anxiety and attitudes towards Muslims

Terrorism Anxiety and Attitudes toward Muslims Diala Hawi1, Danny Osborne2, Joseph Bulbulia2, & Chris G. Sibley2 1 Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Qatar, 2 University of ,

Many communities in New Zealand were left shaken following the terrorist attack against two Muslim mosques in on March 15, 2019. However, historical records and expert assessments warned of a far-right anti-Muslim act of violence for some time. Our study examined people’s reported anxiety about the possibility of a terrorist attack in New Zealand using data from the 2017/2018 New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study (N = 17,072). Although anxiety regarding a potential terrorist attack was low, warmth toward Muslims correlated negatively with terrorism anxiety. Numerous other socio-demographic and attitudinal variables (e.g., age, gender, political orientation, nationalism, and aspects of personality) also correlated with terrorism anxiety. Collectively, our results reveal a relatively strong association between terrorism anxiety and attitudes toward Muslims. It remains an open question as to whether this association will endure over time, despite growing evidence of terrorism stemming from the far-right.

Keywords: terrorism, terrorism anxiety, Muslim attitudes, Christchurch, New Zealand

Introduction supremacy and violence, particularly attack occurring in their country prior to On March 15, 2019, a sole gunman against minority religious and ethnic the terrorism incident in Christchurch? with professed connections to white groups (e.g., Blazak, 2001; Freilich, According to most media reports, New nationalism and supremacy attacked two Chermak, & Caspi, 2009). While Freilich Zealanders were not deeply concerned mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand et al. (2009) acknowledge the threat of about mass shootings or terror attacks (Coaston, 2019; Koziol, 2019). The international terrorist groups such as Al happening in the country (Campbell, terrorist attack (George, Berlinger, Qaeda, their work also draws attention to 2019).1 Indeed, given that New Zealand Whiteman, Kaur, Westcott, & Wagner, the danger and threat that homegrown far- was ranked as the second safest country 2019), which killed 50 Muslims and right groups pose (see also Bonilla‐Silva, in the world and the 114th impacted by injured 50 more, left the city of 2007). In a survey of 37 states in the terrorism (Institute for Economics and Christchurch—and the rest of the United States (US), far-right groups like Peace, 2018), such a sense of security was world—in a state of shock (Savage, Neo-Nazis, skinheads, and militias each understandable. Moreover, the last mass 2019). However, within days of the outnumbered Islamic Jihadist extremists killing in New Zealand occurred 22 years incident, news articles and opinion pieces (Freilich, Chermak, & Simone, 2009). In ago (Leask, 2017). Therefore, we would emerged that described the growing fact, the number of violent attacks or expect that only a small percentage of presence of white supremacy in threats from the far-right in the US had non-Muslim New Zealanders would be Christchurch as early as the 1970s (Ainge increased between 2007 and 2012 (i.e., worried about terrorism occurring in New Roy & McGowan, 2019; Wright, 2019). the time of publication), while Muslim- Zealand. Moreover, this was not the first time the American terrorism declined Second, the present study aims to Muslim community in New Zealand had precipitously over a similar timespan (i.e., identify the group(s) that New Zealanders been attacked over the years (Kabir, between 2001 and 2012; Perliger, 2012). associate with terrorism, and specifically 2016; Shaver, Troughton, Sibley, & Relatedly, fatalities from far-right groups whether attitudes toward Muslims Bulbulia., 2016). Nevertheless, have outnumbered those from Muslim predicts anxiety about terrorist attacks. immediately after this latest attack, extremist groups between 2001 (right Although the March 15 Mosque attacks academics and experts highlighted the after the 9/11 attacks) and 2012 were carried out by a white male who spread of white supremacist and (Kurzman, 2013). Finally, according to publicly expressed support for white nationalist groups that were left FBI reports, more suspected far-right supremacy, and historical records suggest uninvestigated and under the radar while domestic terrorists have been arrested that there is a growing threat of far-right “New Zealand’s security agencies than those “inspired by international terrorism led by whites (at the global investigated and infiltrated the Muslim terror groups” (Barrett, 2019), and most level; Perliger, 2012; Wright, 2019), it is community, animal rights groups and far-right extremist suspects have been unclear whether New Zealanders could environmental organisations” (Ainge Roy White men (Gruenewald, 2011). have imagined a white terrorist in their & McGowan, 2019). The purpose of this study is to address midst.2 Despite the growing evidence to Outside of New Zealand, research has two questions: First, to what extent did the contrary, past research on media and also found connections between white New Zealanders worry about a terrorist prejudice would suggest that most people

