MA Language and Communication Research Cardiff University
Salient Features of the Welsh Accent that are Chosen to be Portrayed in Film
Andrew Booth C1456511
Supervisor: Dr Mercedes Durham
Word Count: 16,448
September 2015
Abstract
The accent portrayed by an actor in films has many different implications to the audience. For authenticity, the filmmakers need their accent to be as close to genuine speech as possible. The Welsh-English accent in film is portrayed in many different ways; the aim of this study is to investigate which features are viewed as salient to filmmakers when portraying a Welsh accent. This dissertation focuses the portrayal of salient features of the Welsh-English accent in the film Pride (2014).
Pride was chosen because it can compare Welsh to non-Welsh actors who portray a
Welsh-English accent. The research is carried out on the film using both auditory and acoustic analysis. Tokens from the film were coded in terms of their realisations for analysis and comparison to previous literature. This research produced a number of key findings: first, the Welsh actors supported previous research on patterns of realisation for Welsh-English. Second, the non-Welsh actors recognised and produced the key features of a Welsh-English accent. Finally, the features presented are salient when representing a Welsh accent in film. In summary, theories such as accommodation, language transference, hypercorrection, fudging and transition were used to explain variation of accents. This research argues for a multi- methodological approach to analysing different features of a Welsh-English accent in film.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Mercedes Durham for her instrumental
advice and insight over the past few months.
I would also like to thank my family and my wife-to-be Jac, for her continuous
support and encouragement.
Contents
1. Introduction ...... 1
1.1 The sociolinguistic Issue ...... 1
1.2 The Data and its Relevance ...... 2
1.3 Key Questions and Overview of the study ...... 5
2. Literature Review ...... 7
2.1 Accent ...... 7
2.1.1 Defining an accent ...... 7
2.1.2 Accents in Film ...... 8
2.1.3 Filmmakers considerations ...... 9
2.2 Welsh –English Accent ...... 12
2.3 Salient Features of GSWE (General South-Welsh English) ...... 13
2.3.1 Recognisable Welsh Features ...... 14
2.4 Possible Outcomes ...... 17
3. Methodology ...... 20
3.1 Overview of Methods ...... 20
3.1.1 Auditory analysis ...... 22
3.1.2 Acoustic Analysis ...... 23
3.2 Procedure ...... 24
3.2.1 Auditory Analysis ...... 25
3.2.3 Acoustic Analysis ...... 26
3.3 Sampling ...... 28
4. Results ...... 28
4.1 Introduction ...... 28
4.2 GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/ ...... 30
4.2.1 Description: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/ ...... 30
4.2.1.1 Patterns for GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/ ...... 33
4.2.1.2 Exceptional Distribution ...... 36
4.2.2 Results: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/ ...... 37
4.2.2.1 GOAT vs. SNOW ...... 37
4.2.2.2 FACE vs. STAY ...... 46
4.2.3 Summary: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/ ...... 52
4.3 TUESDAY [ɪu] ...... 53
4.3.1 Description: TUESDAY [ɪu] Features ...... 53
4.3.1.1 Patterns for TUESDAY ...... 54
4.3.1.2 TUESDAY words ...... 59
4.3.1.3 Exceptional Distribution TUESDAY ...... 60
4.3.2 Results: TUESDAY [ɪu] ...... 60
4.3.2.1 CURE ...... 62
4.3.2.2 GOOSE ...... 63
4.3.2.3 Exceptional Realisations ...... 66
4.3.3 Summary: TUESDAY [ɪu] ...... 67
4.4 /r/ ...... 67
4.4.1 Description: /r/ ...... 67
4.4.1.1 Exceptional Distribution ...... 70
4.4.2 Results: /r/ ...... 71
4.4.3 Summary: /r/ ...... 77
4.5 STRUT /ʌ/ ...... 78
4.5.1 Description : STRUT /ʌ/ ...... 78
4.5.2 Results: STRUT /ʌ/ ...... 78
4.5.2.1 Females ...... 79
4.5.2.2 Males ...... 82
4.5.3 Summary: STRUT /ʌ/ ...... 86
5. Conclusion ...... 86
5.1 Main findings ...... 87
5.2 Strengths and Limitations ...... 88
5.2.1 Strengths ...... 88
5.2.2 Limitations ...... 89
5.3 Further research ...... 90
Reference List ...... 91
List of Figures ...... 97
List of Tables ...... 97
Appendix ...... 100
Appendix 1 – Breakdown of rules for GOAT words ...... 100
Appendix 2: All expected SNOW /oʊ/ and GOAT /o:/ words in GSWE ...... 102
Appendix 3 – Breakdown of rules for FACE words ...... 103
Appendix 4 - All expected FACE /e:/ and STAY /eɪ/ words in GSWE ...... 105
Appendix 5 – Each Characters realisation of GOOSE words ...... 106
1. Introduction
1.1 The sociolinguistic Issue
In films where the plot hinges on the location, it can be incredibly important for filmmakers to ensure that the characters seem authentic, lest filmgoers judge them not to be representative of the community they purportedly belong to. Accent can be one way of representing characters and their backstory within a film. For this case study I will use the film Pride (2014), set in South Wales. From a linguistic perspective, actors have to portray the accent of a certain speech community of
South Wales. Accent and representation of a people, are fundamentally connected, many audiences gain their understanding of other cultures through film and television, thus accent can contribute to stereotyping (Hodson, 2014: 11). Moreover, the audience need to recognise the accent in order to relate to the characters. This study will phonologically examine accents within Pride (2014) and determine how actors and directors portray Welsh accents, and explore how similar the accents are to everyday Welsh-English speech.
Accent and representation studies have focussed on several speech communities, yet no study I have discovered has addressed the portrayal of the Welsh-English accent.
My interest in the portrayal of Welsh accents and communities has led me to the film
Pride (2014).
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1.2 The Data and its Relevance
Pride (2014), directed by Matt Warchus, is based on the struggle of the miner’s strike and the unexpected friendship the miners formed with a lesbian and gay community based in London; Lesbians and Gays Support the Miners (LGSM). LGSM collect money for the striking miners and are subsequently invited to visit the small village of Onllwyn in the Dulais Valley. It is here, that the local accents of the Dulais Valley are realised by both Welsh and non-Welsh actors. The film is ideal for extracting linguistic features that the director and actors have labelled as salient when portraying the Welsh accent. The following table presents the actors in the film and their natural accents. On the left are the Welsh actors, and on the right are the actors playing Welsh characters that are not from Wales.
