The Melting Borde r Mexico and Mexican Comm unities in the United Sta t e s by Robert S.Leiken Center for Equal Opportunity The Melting Borde r Mexico and Mexican Comm unities in the United Sta t e s Robert S.Leiken Center for Equal Opportunity ©2000 by the Center for Equal Opportunity, Washington, D.C. Table of Cont e n t s EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 CHAPTER ONE: A BACKGROUND OF CHANGE 6 Acercamiento:Getting Closer / Page 6 The Mexican Populations in the U.S. / Page 7 Developments on the U.S.Side / Page 8 Developments on the Mexican Side / Page 8 CHAPTER TWO: THE PROGRAM FOR MEXICAN COMMUNITIES ABROAD (PCME) 9 1990:The Initiative of the Mexican Government / Page 9 Current Structure and Activities of the PCME / Page 10 CHAPTER THREE: HOMETOWN ASSOCIATIONS (HTAs) 11 Origins / Page 11 Number,Size, and Composition / Page 12 The Role of the Mexican Consulates in the Formation of HTAs / Page 13 Rural Derivation / Page 14 Historical Precedents / Page 14 Purposes and Activities / Page 15 Local, State, and National Ties:The Federation of HTAs / Page 17 The Impact of HTAs on Governance and Politics in Mexico / Page 18 The Automobile Deposit Affair / Page 20 Future Prospects / Page 21 The American Character of the HTAs / Page 21 HTA Citizenship Promotion and Political Participation in the Host Country / Page 22 Educational Efforts of the HTAs / Page 23 CHAPTER FOUR: EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES 24 Historical Background / Page 24 Bilingual Education / Page 25 Immersion Courses for Bilingual Teachers in the U.S. and Teacher Exchange Programs / Page 26 Adult Education / Page 27 Transfer Documents for Binational Migrant Students / Page 27 Distribution of Free Textbooks / Page 27 Distance Learning / Page 28 CHAPTER FIVE: CULTURAL, BUSINESS, AND OTHER ACTIVITIES 28 Culture / Page 28 Sports / Page 28 Health / Page 28 Business / Page 29 Awards / Page 29 CHAPTER SIX: POLITICAL INTERPENETRATION 30 Outreach to Mexican-American Leaders of Organizations/ Page 30 Information / Page 34 Problems of the PCME / Page 35 State Programs / Page 35 The Guerrero-Chicago Program / Page 36 The Paisano Program / Page 37 Networks of Protection (Redes de Proteccion) / Page 37 Private Programs / Page 38 Dual Nationality / Page 38 Absentee Voting Rights / Page 39 CHAPTER SEVEN: CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS 40 ENDNOTES 43 BIBLIOGRAPHY 51 APPENDICES 56 Appendix A: Abbreviations / Page 56 Appendix B: Tables / Page 57 Appendix C: Figures / Page 61 ABOUT THE AUTHOR 63 ACKNOWLEDGMENT 64 CENTER FOR EQUAL OPPORTUNITY 3 Exe c u t i v e Sum m a r y his study analyzes in detail for the first time the more settled immigrant colonies of Los Angeles, Chicago, and mutual influence between Mexico and Mexican Texas but are also found in areas of more recent settlement, communities in the United States. It surveys and such as New York and Atlanta. incorporates what work has been done in this area, HTAs provide a concrete link to the communities of origin but relies most heavily on field research, including and a way of maintaining ties with their culture, customs, lan- Tdozens of interviews with leaders, officials, and other individu- guage, and traditions.They usually focus on helping the home- als on both sides of the border. It concludes that there have town by providing reconstruction or development aid, but they been substantial efforts by the Mexican government in recent also provide opportunities to socialize and exchange informa- years to influence the opinion and activities of Mexican-origin tion. Many HTAs help members pay for funeral expenses or communities in the United States, but they have been of limit- transfer remains back to Mexico. They sometimes afford legal ed scope and success. Conversely, voluntary associations and assistance, often through the Mexican consulate. They furnish private activities by Mexican Americans and U.S. Mexicans— clients and helpful contacts to their business members. HTAs that is, Americans of Mexican ethnicity born in the U.S. and in encourage family unity and discourage offspring from drugs M e x i c o, re s p e c t i ve ly — a re having substantial influence on and gangs. domestic activities in Mexico. By 1998,some 500 Mexican hometown associations in the The mutual influence discussed in this study takes place United States had registered with Mexican consulates. Since against a background of change, as Chapter 1 explains. The most clubs do not register with the consulate, however, they Mexican government’s policy of acercamiento(getting closer or may number as high as 2000. During the 1990s, the HTAs rapprochement) with what it calls “Mexican communities have multiplied. abroad” represents a sharp shift from earlier, decidedly nonin- Those drawn to activities of the HTAs vastly outnumber terventionist principles. There have been not only political club members. The HTAs raise money through raffles, beauty changes—on both sides