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1. J. Rinzai Gigen, C. 810–66. 2. J. Sansh-O Enen, Nd 3. the Record Of

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1. J. Rinzai Gigen, C. 810–66. 2. J. Sansh-O Enen, Nd 3. the Record Of Notes 1. J. Rinzai Gigen, c. 810–66. 2. J. Sansho- Enen, n.d. 3. The Record of Lin-Chi, tr. Ruth Fuller Sasaki (Kyoto: Institute for Zen Studies, 1975), p. 1. Henceforth, all page numbers will refer to this trans- lation, portions of which have been adapted here. 4. Here the Sanskrit word dharma seems to mean reality as it is, expressing itself as a living truth that is free from the distinction of expresser and expressed. See Talk 8. 5. J. daiki-daiyu-. 6. Hisamatsu uses the date indicated by the extant Linj-lu text, the source of which is an 1120 revision by Yuanjue Zongyan (J. Engaku Soyen,- n.d.) of earlier versions. In The Record of Lin-chi (p. 63) his final date is given as the tenth day of the first month in the 8th year of Xiantong during the Tang dynasty, which corresponds to 18 February 867. (Cf. Iriya, note 235, in The Record of Lin-chi, p. 88) Recent philology follows the date offered by sources earlier than the Linji-lu text edited by Yuanjue Zongyan, such as the Zutang-ji (J. Sodosh- u,- compiled in 952), volume 19, Song gaoseng-zhuan (J. So- kos- o-den,- 982), volume 12, Jingde chuandeng-lu (J. Keitoku dento-roku- , 1004), volume 12, and Tiansheng guangdeng-lu (J. Tensho- kot- o-roku- , 1036), volume 10. These sources claim that Linji died on the tenth day of the fourth month in the 7th year of Xiantong during the Tang dynasty, which is 27 May 866. 7. J. Shogen- Sugaku,- 1132–1202. His second generation dharma-heir, Xutang Zhiyu (J. Kido- Chigu, 1185–1269) taught a Japanese Rinzai Zen monk, Nanpo Jomy- o- (1235–1308), who is regarded as the initiator of a new line of Dharma-transmission in Japan. - 8. J. Obaku Kiun, d. 850(?). 9. As a student of the Diamond Sutra, Deshan Xuanjian (J. Tokusan Senkan, 782?–865) at one point set out to refute the Zen teaching of Huineng, which contended that a person could be a buddha by directly grasping his or her true nature. On his way to Longshan, the mountain where the Zen master Longtan Chongxin (J. Ryotan- Sushin,- n.d.) lived, Deshan stopped at a roadside teahouse for a snack (J. tenjin, “refreshing the mind”). The old woman working there asked, “What are you carrying on your back?” Deshan answered, “My commentaries on the Diamond Sutra.” “They are indeed,” said the woman. “May I ask you a question? If you can answer it to my satisfaction, you will have your snack for free; but, if you fail, you will have to go somewhere else.” Deshan agreed, whereupon the old woman continued, “I read in the Diamond Sutra that the mind is not attainable in the past, or in the present, or in the future. If so, which mind do you wish to refresh?” 142 Notes 143 This question from an old woman stumped Deshan, despite his schol- arship and the commentaries on the Diamond Sutra that he carried on his back. (Adapted from D.T. Suzuki, Essays in Zen Buddhism, Second Series (London: Rider and Company, 1974), pp. 49–50.) The earliest recounting of this story appears in the record of Master Deshan in the Korean Gaoli version of the Jinde chuandeng-lu (1004), vol. 15. But it is the Liandeng huiyao (1183) that reports that Deshan burned his commentary on the Diamond Sutra. 10. Huineng; J. Eno,- 638–713. 11. J. Nangaku Ejo,- 677–744. 12. J. Baso Doitsu,- 709–788. 13. J. Hyakujo- Ekai, 749–814. 14. The hall for zazen. 15. Ch. canchan; literally, joining, entering, or taking part in Zen. In the context of the Record of Linji, this term can be rendered, “engaging in Zen practice.” This term appears once in the Record, and Sasaki renders it “practicing meditation.” 16. Literally, “questioning and answering.” 17. Ch. Wumenguan, J. Mumonkan. 18. The term buddha-dharma means reality as it is, awakened to and expounded as a living truth. It can be rendered as “the awakened way of being.” - - - 19. Skt., anutpattika-dharma-ks.anti, a key term in many Mahayana texts. 20. The Four Schemes of Thought are 1. a concept, A; 2. its opposite, B, (not-A); 3. both A and B; 4. neither A nor B. 21. J. Daigu, n.d.; Dayu practiced under Guizong Zhichang (J. Kisu- Chijo,- n.d.), and like Huangpo he was a second-generation Dharma-heir to Mazu Daoyi. 22. When Huijue was asked by a monk the preceding question about reality, he responded by repeating the question. This interaction is seen in the final, one-hundredth case of the Congrong-lu (J. Shoy- o-roku- ; Taisho- 48:291c). Langye Huijue (J., Roya- Ekaku, n.d.) was a disciple of Fenyang Shanzhao (J. Fun’yo- Zensho,- 947–1024). 23. Weishan Lingyou (J. Isan Reiyu,- 771–853). 24. J. Myo- Joza,- usually known as Huiming (n.d.). 25. A short staff symbolic of office. 