Table 1 - The Actors, Character Name and Original accents Character Welsh Natural Character Non-Welsh Natural accent
Actor accent Actor
Maureen Lisa South Hefina Imelda RP
Palfrey Wales Staunton
Gail Nia South Margaret Liz White South
Gwynne Wales Yorkshire
Gwen Menna South Siân Jessica West
2
Trussler Wales Gunning Yorkshire
Debbie Sophie South
Evans Wales
Carl Kyle Rees South Cliff Bill Nighy RP
Wales
Gary Jack Baggs South Gethin Andrew Dublin
Wales Scott
Martin Rhodri North Dai Paddy Staffordshire
Meilir Wales Considine
Lee Dyfan North
Dwyfor Wales
Johnny Johnny South
Gibbon Wales
Union Man Jâms South
Thomas Wales
After researching film reviews for Pride (2014), I found a number that included critical views on accents. The general opinions about the accents in this film were mixed. The table below shows seven different online reviews that mention some of
3 the non-Welsh actors’ attempted accents; the most favourable come first while the more negative reviews are listed towards the end.
Table 2 - Recent reviews that included accent from online Reviewers Reviewer Review
Fact.com (Roe, 2014) [of Paddy Considine] his Welsh accent is impeccable and his character feels
well rounded and imperfect rather than saintly.
Sherlockology (2014) [W]hile Andrew Scott lends the story part of its quietly aching heart as
Gethin, performing with a pitch perfect North Welsh accent.
What’s on Highlands BILL NIGHY is also as engaging a presence as ever, sporting an impeccable
(MFH 2014) Welsh accent and delivering probably the best eyebrow acting of the year.
Wales online (Jones, The actors portaying the Welsh villagers, for the most part, nail the tricky
2014) Welsh accent, although there are a few wobbly accents in the mix.
Impact Nottingham Even Scott’s wavering Irish-Welsh accent is forgivable given the strength of
(Leonard, 2014) his quiet, considered performance
Cambridge News Performances are exemplary, ignoring a few wobbles with the Welsh accents
(2014)
The Standard Bill Nighy, Imelda Staunton and Paddy Considine (playing inhabitants of a
(O’Sullivan 2014) South Wales mining village) do not nail the accent. That no one on this
British production forced the trio to work harder with their vocal coaches is
a disgrace, one that could spark a whole new set of devolution woes.
While it is noteworthy that these publications may not be of an academic standard,
‘The Standard’s’ relatively negative review of the actors’ Welsh accents leads to the question, were the accents close to being authentic or not?
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1.3 Key Questions and Overview of the study
Throughout the study I attempt to provide insight to and answer the following questions:
1) What are the salient features of Welsh-English being portrayed in the media?
2) How are the salient features being realised by Welsh actors in the film Pride
(2014)?
3) Are the salient features being realised appropriately by non-Welsh actors?
4) How do the salient Welsh features in the film compare to Welsh features in
real speech communities?
This study will address the research questions in different parts of the paper.
Research question 1 will be examined during the Literature review in chapter 2.
Research question 2 and 3 will be addressed during the Results section for the individual features chosen during chapter 2. Research question 4 will be focussed on during chapter 4, when comparing the description from previous researchers to the results from the data in this study.
I begin the study with an introduction to accents and how they are perceived in everyday life. I will then explore previous research into perceived accents and film representation. The socio-geographical background of my research is then
5 contextualised with investigation into English-Welsh accents. As a beginning point I focus on what features of Welsh accents are seen as salient by outsiders. Secondly, after distinguishing some salient features, I utilise previous research to analyse how the variables are realised in Wales. By noticing different rules or patterns for realisation I will be able to better analyse the accents of the characters in the film.
The subsequent chapter discusses the methodology I have adopted to gather my data. I then critically examine the acoustic and auditory analysis methods employed within this paper. The data and sampling itself is also considered within in this section. Following on from this, in chapter four I present and analyse the data. I will focus on the Welsh and non-Welsh characters and analyse the chosen salient features. I will investigate how the features were realised within the film in comparison to the patterns or prevalence described in previous research. The conclusion reviews findings and relates them to previous results with discussion on how these outcomes can contribute the understanding of Welsh accent in and out of film. Finally, suggestions for further research are deliberated.
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2. Literature Review
This chapter will begin by analysing the wider functions that accents play in everyday lives, then, how the accent is used in relation to film. Subsequently, focus will be on representation of accents and how filmmakers must portray them.
Following this section the Welsh accent will be studied, specifically looking at how it is portrayed within television and film and how non-natives view its features.
Finally, some theories are presented as possible outcomes about how realisations may be affected within the film.
2.1 Accent
2.1.1 Defining an accent
At its basics the accent is the specific way in which each person pronounces a language, they are varieties of a language based on pronunciation (Huddleston and
Pullum, 2002). An accent is defined as having “specific regional pronunciation”
(Hodson 2014: 2) and according to Britain (2002), people who share a geographical space have similar phonological systems. An accent gives clues to where a person comes from but can also signal towards someone’s class, age, gender, ethnicity,
7 social standing and speaking style (Kerswill, 2006). Therefore, the choice of variants that a speaker uses can determine how they are represented.
The functions of an accent in everyday speech are varied and important. Accents can give an impression of intelligence, employability, friendliness and personal and social characteristics (Cargile and Giles 1997: 195, Coupland 2009: 2). We can then assume that our own accent can give clues as to who we are, our background and potentially how we wish to be perceived. Cavanaugh (2005) explains that accents are indexical to location, presenting certain qualities associated to the speakers of those places. The accents of speakers can instantly evoke stereotypes (Lippi Green
2012: 107, Kozloff 2000: 82). This tool can be used to activate schemata within film and television to infer a character’s backstory.
2.1.2 Accents in Film
Accents are utilised by filmmakers to suggest a character’s background without spending time explaining it in detail (Kozloff, 2000: 82). Lippi Green (1997: 81) also describes films as using accent to “draw character quickly, building on established preconceived notions”. This is highlighted by Hodson (2014) in the example of Nil
By Mouth (Oldman 1997). Ray Winston begins the film by ordering drinks in a
London accent, Hodson points to several accent features, such as /h/ dropping, L-
8 vocalisation and t-glottalisation, which all give clues to his characters background.
The speech has provided hints to the background and social standing of the character but also of the geographical film setting all within the first two minutes.
How true these clues are, depends on whether the filmmaker is using them to give a backstory or to misdirect the audience, either way, the accent plays an important part in quickly building a films plot.
2.1.3 Filmmakers considerations
In the media and in particular in the genre of film, speech representation should be treated with care, as accents can be perceived as characterising a culture or people.
Two possible considerations when tackling the subject of accents are authenticity and how to represent a culture.