1 However, this may not be the case for against further attacks repeatedly over the years al., 2016), the possibility of a white terrorist is Muslims, who have suffered a number of attacks (Ainge Roy & McGowan, 2019). objectively more plausible. But this is not to say against their community and mosques for over 2 Given that most group-based violence in New that the public’s perceptions reflect this two decades (Kabir, 2016) and have warned Zealand has been targeted against (rather than likelihood. perpetrated by) Muslims (Kabir, 2016, Shaver et

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Terrorism anxiety and attitudes towards Muslims would picture a terrorist with a Muslim one study, individuals who viewed relevant measures for the analysis. The (rather than a New Zealand European) Muslims more negatively, particularly mean age of the sample was 51.27 (SD = background (Kabir, 2006; Pedersen, when it came to “warmth” stereotypes 13.73), where 63.4% of the sample were Watt, & Griffiths, 2007; Shaver, Sibley, (e.g., violence and trustworthiness), were women (36.6% were men), 81.6% Osborne, & Bulbulia, 2017). more likely to support the “War on identified as primarily New Zealand Although far-right white supremacist Terror” (Sides & Gross, 2013). Similarly, European, 11.6% identified as primarily violence (i.e., terrorism) is on the rise, the German participants implicitly perceived Māori, 2.7% identified as primarily public and state-level reaction has Muslims to be more aggressive and Pacific Islander, and 4.1% identified as seemingly failed to take notice (Bouie, supportive of terrorism than Christians primarily Asian. In addition, 63.9% of the 2019). Unfortunately, media coverage has (Fischer, Greitemeyer, & Kastenmüller, sample did not identify with any religion similarly downplayed the threat of 2007). Another study that examined data or spiritual group, 31.5% identified as terrorism from far-right white nationalists from five major Western countries Christian, while the rest identified with (Aly, 2007). One study found that similarly found that participants other religious or spiritual groups, “attacks by Muslims received perceived Muslims as violent and including 0.2% who identified as Muslim. significantly more coverage than attacks supportive of terrorist groups (Ciftci, by non-Muslims” (Kearns, Betus, & 2012; Shaver et al., 2017). Materials Lemieux, 2019, p.10). Another study on Based on the recent reports and Feeling Thermometer New Zealand mainstream newspapers evidence on New Zealand, we predicted To measure our focal predictor, found that hard news tended to portray that only a small portion of New Zealand participants were asked to indicate how Muslims as “dangerous others” (Kabir & participants would be highly worried over warm they felt toward a number of groups Bourk, 2012). Indeed, the media – in its a terrorist attack occurring in their using a “feeling/affective thermometer” various types – has perpetuated, if not country in 2017/2018 (when our data was for each group. The groups included here created, a stereotypical link between collected). Despite the hypothesized low were Muslims, Indians, Chinese, Arabs and/or Muslims and terrorism levels of concern over a terrorist attack Immigrants (in general), Refugees, (Karim, 2003; Saleem & Anderson, 2013; though, lower warmth toward Muslims Pacific Islanders, Asians, Māori, and New Shaheen, 2009). Moreover, previous should still predict terrorism anxiety Zealand Europeans. Responses were research from the New Zealand Attitudes among our sample. Finally, to rated on a scale ranging from 1 (“feel and Values Study has found a link demonstrate the robustness of our results, LEAST WARM toward this group”) to 7 between media exposure and anti-Muslim we also include a number of demographic (“feel MOST WARM toward this attitudes in New Zealand (Shaver et al., and attitudinal covariates. group”). 2017). Covariates

