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Fascist Movements 453 Fascist movements Socioeconomic preconditions SVEN REICHARDT It is now generally accepted that fascist move­ ments did not draw on the support of the HISTORICAL BACKGROUND "panicking" middle classes (Falter 1991). The three major socioeconomic explanations for Political and long-term causes the rise of fascism - late industrial and demo­ cratic development and/or economic back­ Fascism belongs to the "family" of right-wing wardness; sudden and profound economic cri­ authoritarian and radical nationalist move­ sis; and social tensions caused by heightened ments and regimes. Fascist movements regard class conflict - emphasize that fascist move­ the state as an organic whole and omnipo­ ments did best in countries that were neither tent principle transcending class interests, eco­ particularly backward nor had completed a nomic tensions, and ethnic conflicts. Fascism steady and protracted modernization process. and authoritarianism rejected and repressed Recent scholarship has questioned the Marxist socialism, liberalism, ethnic minori­ assumption that class should be central to our ties, and laissez-faire capitalism. One may dis­ understanding of fascism. Instead it stresses tinguish between authoritarian, reactionary, that explanations for its rise need to incorpo­ corporatist, and fascist movements and regimes rate a set of complex social preconditions like according to the degree of mass support used youth, military experience, education, religion, to mobilize society and the forms of violence and regional peculiarities (Mann 2004). The and murder used to dominate society. rise of fascist movements is poorly understood Fascist movements gained significance as the product of material and status-based mainly within right-wing authoritarian forms interests of social groups. Social contexts were of government, especially when conservatives not causal explanations, but merely created failed to establish broad social connections and gain acceptance by means of moderate opportunities. Fascist collective action cannot nationalism and/or respect for their economic be derived from psychological dispositions competence. Fascist movements also arose or social problems. Fascists were neither the where .the parliamentary system developed puppets of capital nor the rejoicing (or more late all;d, thanks to oligarchic traditions, was aptly, thrashing) third party in societies rent by not fully established even after World War 1. class struggle. Instead of deriving fascism from Lack of acceptance for a multi-party system, social circumstances we should look instead at free elections, and corresponding changes of what fascists actually did. government, as well as skepticism toward free and rational political debate, characterized this Short-tenn causes and the impact of World right-wing authoritarianism, which provided War! fertile ground for fascist movements. The destruction of the multi-ethnic empires The following political and social changes after after World War I, the weakening of traditional World War I and the Russian Revolution played conservati$,m, the intensification of st~te inter­ a key role in the process of supporting fascist ventions in technology and business, as well movements: a widespread acceptance of social as the strengthening of aggressive nationalism welfare models influenced by eugenics; fan ­ against wartime adversaries, promoted a new tasies of a potentially total and state-directed nationalism in the 1920s and 1930s, especially shaping of society, fueled by planning for war; in the Mediterranean and East -Central Europe. radical populist nationalism oriented toward Fascism aimed to cleanse a purportedly unitary communal ties; the spread of anticommunism and indivisible nation of enemies, developing and antifeminism; the deployment of violence organicist and racist notions of society. and militarism as political instruments; and the 454 455 attraction of theatrical politics with charismatic International constellations All classifications for comparing fascist meaning and object of fascist cQmilat. eleITlents. movements aside, neither Nazism nor Italian groups. The struggle agains( "Marxism, " Between the Convention of Lausanne of Jan­ The mass mobilization of society during fascismo, the Hungarian Arrow Cross under communists, and social democrats was uary 1923 and World War II, more than 40 World War I made elitist political forms less Ferenc Szalasi, or Zelea Codreanu's Romanian their central purpose. Paradoxically million people were forcibly resettled accord­ tenable; social conflicts erupted in the class­ Iron Guard can be understood in isolation. enough, it was frequently also this very ing to ethnic, religious, or linguistic criteria stratified army and on the home front in Italian fascism's function as a "historic violence that appeared to promise the (Aly 1999). The massive frontier shifts after response to hunger and hardship. Young sol­ indicator" (Schieder 2008: 149 - 249) in the middle classes peace and order. World War I, some of which conflicted with diers' experience of violence, the sometimes 1920s and early 1930s was as significant for The violent destruction of traditional ethnic self-attributions and promoted or "in­ extreme flows of refugees, and territorial shifts European fascist movements as the cultural groupings and the "rapid reintegration­ vented" this ethnicization, not merely spawned transfer and linkages between fascisms. At the [of their members] into a wholly new within the European nations created important a number of irredentist demands, but also fos ­ preconditions for fascism's emergence. time of the Great Depression, with widespread group formation" were key characteristics tered a new type of nationalism and racism. of the fascists and their "gospel of The period following World War I witnessed anxiety about the future and disgust with the Particularly in the new nations in Southern violence" (Mannheim 1952: 150-156). a militarization of public opinion and the polit­ present, Italian fascism, in particular, appeared and East-Central Europe, the combined eco­ Violence became the "decisive principle" ical culture, in which the "metamorphosis of to offer a model. People sought stability and nomic, military, political, and cultural crisis (Neumann 1988: 467) of their social the political" expressed itself in a dramati­ orientation in an authoritarian alternative after World War I inspired calls for order, secu­ organization and an expression of fascist zation and emotionalization of the political, to the parliamentary system and democracy, rity, and hierarchy as well as the emergence of a volition. The violent acts themselves stoked by the mass media. World War I engen­ in the introduction of corporatism, which value system oriented more toward the sacred performatively produced a myth that dered a "fundamental crisis of representation" supporters hoped would provide a third way than the secular, and more toward national represented their self-image and served (Weisbrod 2000) through mass media trans­ between capitalism and socialism. Arthur than class interests, which promoted the advent Moeller van den Bruck's 1922 dictum "Italia the purposes of mobilization. For the missions of glorious promises invoking hero­ and development of fascism (Mann 2004). docet" was on everyone's lips (Schieder 2008: fascists, acts of violence were indicative of ism and sacrifice. This visual, dramatic, and The thesis that fascist movements succeeded 149- 184). a creative will to live, an act of freedom, violent charging of the political corresponded in establishing themselves in countries where A European network of fascist movements collective decisiveness, and heroic deeds. to social distribution battles and rationalizing the communist and socialist movement had had emerged in the 1920s and 1930s. A The intellectual misgivings of critical tendencies, culminating in the "compulsively been especially powerful and class conflict transnational history of these diverse mutual reflection were sacrificed to aestheticized normalized society" of fascism, which propa­ particularly intense no longer holds up to receptions, contacts, and exchange relation­ action. Fascist street fighters presented gated "introspection instead of intellect, feeling scrutiny. In all European countries - with the ships that explores the chronology of their themselves as diffusely dangerous and instead of analysis, community instead of social notable exception of the Soviet Union - the reciprocal influences and transformation aggressive, targeting not one particular contradictions, ideals instead of interests." The violence of fascist movements surpassed the proces~es remains to be written, but such group, but anyone outside the martial utopian model of a society pacified in this man­ violence of socialists in the immediate postwar an inquiry is certainly needed in order to manliness in their own ranks. A propensity ner thus highlighted the repressive features of period. But fascist activities and successes in the understand the divergences and convergences toward racism and a cult of violence, social norms and discipline (Peukert 1989). various European countries were not consis­ of European fascisms (Woller 1999; Reichardt camaraderie, and the glorification of The young men who had experienced the tentlyan immediate response to communism, & Nolzen 2005). danger and adventurism as revolutionary front only in the accounts of fathers and since most fascist coup attempts and violence gesture belonged to the fascist repertoire
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