Firstly, as accent is one of the most important components in displaying realism in film (Hodson 2014: 207); directors prompt actors to produce a believable accent. The accent must portray what is expected of the locale in question (Kozloff 2000). Accent in cinema can be used to “signal a commitment to depicting the ‘real world’”
(Hodson 2014: 196). Filmgoers know they are entering the world of fantasy but dialect and accents can be used as relational tools between the characters and the setting, thus mirroring reality (Hodson 2014). The more the director wishes the
9 audience to believe the film is real, then the closer the accent needs to be to its original.
Secondly, television or film can be one of the biggest ways a culture is represented; there are two consequences of this, firstly that of learning about a culture and that of seeing your own on screen. Initially, Lippi-Green (2012: 81) illustrates that many people may only view cultures outside their own through these outlets (Television and film). Therefore, audiences will leave the cinema with new ideas of language variety and associations from the film. Lippi-Green (2012: 101) goes on to write about how Disney’s choice of ‘baddies’ as non-American accents can promote discrimination towards people who do not have a general American accent. This shows that accent can have an effect on an audience who are unfamiliar with the accent on screen. For the audience who are familiar with the accent on screen, their home-pride may be affected by the accent being shown. Patriotism, although waning in some places (Billig 1995: 1), is also acknowledged by filmmakers as an important consideration in the film making process. They hope that the viewer will make a connection with the characters. Billig (1995: 70) states that languages, accents and dialects are a way of placing and representing characters in a communal way and the accent is a way of categorising a character. If a character within the audience’s speech community is not represented accurately, then the filmmaker can risk alienating or even offending an audience.
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Making the accent as real as possible does have some problems. Firstly the accent must be understandable to wider audience otherwise communication may be lost.
Secondly there is the issue of industry norms and producers input into the production of a film.
The accented speech must be understandable for the audience to make that connection and to give any clues about the character. This is why accents in film are often “clichéd”, glorified or levelled versions of realistic speech (Kozloff, 2000).
Filmmakers think carefully about which unique phonological features of a local accent will ultimately be understood by a wider audience. Filmmakers do not wish to exclude audiences who are not familiar with the accent on screen. After the release of the Edinburgh based film Trainspotting (1996), the actors were required to redub sections of the film to make their accents “less thick” so to appease American audiences (Wartofsky, 1996). The actors must be comprehensible to a wider audience (Hodson 2014), if they are not, then communication of the message is lost.
With regards to the film in this study, an American online film reviewer claimed that the accent might need subtitles when the film is released in the U.S (Tartaglione,
2014).
Finally, the director may not have total control over the artistic integrity of a production, as films ultimately aim to make money. To draw in a larger audience, they often need big-name stars (Hodson, 2014: 232); and often these popular stars do 11 not have the same accent as the character they play. In Pride (2014), the actors who have the most lines are not Welsh. The top five Welsh characters with the most lines were played by non-Welsh actors (Paddy Considine, Imelda Staunton, Bill Nighy,
Jessica Gunning and Andrew Scott); the actors with the biggest roles could be considered more established, in terms of perceived success. When there are fewer regional actors that are at a high perceived status of stardom, then there is often less choice to choose an actor with that regional accent.
2.2 Welsh –English Accent
Welsh English has many different accents and dialects that may vary slightly every few miles. In pronunciation there are noticeable differences between North and
South Wales (Penhallurick 2007: 153), some observers may stop at this comparison and consider the north and south to be the only differences. However, as demonstrated by many past researchers, different phonological features are more prevalent in different areas of Wales. The Cardiff and Newport accents for example, to outsiders, barely sound like ‘proper Welsh’ (Collins and Mees 1990: 87-88).
Hughes and Trudgill (1979) used informants from Neath and Pontypridd (25 miles apart) to study features of the South Wales accent. Their aim was to identify patterns of South Walian features. However, despite their relatively close geographical distance, generalisations may have been inaccurate as they have inherent differences
12 in their phonological features (Connolly, 1981: 51). The research shows that there are more than two accents of Wales but often features are similar and pass from one town to another.
The film Pride (2014) is set in Onllwyn in the Dulais valley. The accent from this valley would fall under the heading of a West Glamorgan accent; it includes similarities to Port Talbot, Porthcawl, Maesteg, Neath, Resolven, Gorseinon, Glais,
Cwmfelin, and Penderyn English (Connolly 1990, Podhovnik 2010). As previously discussed, filmmakers may not need to recognise the slight subtleties that distinguish accents from town to town. A General South Welsh English (henceforth
GSWE) accent is referred to as including the towns above and those in the eastern valleys such as Rhondda and Cynon. This mid-south Wales region (excluding the cities of Swansea, Cardiff and Newport) is often merged within TV and film to form the South Wales accent (Giles, 1990).
2.3 Salient Features of GSWE (General South-Welsh English)
Stand out features of a dialect that could be noticed by a wider audience, are important to the filmmaker who must connect the character to a dialect (Hamaida
2007: 2). In order for the director to connect a dialect to a character they must choose the features that a wide audience associates with Welsh English (Hodson 2014).
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Analysis will focus on some features of Welsh English that are seen as overtly Welsh by non-Welsh people (2.3.1 Parodies of Welsh English). I will show features that others have recognised as salient to portray a Welsh accent.
2.3.1 Recognisable Welsh Features
To discover salient Welsh-English features, I will look at acting coaches and comedy parodies of the Welsh accent; these are not made by speakers of Welsh English.
These examples will present what features outsiders associate with a Welsh accent.
Voice Coach
In his video tutorial, accent coach Gareth Jameson (Jameson, 2011) focusses on 4 features to teach the South Wales-English accent. Firstly with regards to prosody, he talks of elongation and glide during vowels. This feature is also described by Wells
(1982) as having a ‘sing-song or lilting intonation’. The second feature the accent coach looks at is converting the /ɪ/ phoneme when unstressed into a schwa. This feature is recognised in words such as anniversary, universe and elephant where /ɪ/ is realised as /ə/. Jameson (2011) also picks up on other words such as bit, lit and pit where a Welsh-English speaker may centralise the vowel towards a /ə/. Collins and
Meese (1990) also recognise /ɪ/ phoneme can sound more open than the Received
Pronunciation (henceforth RP) equivalent. The third feature Jameson teaches his
14 actors is dropping the /j/ in words like news, use or you. Jameson is alluding to the way in which Welsh-English uses the /ɪu/ diphthong, a recognised Welsh feature
(Penhallurick 2007). Finally the short tutorial talks about the tap or flap /ɾ/ sound in words like crayon, orange or bring. This is a feature also described by Penhallurick
(2007).