To what extent, then, do attitudes METHOD To better identify the specific role of toward Muslims predict fear of terrorist Sampling Procedure warmth toward Muslims in predicting attacks in New Zealand? According to Data for this study came from Time 9 Terrorism anxiety, our statistical model various studies across the world, the (2017) of the New Zealand Attitudes and adjusted for demographic variables such perception of an association between Values Study (NZAVS) – a multi-year as age, gender (0=female, 1=male), terrorism and Muslim or Middle Eastern study based on a national probability household income, and ethnicity (Maori, groups is quite robust (Park, Felix, & Lee, sample of New Zealand adults. Sample Pacific Islander, and Asian, relative to NZ 2007; Saleem & Anderson, 2013) and recruitment is based on the New Zealand European), as well as whether they are intensified after the September 11, 2001 electoral roll, which represents all citizens religious, employed (0=unemployed, terrorist attacks on the US (Harmon- and permanent residents over 18 years of 1=employed), born in New Zealand, have Jones, Greenberg, Solomon, & Simon, age who are eligible to vote. The Time 9 children, are in a romantic relationship, 1996; Hitlan, Carillo, Zárate, & Aikman, sample contained responses from 17,072 and live in a rural or urban area (0=rural, 2007; Hutchison & Rosenthal, 2011). participants. Participants were mailed a 1=urban). Deprivation was measured Numerous studies have also copy of the questionnaire, with a using the 2013 New Zealand Deprivation demonstrated a strong relationship reminder posted to non-respondents after Index, which uses census information to between anxiety and intergroup attitudes two months. Participants who provided an assign a decile-rank index from 1 (least (e.g., Hutchison & Rosenthal, 2011; email address were also emailed and deprived) to 10 (most deprived) to each Stephan & Stephan, 1985). For instance, offered the option to complete an online meshblock unit (Atkinson, Salmond, & one study found that Australian media version of the survey. All respondents Crampton, 2014). Socioeconomic status fostered associations between “Muslims were posted a Season’s Greetings card (SES) was measured using the New with the threat of terrorism” (Ally, 2007). from the NZAVS research team and were Zealand socio-economic index, with a An experimental study showed similar offered a prize draw for a grocery voucher score ranging from 10 to 90, where 90 effects, whereby participants who played in exchange for their participation (see indicates high socio-economic status video games with a terrorist theme later Sibley, 2018, for details). Full details for (Milne, Byun, & Lee, 2013). Education reported higher anti-Arab attitudes than the NZAVS sampling procedure for this was coded into an eleven-level ordinal did those who played a nonviolent game, and other waves of the study are available variable (0 = no qualification, 10 = even when those games contained no at: www.nzavs.auckland.ac.nz. doctorate). Arab characters (Saleem & Anderson, To adjust for other variables that 2013). Participants might also explain terrorism anxiety, a Other research has also found a link Of the 17,072 participants included in number of attitudinal covariates were also between attitudes toward Muslims and a Time 9 of the NZAVS, 16,328 (i.e., included in the model, such as the Big-Six fear of terrorism (e.g., Kabir, 2007). In 95.6% of the full sample) completed the personality factors, measured through the

