strip. Total Gross Domestic Product (GDP) for the Palestinian Authority is $6.6 billion or $1,650 per capita. By way of comparison, Israeli GDP is $273 billion or $35,000 per capita. Israel’s 1.5 million Arab citizens suffer from a significantly lower standard of living than Jewish Israelis. Nonetheless, Israeli Arab GDP per capita is estimated to be $12,000 (Israel Bureau of Statistics). Even without a formal peace agreement, a cessation of Palestinian terrorism and violence could produce a significant peace dividend for the nearly 12 million people living between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Unfortunately the Palestinians only started developing a working economy in 2007 with the appointment of Salam Fayyad as Finance Minister, and then again just in the West Bank. While Israel certainly shares some of the blame for the Palestinians economic malaise, economic development was also a low priority for the Palestinian leadership. Until Mahmoud Abbas became President of the Palestinian Authority in 2005, Palestinian factions pursued armed struggle and terrorism against Israel rather than build institutions required for economic prosperity such as banks, courts, capital markets, factories or corporations. The Palestinian Economy Prior to 1967 In June of 1967 the combined militaries of Egypt, Jordan and Syria mobilized against Israel. -
West Bank and Gaza 2020 Human Rights Report
WEST BANK AND GAZA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Palestinian Authority basic law provides for an elected president and legislative council. There have been no national elections in the West Bank and Gaza since 2006. President Mahmoud Abbas has remained in office despite the expiration of his four-year term in 2009. The Palestinian Legislative Council has not functioned since 2007, and in 2018 the Palestinian Authority dissolved the Constitutional Court. In September 2019 and again in September, President Abbas called for the Palestinian Authority to organize elections for the Palestinian Legislative Council within six months, but elections had not taken place as of the end of the year. The Palestinian Authority head of government is Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh. President Abbas is also chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and general commander of the Fatah movement. Six Palestinian Authority security forces agencies operate in parts of the West Bank. Several are under Palestinian Authority Ministry of Interior operational control and follow the prime minister’s guidance. The Palestinian Civil Police have primary responsibility for civil and community policing. The National Security Force conducts gendarmerie-style security operations in circumstances that exceed the capabilities of the civil police. The Military Intelligence Agency handles intelligence and criminal matters involving Palestinian Authority security forces personnel, including accusations of abuse and corruption. The General Intelligence Service is responsible for external intelligence gathering and operations. The Preventive Security Organization is responsible for internal intelligence gathering and investigations related to internal security cases, including political dissent. The Presidential Guard protects facilities and provides dignitary protection. -
Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip). -
The Palestinian Dilemma
EVALUATING PEACE EDUCATION IN THE OSLO/INTIFADA GENERATION: AN IMPACT STUDY OF SEEDS OF PEACE 1993-2010 BY Ned Lazarus ABSTRACT Since 1993, several thousand Israeli and Palestinian youth have participated in 12 summer “coexistence” programs in North America. The programs espouse a common theory of change: that an experience of dialogue in an idyllic American setting will inspire youth to return to the Middle East as aspiring peacemakers. This dissertation provides the first large-scale, long-term empirical assessment of that theory, by tracking the peacebuilding activity of all 824 Israeli and Palestinian graduates of SOP's first decade of operation (1993- 2003), and complementing this with qualitative research on more than 100 adult graduates (ages 21-30). The longitudinal framework assesses fluctuations in activity over time, highlighting the influence of changing personal, organizational, and political contexts. Key findings include that more than half of alumni engaged in peacebuilding during high school; that compulsory Israeli military service discouraged activity among both Israeli and Palestinian graduates; that nearly one-fifth of alumni engaged in peacebuilding as adults; and that extensive follow-up programming was essential for sustaining long-term commitments to peacebuilding. The study concludes that the international intervention structure embeds an effective educational model in a problematic organizational model. While providing an unprecedented evaluation of a popular peace education approach, this study tells the stories of a pivotal generation: Palestinians and Israelis who entered adolescence at the hopeful dawn of the Oslo peace process, to emerge as adults in an era of intifada and “separation.” 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation is the culmination of a journey of eight years of practice, and seven years of research, study and writing. -
Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy
Order Code RL33530 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Updated August 4, 2006 Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Israeli-Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy Summary After the first Gulf war, in 1991, a new peace process involved bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon. On September 13, 1993, Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) signed a Declaration of Principles (DOP), providing for Palestinian empowerment and some territorial control. On October 26, 1994, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and King Hussein of Jordan signed a peace treaty. Israel and the Palestinians signed an Interim Self-Rule in the West Bank or Oslo II accord on September 28, 1995, which led to the formation of the Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern the West Bank and Gaza. The Palestinians and Israelis signed additional incremental accords in 1997, 1998, and 1999. Israeli-Syrian negotiations were intermittent and difficult, and were postponed indefinitely in 2000. On May 24, 2000, Israel unilaterally withdrew from south Lebanon after unsuccessful negotiations. From July 11 to 24, 2000, President Clinton held a summit with Israeli and Palestinian leaders at Camp David on final status issues, but they did not produce an accord. A Palestinian uprising or intifadah began that September. On February 6, 2001, Ariel Sharon was elected Prime Minister of Israel, and rejected steps taken at Camp David and afterwards. The post 9/11 war on terrorism prompted renewed U.S. -
Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working?
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 28 January 2010 Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working? By Adam Robert Green Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority Salam Fayyad wants to build the insti- tutional foundations of a Palestinian state by 2011. Improved security in the West Bank, and Israel’s easing of some checkpoints, has boosted the effort by strengthening the West Bank’s economy. This Policy Brief asks whether this muted economic re- vival can be deepened and sustained in the absence of a peace agreement with Israel or a unified Palestinian leadership. For more than 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the re- gion. MEI offers programs, media outreach, language courses, scholars, a library, and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The views expressed in this Policy Brief are those of the author; the Middle East Institute does not take positions on Middle East policy. Economic Peace in the West Bank and the Fayyad Plan: Are They Working? There can be a democratic, de facto Palestinian state by 2011, according to Salam Fayyad, the Prime Minister of the Palestinian Authority (PA). The goal was outlined in an eloquent two-year plan entitled “Ending the Occupation, Establishing the State,”1 published in August 2009, which called for the formation of the institutional founda- tions of statehood prior to, and independent of, an agreement with Israel. The so-called “August plan” is breathlessly ambitious. It envisions the building of a Palestine International Airport in the Jordan Valley, the reconstruction of Gaza Port, and a passage connecting Hamas’ battered province with the West Bank. -
Nablus Salfit Tubas Tulkarem
Iktaba Al 'Attara Siris Jaba' (Jenin) Tulkarem Kafr Rumman Silat adh DhahrAl Fandaqumiya Tubas Kashda 'Izbat Abu Khameis 'Anabta Bizzariya Khirbet Yarza 'Izbat al Khilal Burqa (Nablus) Kafr al Labad Yasid Kafa El Far'a Camp Al Hafasa Beit Imrin Ramin Ras al Far'a 'Izbat Shufa Al Mas'udiya Nisf Jubeil Wadi al Far'a Tammun Sabastiya Shufa Ijnisinya Talluza Khirbet 'Atuf An Naqura Saffarin Beit Lid Al Badhan Deir Sharaf Al 'Aqrabaniya Ar Ras 'Asira ash Shamaliya Kafr Sur Qusin Zawata Khirbet Tall al Ghar An Nassariya Beit Iba Shida wa Hamlan Kur 'Ein Beit el Ma Camp Beit Hasan Beit Wazan Ein Shibli Kafr ZibadKafr 'Abbush Al Juneid 'Azmut Kafr Qaddum Nablus 'Askar Camp Deir al Hatab Jit Sarra Salim Furush Beit Dajan Baqat al HatabHajja Tell 'Iraq Burin Balata Camp 'Izbat Abu Hamada Kafr Qallil Beit Dajan Al Funduq ImmatinFar'ata Rujeib Madama Burin Kafr Laqif Jinsafut Beit Furik 'Azzun 'Asira al Qibliya 'Awarta Yanun Wadi Qana 'Urif Khirbet Tana Kafr Thulth Huwwara Odala 'Einabus Ar Rajman Beita Zeita Jamma'in Ad Dawa Jafa an Nan Deir Istiya Jamma'in Sanniriya Qarawat Bani Hassan Aqraba Za'tara (Nablus) Osarin Kifl Haris Qira Biddya Haris Marda Tall al Khashaba Mas-ha Yasuf Yatma Sarta Dar Abu Basal Iskaka Qabalan Jurish 'Izbat Abu Adam Talfit Qusra Salfit As Sawiya Majdal Bani Fadil Rafat (Salfit) Khirbet Susa Al Lubban ash Sharqiya Bruqin Farkha Qaryut Jalud Kafr ad Dik Khirbet Qeis 'Ammuriya Khirbet Sarra Qarawat Bani Zeid (Bani Zeid al Gharb Duma Kafr 'Ein (Bani Zeid al Gharbi)Mazari' an Nubani (Bani Zeid qsh Shar Khirbet al Marajim 'Arura (Bani Zeid qsh Sharqiya) Bani Zeid 'Abwein (Bani Zeid ash Sharqiya) Sinjil Turmus'ayya. -