Comedy
Outsider’s views of a speech community can be found within many aspects of the media. I have chosen to look at comedy sketch-show parodies as they “draw attention to the impersonations and artifice that generally pass as real in our daily lives” (Deveau 2011: 142). Although thought of as an exaggerated representation of a true accent, parodies can give insight into what outsiders see as the most relevant features of an accent’s representation.
Fast Show
The actors in the Fast Show used three main features in the Doctors sketch to portray the Welsh accent. Firstly, they used vowels that are rare in RP English (Penhallurick
2007, Collins and Mees 1990, Walters 1999). The lengthened monophthongs /eː/, /œː/ and /oː/ were used in say /seː/, joke/dʒoːk/, blow /bloː/, face /fe:s/ and nurse /nœ:s/. In
RP /eɪ/, /əʊ/ and /ɜ:/ may be realised as /e:/, /o:/ and /œ:/ respectively. Regardless of whether the phonemes are distributed correctly or not, the actors have recognised these as salient features to emphasise a Welsh accent. The actors may be 15 intentionally using the features incorrectly for added comedic effect. The actors also picked up on the elision of /h/ in word initial position for example /ˈæm.ə / not
/hæm.ə/. Walters (1999) also recognizes /h/ dropping at word initial position. /ɪn/ instead of /ɪŋ/ was also noticed in the sketch as a salient Welsh feature at word final position, /ɪn/ being a common choice for -ing words in South Wales (Podhovnik 2008,
2010).
Mitchell and Webb Look
The actor in this sketch concentrated on a North Wales accent while mixing an invented Welsh language with a Welsh-English accent. The main features of the
Welsh-English were of aspiration, for example on /p/ in padlock (/pʰædlɔk/). Actor
Robert Webb also trilled his /r/ in a rolling manner rather than a tap or flap.
Aspiration and trilling are both more North Walian features (Penhallurick 2007).
The monophthong /o:/ was also used to portray the Welsh accent. Also, the actor paused on some consonants in word medial positions in padlokygami, ready and getting. This pause is a feature described as ‘lengthened consonants’ (Penhallurick
2007: 163). Similarly, consonants in this position are also lengthened in South Wales
(Parry 1978: 38).
Little Britain
Breaking viewing figures records in 2004 (BBC 2004); Little Britain’s’ Welsh character of ‘Daffyd’ thrust the faux Welsh accent into the limelight. Features of Welsh the 16 character adopted are evident in the catch phrase “I am the only gay in the village”.
Actor Matt Lucas, uses /e:/ in the word gay and replaces /ɪ/ for a more centralised /ə/ in village. Both these phonemes are not necessarily used within these words in reality, however the aim of the character is to represent a Welsh accent quickly and in the phrase he says the most. Other features used to portray ‘Welshness’ in the sketches are a tap or trill on the /r/ in drink and rimming, also /o:/ in know, go.
From the sketch shows and the voice coach I have decided to focus on 4 features.
Firstly the monophthongs /o:/ and /e:/, secondly the diphthong /ɪu/, third the realisation of /r/ and finally the realisation of the /ʌ/ phoneme.
2.4 Possible Outcomes
Past phonological research in film has been conducted on actors who are not from the speech community they are representing. The main evidence found is of the overuse or underuse of certain prominent features in an accent (Pederson 2007,
Pickett 2004). I will be analysing the phonological features of the Welsh accent represented by all the actors. The native Welsh actors in the film can be used as a control group to view how close to a genuine local accent the non-Welsh actors are realising. There are many reasons for variability of accent when playing a part in a
17 film; these could include accommodation, language transference, hypercorrection, fudging and transition.
Accommodation in accent refers to the way in which we change our manner of speaking to allow others to understand us and for communication not to be impeded
(Jenkins, 2000: 127). The Welsh natives may have to adapt their accent in order to appease a wide audience, communication in film is key and actors may have to accommodate in order to be understood. Also characters in film may display accommodation when talking to characters that are not from the same speech community.
Language transfer as theory, although used primarily for language learning, can be used to explain the transference of native accent over to the attempted replicated accent. Language transfer refers to speakers applying their already learned linguistic knowledge from one language to another (Weinreich, 1979). This may happen with phonological features from the non-Welsh actors accents creeping into their Welsh replicated accents, this could happen because they do not have the
Welsh feature in their original accent and are unable to produce it.
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Hypercorrection (Labov, 1982) is a term used to describe the overuse of a perceived rule or pattern. Lippi Green (1997: 174) uses hypercorrection to explain how characters overuse certain features and make errors when attempting to replicate target norms in an accent not native to their own. Pederson (2007: 83) used the term to describe Mel Gibson’s overproduction of the trilled /r/ when portraying a Scottish accent. If characters view a particular feature as salient when portraying a Welsh accent, they may apply the feature to every situation. Hypercorrection may also be a factor for Welsh actors who are accentuating their accent to build a clichéd picture in order to be overtly recognised as a GSWE speaker.
If an actor is attempting an unknown feature, they may not realise it quite as the native speakers do. The term ‘fudged’ used by Chambers and Trudgill (1998), was used to describe speakers who produced a sound in between two pronunciations on either side of a dialect border (Mesthrie et al, 2009: 61). On attempting to replicate a new phoneme, actors may fall short of realising it in terms of backness or height (as happened in Chambers and Trudgill’s 1998 study). This would lead to neither the realisation of the phoneme from their original accent nor the realisation of the attempted Welsh phoneme.
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Transition theory explains that one variable inevitably gives way to another at some point (Chambers and Trudgill 1998) due to certain ‘dimensions’ (Chambers and
Trudgill 1998). Transitions within accents means that not all speakers follow every single pattern all of the time as each accent is in a transition period (Chambers and
Trudgill (1998: 104). Different ‘dimensions’ (ibid) have effects on all dialects, Welsh-
English may be affected geographically by neighbouring dialects or socially by one feature being seen as more socially prestigious or more socially acceptable within a certain age group. Therefore the Welsh native accents within the film may not follow the exact patterns that will be described by previous research as an accent is constantly evolving.
3. Methodology
This chapter introduces the methodological approach applied in this study and discusses choices made when studying salient Welsh features in the film Pride (2014).
3.1 Overview of Methods
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The research uses a mainly quantitative approach. Tokens are counted of the different phonological features of Welsh-English; the features were chosen to represent salient Welsh features (see 2.3). Each feature is a “linguistic variable”1
(Tagliamonte 2007), it has two or more variants, one being the variant used in GSWE and the other is used in Standard English or RP. Counting the variables to develop hypotheses is a significant factor of quantitative research (Tagliamonte 2007: 191). It is also important to compare and contrast two or more groups and their linguistic variants (Tagliamonte 2007: 205). Research question 3 asks whether one set of speakers (non-Welsh native actors) have similar linguistic variables to another
(Welsh native actors). This study compares the non-Welsh actors to the Welsh actors and then cross-references against previous research (research question 4) regarding each salient GSWE feature.