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Mini-IPIP6 (Sibley et al., 2011). Each Zealanders’ concern about a terrorist For instance, with the exception of trait is measured using 4 items rated from attack happening in their country. At the Conscientiousness, all personality factors 1 (very inaccurate) to 7 (very accurate) time the data for this paper was collected predicted terrorism anxiety. and averaged to give scale scores for (i.e., 2017), the average mean score for Honesty/Humility (b = -.174) and Extraversion (α = .76), Agreeableness (α terrorism anxiety was 2.64 (SD = 1.61; Neuroticism (b = .127) were the two =.72), Conscientiousness (α = .69), with mode and median = 2). Further strongest personality predictors of Neuroticism (α = .74), Openness to analysis confirms that this mean score is terrorism anxiety, revealing that those Experience (α = .71), and significantly lower than the midpoint of higher on honesty/humility and those Honesty/Humility (α = .77). Since the scale, t(16327) = -107.66, p < .001, lower on neuroticism worried about neuroticism can measure anxiety indicating that terrorism anxiety in New terrorist attacks less. tendencies (e.g., “Am relaxed most of the Zealand was relatively low. Indeed, Political orientation and national time”), we expected a relatively stronger 30.1% of participants “strongly identification also played a strong role in relationship between that trait and disagreed” with the statement and thus predicting terrorism anxiety. For instance, terrorism anxiety. reported no anxiety. Nevertheless, a the higher their nationalism and the more In addition, two separate political considerable percentage of participants conservative their political orientation, orientation items were included as expressed some concern over terrorist the higher their terrorism anxiety (b = relevant control variables for this study. attacks, as a total of 16.1% of the sample .133 and b = .105, respectively). Right- These were measured by asking agreed somewhat (9.7%), moderately wing political orientation predicted participants to “rate how politically (4.3%), or strongly (2.1%) that they terrorism to a lesser extent (b - .041), liberal versus conservative [they see worried about a terrorist attack happening whereas patriotism was not associated themselves] as being” (from 1 = in New Zealand. with terrorism anxiety. “Extremely conservative” to 7 = When it comes to other Terrorism Anxiety Predicted by “Extremely liberal”) and to “rate how demographic variables, higher anxiety Warmth toward Groups politically left-wing versus right-wing about terrorist attacks was predicted by A multiple regression analysis was [they see themselves] as being (from 1 = being female, being older, lower income, conducted, predicting terrorism anxiety “Extremely left-wing” to 7 = “Extremely lower socioeconomic status, being from feelings of warmth toward different right-wing”). Finally, two national religious, and living in an urban area. groups, as well as from various identity measures, Patriotism (r = .32) and There was no significant relationship demographic, personality, political, and Nationalism (r = .57), were also entered between neighbourhood deprivation national identity measures. Missing data into the model. Patriotism was assessed levels, employment, having children or a for the 34 predictor variables were using two items from Kosterman and partner, or being born in New Zealand. estimated using Rubin’s (1987) Feshbach (1989): “I feel great pride in the Finally, results showed that those who procedure for multiple imputation, by land that is our New Zealand” and identified as Māori, Pacific, and Asian generating 100 datasets (thinned using “Although at times I may not agree with expressed more anxiety about terrorist every 100th iteration). Table 2 displays the the government, my commitment to New attacks than did those who identified as results of this analysis. Zealand always remains strong.” New Zealand European. After adjusting for the effects of Nationalism was assessed using two various relevant demographic variables items from Kosterman and Feshbach and covariates, warmth toward Muslims (1989): “Generally, the more influence negatively correlated with terrorism New Zealand has on other nations, the anxiety. Relative to the other groups that better off they are” and “Foreign nations participants expressed feelings toward, have done some very fine things but they warmth toward Muslims had the strongest are still not as good as New Zealand.” (negative) association with terrorism Responses to these items ranged from 1 anxiety, b = -.111, SE = .016, p <.001. Put (“Strongly Disagree”) to 7 (“Strongly another way, the less warmth participants Agree”). felt toward Muslims, the more worried Terrorism Anxiety they were about a terrorist attack To measure anxiety about terrorism, happening in New Zealand. The effect participants were asked to rate a single size for this predictor was more than item, “I often worry about terrorist attacks double that of any other ethnic or happening in New Zealand”, on a scale religious group assessed (the second ranging from 1 (“Strongly Disagree”) to 7 strongest was warmth toward refugees, b (“Strongly Disagree”). This item was = -.050, SE =.016, p = .002). On the other developed specifically for use in the hand, warmth toward New Zealand NZAVS. Europeans did not significantly predict RESULTS terrorism anxiety (b = .007, SE = .012, p = .587). The Extent of Terrorism Anxiety Descriptive statistics and bivariate Terrorism Anxiety Predicted by correlations for terrorism anxiety and all Other Covariates predictors included in the regression Several other variables also played a model are presented in Table 1. The first significant role in predicting anxiety purpose of this paper is to estimate New about terrorist attacks in New Zealand.

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Table 1. Descriptive statistics and correlations for all variables

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Table 1 (continued). Descriptive statistics and correlations for all variables

Note. Correlations above .025 are significant at p < .001; correlations above .015 are significant at p < .05

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Table 2. Multiple regression with demographic predictors for the dependent variable of terrorism anxiety (N=16,328)

DISCUSSION in 2017. After identifying the mean level analyses showed that anxiety over a The purpose of this paper was two-fold. of concern within the population, we terrorist attack was relatively low and that First, we set out to examine how worried sought to investigate the factors only a small proportion of the sample was people in New Zealand were about a associated with terrorism anxiety in New worried about a potential terrorist attack terrorist attack occurring in New Zealand Zealand. Accordingly, descriptive in New Zealand in 2017/2018. Bearing in