of the border—but important techno- contests, radio advertisements, and door-to-door collections. logical ones as well. Along with a visit home to the village festival, the beauty pag- In February 1990, the Mexican government launched its eant or the HTA’s celebration of a local national or religious “Program for Mexican Communities Abroad” (the PCME).As holiday is the immigrant’s crowning annual social event. discussed in Chapter 2,it had four objectives: (1) to respond to Most hometown associations appear to develop sponta- complaints of Mexican-American and Mexican organizations neously, often unbeknownst to the Mexican consulate. But the in the U.S. that Mexico was neglecting its U.S. compatriots; (2) consulates may bring potential members of a hometown organ- to create a political lobby; (3) to assist Mexican immigrants ization together for the first time and provide them with a subject to abuse and exploitation in the U.S.;and (4) to improve locale for their initial meetings. The Mexican government the image of Mexican immigrants in Mexico and to remove the cooperates with HTAs by putting them in contact with new abuses they suffered there. Mexico has also expanded and members, other HTAs, and authorities at home.Though some upgraded its consulates in the United States and opened more HTAs are suspicious of Mexican authorities, often the con- than two dozen cultural institutes.Mexico’s new activism in the sulates provide them a forum through which club officials keep U.S. included lobbying for NAFTA, taking a public stand in touch with one another, meet with the press,and get to know against Californ i a’s Pro p o s i t i on 187, and amending the Mexican-American leaders. Mexican constitution to permit Mexican immigrants to retain Though the Mexican HTAs are the most active and their nationality after becoming U.S. citizens. In the past numerous, and receive the most support from their govern- decade, Mexico has courted the major Mexican-American and ment, those of many other national origins have them, too. Latino organizations while Mexican presidents and state gov- Hometown associations are thus a pervasive but largely invisi- ernors have pushed U.S. Mexicans and Mexican Americans to ble feature of the American landscape. HTAs abounded during the top of their agendas. Mexican-born immigrants—and, the first great wave of immigration in the late 19th and early s p e c i f i ca lly, their hom e t own associations (HTA s ) — w o u l d 20th centuries. Italian,Jewish, Mexican,Chinese, and Japanese absorb much of the attention of the PCME’s programs. HTAs specialized in mutual aid,insurance, and health services. Chapter 3 discusses these hometown associations; it is the Latino HTAs are less involved in mutual aid and other direct heart of the book and, therefore, will make up the bulk of this services for members partly due to the rise of private insurance executive summary. Mexicans, like other immigrants, tend to and the welfare state. The hometown orientation of today’s locate where relatives, friends, and neighbors reside.There is a Latino HTAs points to a salient feature of Latino immigrants, marked hometown character to immigration, because emi- especially Mexicans—their “transnational” or transitional char- grants from one community will settle in a single particular acter as “perpetual in-betweens.”Their hometown focus can be location in the U.S. Migrants enable their friends and relatives attributed to the proximity of home and the availability of air to follow them by furnishing information, job tips, and hous- travel, access to phone, fax, e-mail, and video cassettes, on the ing, making migration “a network-driven process.”Hundreds if one hand, and the the paucity of English courses, the lack of not thousands of Mexican hometown associations have sprung citizenship programs,and the backlogs at the INS on the other. from such networks. HTAs are most common in the older, HTAs are genera lly apolitica l , n on s e c t a rian voluntary THE MELTING BORDER 4 organizations, but many have begun to speak out on political HTAs). Bilingual education is perhaps the most controversial issues on both sides of the border.Last fall,lobbying in the U.S. of these issues,but they also include sports,civic awards—even by HTAs forced the Mexican government to rescind a key beauty pageants. All are discussed in Chapters 4 and 5. funding measure that would have penalized motorists to The Mexican government has cooperated with U.S. school Mexico. Most recently, both major opposition presidential can- districts in immigrant education for more than two decades. didates campaigned in U.S. immigrant communities,seeking to Mexico has placed particular emphasis on bilingual education. get them to lobby relatives and friends. As the main benefac- Mexico sees Spanish language training as the “main instru- tors of their families and communities, the immigrants’ recom- ment” for teaching Mexican immigrant children English.