The final quantitative data is provided in two forms. First, by phonetic transcription of phonemes, and then by formant values of selected vowels. The data is collected using two different methods, through auditory analysis and through acoustic analysis. When deciding between two different phonemes, auditory analysis is used to decide which is being realised. Where the distinction is less defined, an acoustic analysis is used. A critical overview of these two methods is presented below.
1 At its roots the linguistic variable is the way in which the feature is said (Tagliamonte 2007) 21
3.1.1 Auditory analysis
The approach best suited to analyse the selection of two different phonemes would be that of auditory analysis. This analysis requires the researcher to listen and code different phonemes after becoming accustomed to the phonemes in question
(Williams 1980: 4). In past research, auditory analysis has been used to distinguish whether the vowel within a word is realised using a diphthong or a monophthong
Viereck (1968). One advantage, highlighted by Watt and Milroy (1999), is that it is
“easy to categorise tokens as either ‘diphthongal’ or ‘monophthongal’ using auditory analysis”.
During auditory analysis I listen for differences between two vowels or consonants and record the one I hear. For clearly distinct variants, such as the differentiation between a diphthong and monophthong, this procedure is accurate. By listening more than once and having a second trained listener available to replicate the method, the study can be more reliable and less subjective (Walters 1999). Other clues are also available for trained listeners. The audio is accompanied by visuals, which help the listener to visually place sounds in “categorical perception” (Ball and
22
Rahilly 2014: 196). In this study, being able to visually see some lip rounding would be an extra sign in identifying the difference between a diphthong like /oʊ/, which starts with less lip rounding than the monophthong /o:/. Also, when data is analysed using Praat, I am able to see formant change. The directions of formants will show whether there is a large glide onto the preceding segment, providing the researcher with extra clues about the phoneme. Therefore acoustic and visual clues can make auditory analysis a reliable analysis method (Ball and Rahilly 2014).
While the method is quick and researchers use it for clear distinctions, it can lack the accuracy and subjectivity of measuring the hertz of the individual vowel sounds. In cases where the differences are subtler, I use acoustic analysis.
3.1.2 Acoustic Analysis
Acoustic analysis can be more objective than auditory as it takes analysis out of human hands and into the ‘physical facts’ of the sound waves that make speech
(O’Grady, 2012). Using computer software like Praat, acoustic analysis plots the formant values of target phonemes. The formant values, measured in hertz, show where the sound is realised in the mouth. This provides the researcher a “firm phonetic underpinning for phonological analyses” (O'Grady 2012).
23
Potential problems of this method have been documented, in particular when it comes to comparing vowel qualities of different people at different times. There are many factors that may affect formant values. People said to be part of the same speech community may differ in formant values because of age (Hollien and Ship
1972). Another factor that may distort comparison of formant values is posture; Fant
(1960: 111-112) discovered that F1 and F2 values were variable according to head positioning. Therefore when drawing a comparison, these factors must be taken into consideration as they may have an impact on formant values.
Previous research has used acoustic analysis to compare vowel realisation and variation between speakers (see Ferragne and Pellegrino, 2010). The analysis method is generally seen as reliable. Both auditory and acoustic analysis will be valuable within this study.
3.2 Procedure
I listen for differences between two vowels and consonants and record which variable is evident. For clearly distinct variants this procedure is adequate (i.e. most phoneticians have no trouble distinguishing a diphthong from a monophthong). In
24 cases where the differences are harder to distinguish I will need to use acoustic analysis. The procedure for each of the analysis methods is displayed below.
3.2.1 Auditory Analysis
Methodology to enable auditory analysis is used to code and analyse these features:
• Monophthong vs. Diphthong (GOAT vs. SNOW / FACE vs. STAY)
• /ɪu/ (TUESDAY lexical set)
• Rhoticity (consonantal /r ɹ ɾ/)
As tokens for each of these features are limited, all actors playing a Welsh accent in the film are included, and each word is recorded, coded and analysed (unless otherwise stated). The tokens are recorded using Audacity 2.1 and coded onto a spreadsheet.
I undertook the initial auditory analysis of the target words, listened and watched for clues, and coded the realisations of the different features. To later analyse the distribution of realised phonemes, I coded information such as preceding segment, proceeding segment, phoneme position in the word and addressee.
25
I undertook a secondary analysis of the data two weeks later, without referring to the original analysis to minimise bias. In order to improve reliability, a second listener was employed to code the phonemes. The only discrepancies between researchers were found in the case of GOAT words when the vowel was unstressed and intrusion occurred. An example case was the line:
Maureen
Hello, I’m in a phone box so I’ll have to be quick
Spoken in a conversational tone there is an intrusive /w/ after ‘Hello’ and before
‘I’m’. Other instances of intrusive /w/ were found and subsequently omitted. The proceeding /w/ skews the results in terms of the patterns, as speakers may subsequently use /oʊ/ (see 4.2.1.1). In total, 2 instances were left out.
3.2.3 Acoustic Analysis
Methodology to enable acoustic analysis is used to code and analyse the feature:
• /ʌ/ and /ə/ (STRUT and SHWA)
The features mentioned above have a high frequency within conversational speech and therefore are easily extracted. A minimum of 8 tokens of each phoneme were
26 extracted and coded to create average formant values for every character analysed.
Previous research has provided 3-12 tokens in order to find average formant values
(Clermont et al 2007, Hillenbrand et al 1995, Pols et al 1973 and Walters 1999).
After importing sound files into Praat, the target phoneme can be found where there is a thick black line (see Figure 1). This line indicates the amplitude of frequency components and can lead to where the vowel lies (Molis 1999: 7). A reasonably accurate reading of the vowel formants at the target phoneme can be taken.
Figure 1 - Black line showing vowel reading point for /I/ in word 'little'
Tokens were added up and averaged in able for them to be tabulated and compared.
After coding raw formant values for each character, I then normalised the values.
Flynn (2011: 1) explains that normalising vowel formant data permits more “accurate cross-speaker comparisons”. For normalising I used the online normalisation tool
“NORM” (Thomas and Kendall, 2007).
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3.3 Sampling
The film Pride (2014) directed by Matt Warchus was chosen to investigate GSWE accents in film as it has both Welsh and non-Welsh actors portraying Welsh accents.