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mind that only .2% of the sample Zealand Europeans are independent from religion and/or religious group expressed identified as Muslims (a population that their anxiety over terrorism. more worry about terrorist attacks. may have expressed some concern due to Analyses also show that terrorism Limitations past incidents of violence directed toward anxiety correlated with several other Although our study makes multiple them), such low levels of anxiety were predictors. As expected, socio-political contributions to the literature, it is seemingly well-justified, as New Zealand beliefs correlated with anxiety over a important to note that our analyses utilize was the second safest country in the world potential terrorist attack. Specifically, cross-sectional data and cannot speak to and ranked low on terrorism impact conservatism, nationalism, and (to a the causal direction of these relations. (Institute for Economics and Peace, lesser extent) right-wing orientation Indeed, anxiety about terrorism may 2018). The relative absence of concern positively predicted terrorism anxiety, either decrease warmth toward Muslim or helps to partly explain the shock over the even after adjusting for our key predictors refugee groups (Navarrete, Kurzban, terror attacks of March 15, 2019. and other covariates. This is consistent Fessler, & Kirkpatrick, 2004; Ward & However, it also demonstrates a potential with previous studies showing that Masgoret, 2006) or foster conservative disconnect between the information that perceived threat from terrorism correlates attitudes (Echebarria-Echabe & members of the community had versus with political ideology (left/right-wing or Fernandez-Guede, 2006; Jost, Glaser, the warnings that came from experts, liberal/conservative; Cohrs, Kielman, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). As such, scholars, and members of the Muslim Maes, & Moschner, 2005; Crowson, future research will be needed to community who stated that this sort of Debacker, & Thoma, 2006; De Zavala, investigate the causal direction of the attack was “inevitable” (e.g., Ainge Roy Cislak, & Wesolowska, 2010) and associations identified here. & McGowan, 2019; Campbell, 2019; national identity (Sekerdej & Kossowska, Another limitation to the current study Shaver et al., 2017). 2011). is that it does not include other reference Next, and despite the non-Muslim Our results also demonstrated that groups in the feeling thermometer scale. public’s relatively low levels of concern personality predicted terrorism anxiety. Specifically, if “Muslim” is considered to about , we Specifically, honesty/humility (and to a be a religious identity, we did not ask nevertheless found that anxiety toward lesser extent, open-mindedness and participants to report their warmth toward terrorist attacks were strongly predicted extraversion) correlated negatively, other religious groups like Christians (i.e., by (the absence of) warmth toward whereas neuroticism (and to a lesser the religion endorsed by most far-right or Muslims. Indeed, compared to warmth extent, agreeableness) correlated white nationalist groups; see Fletcher, toward eight other groups including positively, with anxiety toward terrorism. 2017; McDaniel, Nooruddin, & Faith immigrants, refugees, Asians, and other The strong association between terrorism Shortle, 2011).3 Future research could major ethnic groups in New Zealand, anxiety and neuroticism was expected examine first whether Muslims are warmth toward Muslims was more than since this trait is typically considered to perceived as a religious or ethnic group, twice as strong of a predictor of terrorism be closely related to anxiety in a number and second, whether attitudes shift as a anxiety. This implies that the association of domains (Muris, Reolofs, Rassin, function of how the reference group is between Muslims and terrorists remains Franken, & Mayer, 2005; Twenge, 2000). perceived (e.g., Muslim vs. Muslim quite strong—even when the perceived The strong negative association between fundamentalists, White vs. White threat of terrorism is low. The next honesty/humility and terrorism anxiety supremacist, Christian vs. Christian strongest group to be associated with was less expected in this context, but nationalist). terrorism anxiety was refugees, whereas research reveals that honesty/humility Implications feelings toward immigrants did not seem correlates negatively with conservatism A news piece by Time, published the to be associated with this anxiety. It is and right-wing political orientation day after the March 15 attack, quotes a possible that participants distinguish (Chirumbolo & Leone, 2010). Moreover, bystander near the Al Noor Mosque as between immigrants and refugees, other work has found that humility in saying, “I thought it would be the other whereby the latter group is more likely general buffers anxiety over death way around, the Muslims attacking, that’s perceived to come from Middle (Kesebir, 2014). what everyone was waiting for” Eastern/Muslim countries (Pedersen, A number of other demographic (Campbell, 2019). Yet, the latest data on Watt and Hansen 2006). Indeed, the latest variables also predicted terrorism anxiety. violence stemming from extremist statistics show that over half the refugees For instance, women and older ideology would argue otherwise, whereby arriving in New Zealand between 2015- participants reported more anxiety than violence stemming from whites against 2017 came from predominantly Muslim did men and younger participants. Those minorities such as Muslims has been on countries (New Zealand Immigration, with lower income, lower education, and the rise, particularly in Western countries. 2019). A recent study in New Zealand has lower socio-economic status also worried Despite these statistics, a data-based also found that anti-Muslim sentiment is more about the possibility of a terrorist review by the Intercept found that, relatively higher than anti-immigrant attack. Living in an urban area also although approximately 268 right-wing sentiment (Shaver et al., 2016). Finally, it correlated with terrorism anxiety, perhaps extremists met the legal definition of is worth noting that feelings toward New because of the higher likelihood of terrorism, only 34 were treated under Zealand Europeans did not significantly terrorist attacks happening in more anti-terrorism laws by the U.S. Justice predict terrorism anxiety. This suggests densely populated areas (Beall, 2007). Department. Notably, this is a number far that respondents’ feelings toward New Finally, those who identified with a less than that of alleged international