Statement of H.E. President Mahmoud Abbas President of the State of Palestine UN General Assembly General Debate of the 75Th Session 25 September 2020
Statement of H.E. President Mahmoud Abbas President of the State of Palestine UN General Assembly General Debate of the 75th Session 25 September 2020 In the name of God, the Merciful H.E. Mr. Volkan Bozkir, President of the General Assembly H.E. Mr. António Guterres, Secretary General Ladies and Gentlemen, Heads and Members of delegations, I wondered while preparing this statement what more could I tell you, after all that I have said in previous statements, about the perpetual tragedy and suffering being endured by my people – which the world is witness to daily – and about their legitimate aspirations – which are yet to be fulfilled – to freedom, independence and human dignity, as enjoyed by the peoples of the world. Until when, ladies and gentlemen, will the question of Palestine remain without a just solution as enshrined in United Nations resolutions? Until when will the Palestinian people remain under Israeli occupation and will the question of millions of Palestine refugees remain without a just solution in accordance with what the United Nations has determined over 70 years ago? Ladies and Gentlemen, The Palestinian people have been present in their homeland, Palestine, the land of their ancestors, for over 6000 years, and they will continue living on this land, steadfast in the face of occupation, aggression and the disappointments and betrayals, until the fulfilment of their rights. Despite all they have endured and continue to endure, despite the unjust blockade that targets our national decision, we will not kneel or surrender and we will not deviate from our fundamental positions, and we shall overcome, God willing. -
Briefing Notes 23 September 2013
Information Centre Asylum and Migration Briefing Notes 23 September 2013 Afghanistan Attack on state representative On 15.09.13, a senior female criminal police officer was shot at by unknown gunmen in southern Helmand province. One day later, she died from her wounds. Her female predecessor had been assassinated in the same way. Women comprise no more than one percent of all Afghan police officers. They and their families are regularly threatened by Islamists. On 18.09.13. the head of the independent electoral commission for northern Kunduz province was shot dead by Taliban insurgents. After the beginning of the preparations for the presidential elections, the Taliban had announced attacks on election officials and organisers. Increase of attacks on aid organisation staff The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reports a sharp increase in attacks on staff members of humanitarian and medical aid organisations. A total of 25 incidents have been reported, with eight people losing their lives. Most of the attacks on medical organisations and their workers have occurred in the eastern parts of the country, namely in Nangarhar, Laghman, Logar and Kunar provinces as well as in northern Balkh province. Other aspects of the security situation According to information provided by the German Federal Armed Forces, operations led by Afghan security forces have been carried out since 04.09.13 in the northern provinces of Badakhshan and Kunduz, aiming at pushing the rebels out of the area and securing their own mobility. On 18.09.13, a police unit ran into an ambush of the Taliban in northeastern Badakhshan province (Wardooj district), with approx. -
Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗
Between Minimum Force and Maximum Violence: Combating Political Violence Movements with Third-Force Options Doron Zimmermann ∗ Introduction: Balancing the Tools of Counter-Terrorism In most liberal democratic states it is the responsibility of the police forces to cope with “internal” threats, including terrorism, since in such states terrorism is invariably defined as a criminal act rather than a manifestation of insurgent political violence. In many such instances, the resultant quantitative and qualitative overtaxing of law en- forcement capabilities to keep the peace has led to calls by sections of the public, as well as by the legislative and executive branches of government, to expand both the le- gal and operational means available to combat terrorism, and to boost civilian agen- cies’ capacity to deal with terrorism in proportion to the perceived threat. The deterio- rating situation in Ulster in Northern Ireland between 1968 and 1972 and beyond is an illustrative case in point.1 Although there have been cases of successfully transmogrifying police forces into military-like formations, the best-known and arguably most frequent example of aug- mented state responses to the threat posed by insurgent political violence movements is the use of the military in the fight against terrorism and in the maintenance of internal security. While it is imperative that the threat of a collapse of national cohesion due to the overextension of internal civil security forces be averted, the deployment of all branches of the armed forces against a terrorist threat is not without its own pitfalls. Paul Wilkinson has enunciated some of the problems posed by the use of counter-ter- rorism military task forces, not the least of which is that [a] fully militarized response implies the complete suspension of the civilian legal system and its replacement by martial law, summary punishments, the imposition of curfews, military censorship and extensive infringements of normal civil liberties in the name of the exigencies of war. -
Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: Overview of Internal and External Challenges
Order Code RS22047 Updated March 1, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas: Overview of Internal and External Challenges Aaron D. Pina Analyst in Middle East Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary On January 15, 2005, Mahmoud Abbas (a.k.a. Abu Mazen) was sworn in as President of the Palestinian Authority (PA). Many believe that the Abbas victory marks the end of an autocratic era dominated by the late Yasir Arafat and the increased possibility of improved prospects for Israeli-Palestinian peace. This report details Abbas’s policy platform and potential challenges he may face from within and without the Palestinian political landscape as power-sharing becomes a reality. Domestically, Abbas must address violent anti-occupation elements, calls for economic, judicial, and security reform, as well as a paralyzed economy. Externally, Abbas faces multiple obstacles in creating a viable Palestinian state based on a secure peace with Israel. To accomplish this, Abbas must address the requirements of the ‘Road Map,’ Palestinian violence toward Israel, and final status issues, such as Jerusalem, refugees, and political borders. For a more detailed analysis see CRS Report RS21965, Arafat’s Succession, by Clyde Mark and CRS Report RS21235, The PLO and its Factions, by Kenneth Katzman. This report will be updated as necessary. Palestinian Centers of Power Fatah. Under Arafat, Fatah became the most prominent political party in the Palestinian territories. The leading political body within Fatah is the Central Committee (CC), elected by the general membership. Fatah’s Revolutionary Council (RC) parallels the CC as a decision-making body and does not exclude armed resistance as an option. -
TRAFFICKING in PERSONS 2020 COUNTRY PROFILE North Africa and the Middle East Table of Contents − Algeria −
GLOBAL REPORT ON TRAFFICKING IN PERSONS 2020 COUNTRY PROFILE North Africa and the Middle East Table of Contents − Algeria − ...................................................................................................................................................... 3 − Bahrain − .................................................................................................................................................... 5 − Egypt − ........................................................................................................................................................ 8 − Iraq − ........................................................................................................................................................ 11 − Israel − ...................................................................................................................................................... 14 − Jordan − .................................................................................................................................................... 17 − The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia − ................................................................................................................ 18 − Kuwait − .................................................................................................................................................... 20 − Lebanon − ................................................................................................................................................