Within the film there are 12 Welsh and 6 non-Welsh born actors portraying a Welsh accent. Although there are fewer actors in the non-Welsh sample, the native Welsh actors have fewer lines. Despite the imbalance of allocated speaking parts, there are enough tokens for each group sample (Welsh and non-Welsh) to allow for comparison, comparison being “an important facet of variation analysis”
(Tagliamonte 2004).
4. Results
4.1 Introduction
28
The results chapter is split into four sections, each section represents one of the four features chosen to analyse. Within each feature there are three categories, first, a description of the features is presented, second, the results of this study are displayed and third there is a summary of the findings. In the description, I have summarised previous research on the feature with regards to its usage and realisation in GSWE. Second, the results are presented; the Welsh and non-Welsh actors are compared with each other and then with the patterns presented in the description section. Within the results section some discussion points are highlighted and deliberated with reference to the previous theories discussed in 2.4. Finally, there is a short summary of the findings.
During the presentation of the discussion and results, lexical category sets will be used to describe the realisation of the vowel phonemes. This paper will employ the standard devices used within descriptive dialectology, utilising the key words used by Wells (1982) to represent the lexical sets of English pronunciation. The keywords each represent a category of which the vowel in question is placed in and will be represented consistently as the words written in capitals. Wells (1982) described them as being “unmistakeable no matter what accent one says them in”. All words in capital letters represent the lexical categories to which the certain phoneme belongs. For example the lexical set of KIT represents all words that are realised using the /ɪ/ phoneme, for example kit, pit, bit, hit.
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4.2 GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY
/eɪ/
4.2.1 Description: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/
In RP, GOAT and FACE words are realised with the diphthongs /əʊ/ and /eɪ/. GSWE also uses similar diphthongs within some GOAT and FACE words. However, realisation within these sets is not limited to diphthongs, and other GOAT and FACE words are realised using the monophthongs /o:/ and /e:/ (Penhallurick, 2004). The monophthongs do not exist in RP and are therefore seen as salient Welsh features in the comedies mentioned previously in 2.3.1. Because of different realisations, the original lexical sets GOAT and FACE are not sufficient to accurately describe
GSWE’s realisation of the same words. GOAT and FACE symbolise the realisations of /o:/ and /e:/, while SNOW and STAY are added to symbolise the realisation of diphthongs /oʊ/2 and /eɪ/.
2 The diphthong for this research is presented as /oʊ/, rather than the original /əʊ/ as presented in Wells’ (1982) GOAT lexical set. Although the difference in F1 and F2 values between Welsh /oʊ/ and RP /əʊ/ is discernible (Walters 1999) and may be subject for study, for the purpose of this study, the monophthong vs. diphthong contrast is the characteristic being compared. All diphthongs in the GOAT lexical set are presented as /oʊ/.
30
Welsh-English speakers have two options of realisation for words within the original
GOAT and FACE lexical set, while RP speakers only have one. In RP, words such as lays, laze, grey, and gauge are all homophones. In GSWE, however, lays and grey would be realised with the /eɪ/ diphthong (STAY lexical set), while laze and gauge would be pronounced with /e:/ (FACE lexical set) (Connolly 1990, Tench 1990).
There are also similarities regarding /o:/ and /oʊ/. In GSWE groan and so are pronounced with /o:/ (GOAT lexical set), while the vowel in grown and sewn is realised with /oʊ/ (SNOW lexical set). In RP, all four (groan, so, grown and sewn) are part of the GOAT lexical set and have the /əʊ/ diphthong. Actors replicating a
GSWE accent need to acknowledge in what situations the monophthong or diphthong is used. The patterns for GOAT vs. SNOW and FACE vs. STAY will be discussed in 4.2.1.1.
The similarity between /o:/ and /e:/ lies not only in the fact that they are lengthened monophthongs, which are not found in RP English, but also that they are ‘said to behave as mirror images’ (Watt & Milroy 1999: 31). Watt & Milroy (1999: 32) explain that researchers often look at the discrepancies from the GOAT and FACE lexical sets together as they are seen as symmetrical within the cardinal vowel system (see
31
Crothers 1978 & Lindblom 1968). Therefore GOAT vs. SNOW will be discussed alongside FACE vs. STAY.
The Welsh Language contains the /e:/ and /o:/ monophthongs without comparable diphthongs (Jones, 1984: 57-58 & Walters 1999: 110). Therefore, there could be direct influence on the phonology of GSWE from the Welsh language. The transference of the monophthongs into English may not only be due to the Welsh language influence, as evidence also shows neighbouring English counties using these divergent phonemes (Chambers and Trudgill 1980, Hughes and Trudgill 1987).
Owing to influences from both the Welsh language and neighbouring English counties, realisations can be variable. Realisations of /e:/ vs. /eɪ/ and /o:/ vs. /oʊ/ can vary in GSWE and researchers sometimes contradict each other (see 4.2.1.1). The variation in patterns of use of these phonemes may be due to differing origins as mentioned above, as well as ‘transition’ which may also effect variation (Chambers
& Trudgill 1998) (see 2.4).
The Survey of Anglo Welsh Dialects (Parry, 1978) found mixed results on the subject of /e:/ vs. /eɪ/. Even within closely located areas there were some dissimilarities;
Neath showed uniform use of the monophthong while the neighbouring Swansea
Valley showed a preference towards the diphthong when realising FACE words.
32
However, recent analytic research from Walters (1999), Tench (1990) and Connolly
(1990) has shown certain similarities in patterns for diphthong vs. monophthong use for areas located in the mid south Wales area (see 4.2.1.1). It is these patterns between choice of monophthong or diphthong that will be the focus of this study.
The following patterns discussed in 4.2.1.1 will form the framework upon which the actors’ tokens will be analysed, they will be shown to be following or violating
GSWE patterns.
4.2.1.1 Patterns for GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/
To ascertain the patterns surrounding each feature, 2 types of research on GSWE were analysed. Penhallurick’s (2004 & 2007) research provided a more descriptive approach, while Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters’ (1999) used an analytic approach. The research is combined and summarised; the data (from the film Pride
(2014)) can then be compared with the patterns described by researchers to support their relevance to GSWE. Penhallurick (2004 and 2007) refers to Welsh-English in general, distinguishing only between South and North Walian. Only descriptions of
South Walian speech will be relevant in this study. Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters (1999) researched speakers from Port Talbot, Abercrave and the
Rhondda Valley respectively, all three places falling under the GSWE banner.
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FACE vs. STAY
The patterns regarding the choice between /e:/ and /eɪ/ are contested on only a few fronts. Below is a summarised table showing proposed patterns for choice of STAY words and whether each researcher agreed with the pattern. If the ‘rule’ is agreed with there is a tick [ü], if the researcher overtly explained that the rule is not part of the informants’ speech pattern, then there is a cross [û], and if the pattern was not mentioned there is a hyphen [-].