3 However, if Muslims are perceived as an ethnic identity, then the comparison group would be “New Zealand Europeans”.

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terrorists (Aaronson, 2019). Even when participants do not associate New Muslims are seen to pose a terrorist threat examining responses from the FBI and Zealand Europeans with terrorism, which or support terrorism, they are more likely other counterterrorism groups, terror acts could partially be due to the fact that the to be discriminated against, both perpetrated by white supremacists are majority of participants identify as personally and institutionally (Doosje, treated as local incidents rather than part European and, thus, may be displaying a Zimmerman, Küpper, Zick, & Meertins, of a larger threat of —a form of ingroup favoritism (Tajfel & 2009; Fischer et al, 2007). Ironically, this downplaying of terrorism that is also Turner, 1986). By itself, the fact that may provide the needed justification or reflected among the public (Ackerman, Europeans are not stereotyped as violent endorsement that white nationalist or Woodruff, & Banco, 2019). Accordingly, extremists should be viewed positively. supremacist groups need to plot violent while multiple scholars have critiqued the However, when juxtaposed with the attacks against Muslim communities, the media’s role in perpetuating the (unfounded) association between warmth very groups that are perceived as violent. perception of Muslim threat (e.g., Kearns toward Muslims and terrorism anxiety, it The bigger threat is when it leads to a et al., 2019; Saeed, 2007) including New becomes problematic. Therefore, our goal vicious cycle of animosity between Zealand (Shaver et al, 2017), other as researchers should not be to foster a Muslims (or Middle Easterners) and scholars note that systematic fear of all “Whites”, but rather, to find predominantly “Christian Whites” investigations into far-right criminal ways to reduce the fear of all “Muslims”. through a self-fulfilling prophecy that is activities remain neglected and It is also notable that those who scored marked by ongoing violence. Hope can be selectively biased (e.g., see Chermak, high on nationalism were more likely to found, though, within the Muslim Freilich, Parkin, & Lynch, 2012; Simi, worry about terrorist attacks, despite the community’s response of forgiveness and 2010). fact that the terrorist attacker of March 15, fraternity, despite the provocation and Therefore, unless the media actively 2019, was a white nationalist himself. insecurity threatening their existence. ends its selective coverage and unless This finding, however, does not imply Hope can also be found in the response of formal investigations begin to give other that all nationalists are violent, but rather, New Zealand as a whole. Starting with the extremist/violent groups their share of that some of those who subscribe to a media, the government, and New attention, terrorism anxiety may continue nationalist ideology may ignore or Zealanders at large, the horrific hate- to correlate negatively with warmth discount the violent and extreme filled attack that took the lives of 50 toward Muslims. Although the tendencies that can be entangled with this Muslims on March 15th has unified the associations identified here are relatively ideology (Srenshaw, 1988). community and foiled – at least for now – small, it is worth noting that they remain any long-term intentions to spread hate significant in a model of 34 predictors and Conclusion and violence in the country. Perhaps there covariates—a point that speaks to the Research has consistently shown that is a lesson to be learned here on how we strength of the (seemingly implicit) the association drawn between Islam and can escape the perceptions that cripple association between Islam and terrorism terrorism, whether by the media or other our communities. (Fischer et al., 2007; Park et al., 2007). figures, implies that Muslims continue to The current data also indicate that be perceived as a threat. Moreover, when

Acknowledgements: This research was supported by a grant from the Templeton Religion Trust (TRT0196). The funders have no role in NZAVS study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of scientific reports or manuscripts for publication using NZAVS data. Syntax for the analyses reported in this manuscript is available at: www.nzavs.auckland.ac.nz Correspondence regarding this manuscript can be directed to Diala Hawi, School of Psychology and Social Work, Doha Institute for Graduate Studies, Al Tarfa Street, Zone 70, Doha, Qatar. Email: [email protected]

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