26. The Chinese term xin-fa (J. shinpo-; Skt. citta-dharma), literally “mind dharma,” usually means “the element called mind.” In this case both mind and dharma indicate a conceptual mode of being that should be transcended by awakening to true reality. Around 513 CE, when Bodhiruci, one of the three translators of the . Sanskrit text of the Lankavat- ara-s- utra- into Chinese, translated citta in the sense of normal conceptualizing, he used the Chinese expression xin-fa. (The Lankavat- ara-s- utra- , ch. 10, verse 249c: tathata- citta-niruktam, Taisho- 16:571a.) Bodhiruci also used this Chinese expression for rendering a completely different expression, citta-dharmata-, which means “the origi- nal, awakened nature of mind,” in a sense, “the Mind as the Dharma” (chapter 10, verse 252b: cittasya dharmata- ´suddha-, Taisho- 16:571b; also, verse 270b: tathata- citta-dharmata-, Taisho- 16:571c). Around 700–704 CE, 144 Notes - - Sik´ s.ananda, another translator, insisted on rendering citta-dharmata as xin-xing or xin-fa-xing, to distinguish it from the ordinary xin (citta) or xin-fa (citta-dharma) (Taisho- 16:629b and c). Chan figures, including Huangpo and Linji, seem to have adopted Bodhiruci’s second use of xin-fa. In other words, they use xin-fa not as citta-dharma or “the element called mind” but as citta-dharmata-, the “original, awakened nature of the mind.” In some texts, citta is identified with the alaya-vijñ- ana- and is regarded as working with manas (the thinking faculty) and mano-vijñana- (the discrimi- natory faculty). It is sometimes identified with the latter two, and it is . always the source of discrimination. According to the Lankavat- ara-s- utra- , the four-fascicle Chinese version of which Bodhidharma purportedly recom- mended to Huike as the best reference for practice at their time in China, this same citta works as the source of discrimination because it is not awak- - ened to its original way of being (svajati-laksa. na. ). The original way of being of citta has nothing to do with discrimination; it is nirvana free from non- awakening. However, no citta realizes its original way of being until it real- izes its own ignorance. More specifically, it believes its own discriminative faculty is ultimate, but once it realizes its ultimate ignorance it comes to know the true way in which the discrimative faculty should work. The same citta realizes that its own authentic way of being is no-citta. This seems to be what Linji calls the mind-dharma (xin-fa), the mind that is awakened to its original way of being. It has ceased to be the source of discrimination and has come to be the true source of creation. It is Mazu’s “calm and constant mind.” Readers may take note that the translators of Hisamatsu’s talks follow Hisamatsu’s lead and often use “Self” instead of “mind” for xin, to indicate the mind’s original way of being. See note 72. 27. The story of Yajñadatta is found in an esoteric Buddhist scripture that advocates jianxing (J. kensho,- “seeing one’s nature”). According to what is written next to the title, this text appeared in the Tang dynasty as “a translation made in 705 from a Sanskrit original brought from Nalanda, India.” The title is Dafoding-rulaimiyin-xiuzheng-liaoyi pusa-wanxing- - - - shoulengyan-jin (abbreviated as Lengyan-jing; J. Ryogon-kyo): “S´uram. gama- sutra,- as Lofty as the Buddha’s Great Head-Excrescence, the Ultimate Teaching for Practice and Attainment as the Tathagata- Secret Cause, Provided with Millions of Bodhisattva Practices,” vol. 4, Taisho- 19:12b. 28. Yunmen Wenyan (J. Unmon Bun’en, 864–949). 29. Some translators have rendered the Chinese expression here “shit-wiping stick.” 30. The “five ranks” (J. go-i) clarify the relationship between religious Awakening and its functioning to awaken the world. They have been attributed to Dongshan Liangjie (J. Tozan- Ryokai,- 807–69), but they appear to have been devised by his Dharma-heir, Caoshan Benji (J. Sozan- Honjaku, 840–901). These Chan masters were later regarded as the co- founders of the Caodong (J. Sot- o)- sect. The oldest extant text that introduces “Dongshan’s Verses on the Five Ranks” is the Chanlin-sengbao-zhuan (J. Zenrin-sob- o-den- ) by Juefan Huihong (J. Kakuhan Eko,- 1071–1128); see chapter 1 on Caoshan Benji. Notes 145 Two terms and one concept are central to the five ranks: “the rank of straight” (Ch. zhengwei; J. shoi- ), “the rank of leaning” (Ch. pianwei; J. hen’i), and “returning to each other” (Ch. huihu; J. ego). The term “straight” means freedom from discrimination, or nirvana, while the term “leaning” means discerning, as the function of nirvana, and these two are viewed as “returning to each other.” The five ranks discussed in the Linji lineage and adopted by Hisamatsu are as follows: 1.
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