Table 3 - Patterns of GSWE pronunciation of /e:/ and /eɪ/ Word Orthographical Precedin Orthographical Before a
Final ly
Position
Connolly ü ü ü ü ü
(1990)
Penhallurick - ü - - -
(2004 &
2007)
Tench (1990) ü ü û û -
Walters ü ü ü - -
(1999)
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All words will be considered to be part of the FACE lexical set, and pronounced in
GSWE with /e:/ unless:
• Words are spelt with
• When the phoneme is in word final position
• Preceding nasals (except proper nouns, Connolly (1990) found proper nouns,
James and Cambridge were realised using /e:/)
GOAT vs. SNOW
GSWE speakers also have patterns for when they realise the /o:/ monophthong for
GOAT words and when the /oʊ/ diphthong is realised for SNOW words. The table below shows the situations that researchers found GSWE speakers would use /oʊ/ in the original GOAT lexical set words.
Table 4 - patterns of Welsh English pronunciation of /o:/ and /oʊ/ Preceding /l/ Orthographically
Connolly (1990) ü ü ü
Penhallurick (2004 ü ü -
35
& 2007)
Tench (1990) ü ü û
Walters (1999) ü ü -
Throughout the literature it is clear that Welsh-English speakers have preferred tendencies for when they will use /o:/ or /oʊ/. Within the GOAT lexical set, words are expected to be pronounced with the monophthong /o:/ unless:
• Words are orthographically spelt with
• The GOAT phoneme is proceeded by /l/
4.2.1.2 Exceptional Distribution
The difference between GSWE and RP’s GOAT words is complicated further, as the
/o:/ phoneme also extends into the lexical distribution in words within the FORCE set (Walters 1999). This results in homophones such as coat/court and doze/doors.
However, this paper concentrates on the difference between the diphthong and monophthong and therefore is focussing only on words in the GOAT lexical set.
36
GOAT words where intrusive /w/ was found were left out because it may have affected the patterns described in 4.2.1.1 (see also description of discrepancy in
Methodology 3.2.1).
4.2.2 Results: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/
4.2.2.1 GOAT vs. SNOW
From the 19 actors playing Welsh characters, 172 tokens were extracted of the GOAT feature from Wells’ (1982) lexical set. There were 57 words from Welsh natives, taken from 12 different speakers. From the 6 non-Welsh actors, 115 tokens from the lexical set were extracted.
Table 5- Overall percentage of phoneme use in GOAT lexical set o: oʊ Total N
Welsh Actors 67% 33% 57
Non-Welsh 47% 53% 115
Actors
37
The table shows higher rates of the monophthong /o:/ for Welsh actors than their counterparts. The non-Welsh actors produced the diphthong more frequently than the monophthong, showing preference for /oʊ/ rather than the more Welsh feature
/o:/. Nevertheless, the non-Welsh natives produce the monophthong in almost half the words in the GOAT category, which underlines that it is a salient Welsh feature to them and they are trying to replicate the Welsh pattern.
However, as previously discussed, GSWE patterns show that /o:/ is not always substituted for /oʊ/ in words within the original GOAT lexical set. The subset of
SNOW is added to categorise words where GSWE speakers use /oʊ/. While it is clear from Table 5 that the non-Welsh actors are producing the monophthong, it is important to also establish if they are using it appropriately as the distribution of the feature is key to displaying a true Welsh accent. The patterns described in 4.2.1.1 were cross-referenced against the extracted GOAT words. Tokens where the monophthong would have been expected to be realised as /o:/ (GOAT words in
GSWE), and those that would have been expected to have the diphthong /oʊ/
(SNOW words in GSWE) were separated and analysed. Table 6 shows the percentage of tokens that realised SNOW words with /o:/ (in GSWE, SNOW words usually realised with /oʊ/), in brackets are the total number of tokens under the heading of the general patterns. The proceeding table shows the percentage of overuse of the more Welsh feature /o:/. If the actors were following the patterns described by
38
Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters (1999) on every occasion, the percentage would be at 0%.
Table 6 - percent of /o:/ use when vowel sound proceeded /l/ or was spelt
/l/
Welsh Actors 17% (6) 9% (11)
Non-Welsh
Actors 65% (24) 36% (14)
(See Appendix 1 for breakdown of the characters and their tokens in the words with the rules above applied)
The table shows the percentage of tokens that were realised with /o:/ rather than /oʊ/ as would be expected according to Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters (1999).
39
Here, the table demonstrates overuse of the monophthong in perceived incorrect situations. As can be seen, both the Welsh and non-Welsh actors used the monophthongs for these SNOW words on some occasions. The percentage of tokens of overuse when preceding /l/ was almost four times higher for non-Welsh actors.
This shows a lack of awareness of this pattern by this group of actors. The low percentage of overuse by Welsh actors lends support for previous research
(Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters (1999)) as the Welsh actors are mostly following pre-described patterns of usage.
By extracting words that fall under the general patterns noted in Table 6, it is then possible to distinctly separate (GSWE expected) SNOW from GOAT words (See
Appendix 2). The following table displays how closely the actors followed the GSWE patterns. The percentages in Table 7 indicate the use of tokens that were expected to be produced with /o:/ or /oʊ/ based on previously described patterns. The number in brackets shows the total number of tokens in each lexical set.
Table 7 - percentage of GSWE GOAT and SNOW words realised with the monophthong /o:/ or /oʊ/ (total number of tokens in brackets) GOAT SNOW
Percentage of ‘expected’ form Percentage of ‘expected’ form
/o:/ /oʊ/
40
Welsh Actors 92% (39) 89% (18)
Non-Welsh
Actors 44% (82) 45% (33)
The table shows that in both the GOAT and SNOW categories the Welsh actors have matched the patterns highlighted in previous research 92% of the time for /o:/ and
89% of the time for /oʊ/. However, the percentage for the non-Welsh actors was much lower. Within the GOAT words there is a certain amount of overuse of the diphthong /oʊ/, (according to previous research these words are usually realised with /o:/ in GSWE). The overuse in this situation may be due to the lack of the /o:/ monophthong in many of the actors own accents.
In the SNOW words, there is a certain amount of overuse of the /o:/ phoneme (these words are usually pronounced with /oʊ/ in GSWE). The non-Welsh actors are using the salient /o:/ phoneme but not in correct situations. The term ‘hypercorrection’
(Labov, 1982) can be used in this instance where the awareness of the monophthong overrides the awareness of the patterns prescribed to it. The non-Welsh characters are therefore hypercorrecting towards the target phoneme /o:/ and are using it in all situations, even when it is not used by GSWE speakers.
41
The following table shows the tokens for individual characters played by Welsh actors. The first column shows the percentage of overall tokens of /o:/, the next columns are then divided into categories of overuse of /oʊ/ in GOAT words and overuse of /o:/ in SNOW words. If the character has matched the patterns described by Connolly (1990), Tench (1990) and Walters (1999), then they will not have overused the diphthong or monophthong and the percentages will be closer to 0.
The number in the brackets shows the total number of tokens for each character in
Wells’ (1982) GOAT lexical set.
Table 8 - Welsh natives percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /oʊ/ or /o:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) Overuse of /oʊ/ in Overuse of /o:/ in
Characters Overall use of /o:/ GOAT SNOW
Gail 29% (7) 0% (2) 0% (5)
Gwen 78% (9) 0% (7) 0% (2)
Martin 73% (11) 12% (8) 33% (3)
Maureen 64% (11) 22% (9) 0% (2)
Union
Man 88% (8) 0% (7) 0% (1)
42
Other3 64% (7) 0% (6) 20% (5)
The low percentage of overuse of /oʊ/ in GOAT words and /o:/ in SNOW words suggests that, overall, the Welsh actors are following the patterns discussed in 4.2.1.1 by previous researchers. Gail, Gwen and Union Man for instance do not deviate from
GSWE patterns within the film for selection of the monophthong /o:/ or diphthong
/oʊ/.
The character Maureen has the highest overuse of the diphthong /oʊ/ within the category of the Welsh actors. The relationship between social class and accent has been explored in previous research (see Milroy 1995). A higher social status may result in tendency toward one variable over another (Chambers and Trudgill 1998:
58). This may be the case for Maureen who chooses the diphthong (used in RP) over the monophthong. It is expected that speakers who see themselves as higher class would choose the prestigious RP accent (Chambers and Trudgill, 1995: 59). The line by Cliff below suggests that Maureen is someone who is seen as an important figure in the community (Pride shooting script 2014).
CLIFF
3 Where actor’s did not realise 5 or more tokens, their tokens were added to form ‘other’ category 43
You’re a respected woman, Maureen. People follow you. You could set an example. (Beat. No response) You’re the backbone
of that committee. You work hard.
Maureen’s position in the community is elevated by the fact that people ‘follow’ her and that she is ‘the backbone of that community’, this elevation may be something she attempts to mimic in her accent.
For comparison the non-Welsh actor’s percentage of overuse is presented below. As with the previous table, the final two columns show overuse of /oʊ/ in GOAT words and /o:/ in SNOW words; remembering that GSWE patterns would expect /o:/ in
GOAT words and / oʊ / in SNOW words.
Table 9 - non-Welsh natives’ percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /oʊ/ or /o:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) Overall use of Overuse of diphthong Overuse of monophthong in
Character /o:/ in GOAT SNOW
Cliff 53% (15) 56% (9) 67% (6)
Dai 24% (38) 92% (24) 50% (14)
Gethin 8% (12) 91% (11) 0% (1)
44
Hefina 71%(21) 29% (14) 71% (7)
Sian 70% (27) 21% (24) 0% (3)
The high rates of overuse of the diphthong from some non-Welsh actors show little attempt was made to replicate the accent. Gethin for example has used /o:/ in only one token of a possible 12. Within the 12 possible instances, 11 would have been expected to contain the monophthong /o:/. Dai had a similar issue with the over realisation of /oʊ/ in GOAT words. As with Maureen, Dai is seen as a high figure in the community, he is also the character who is nominated to go to London.
Accommodation theory (see 2.4) and social hierarchy (similar to Maureen) may account for his overuse of the more RP /oʊ/. However, Dai also tended to use the monophthong in SNOW words and not in GOAT words when it would have been expected. This demonstrates a lack of awareness of patterns described in previous research.
There were some non-Welsh actors on the other hand who have overused the salient feature /o:/. The characters Cliff and Hefina, recognise the feature of /o:/ as inherently
Welsh but have applied the realisation to many words which GSWE speakers would use /oʊ/. In the case of Hefina, she is reasonably accurate for the GOAT words, but has overextended the use of the monophthong to the SNOW context, thereby
45 demonstrating hypercorrection as there is a lack of awareness of when the monophthong is usually used.
4.2.2.2 FACE vs. STAY
Of the 138 tokens found for words within the FACE lexical set, 33 were realised with the /e:/ phoneme while there where 105 tokens of /eɪ/. In total, Welsh and non-Welsh speakers of English both had fewer instances of the monophthong, which is seen as the more Welsh feature. As with GOAT vs. SNOW, the non-Welsh actors had more instances of FACE words within the film. The table below shows the number of
FACE words and the percentage of words realised with /e:/ or /eɪ/.
Table 10 - Overall % of phoneme use in FACE lexical set e: eɪ Total N
Welsh Actors 27% 73% 45
Non-Welsh Actors 24% 76% 99
Percentage of use of monophthong /e:/ from Table10 seems quite similar between
Welsh and non-Welsh actors; at around a quarter of the instances. The non-Welsh actors are attempting to imitate GSWE patterns. It is again necessary to investigate whether the GSWE patterns from previous research were replicated for the distribution of /e:/ or /eɪ/. Within the FACE lexical set there are tokens where GSWE
46 speakers would be expected to use the diphthong /eɪ/. Tokens where the diphthong was expected to be used are shown below, the percentage relates to the tokens which were realised with the /e:/ monophthong, thus the table shows overuse of the salient
Welsh feature.
Table 11 - percent of /e:/ use when target phoneme was spelt with
Welsh Actors 12% (25) 8% (13) 10% (10)
Non-Welsh Actors 18% (51) 18% (22) 44%(9)
(See Appendix 3 for breakdown of the characters and their tokens in the words with the rules above applied)
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As with the GOAT lexical set, the distribution of the variable is important when imitating GSWE speakers. The Welsh actors only overuse the /e:/ in a small percentage of tokens, the non-Welsh actors percentage of overuse was also reasonably low. Mostly, Welsh actors are following patterns described by the researchers in 4.2.1.1. If all characters followed each pattern in every token, percentages would be at 0%, they are perhaps not because of dialect transition.
Transition from monophthong to diphthong may be because of many different factors, discussed under 2.4.
By utilizing the patterns described by previous research it is possible to separate words that are usually FACE or STAY words in GSWE (See Appendix 4). Table 12 demonstrates the percentage of expected /e:/ monophthong said in FACE words and the percentage of expected STAY words realised with /eɪ/ by Welsh and non-Welsh actors.
Table 12 - percentage of GSWE FACE and STAY words realised with the monophthong /e:/ or /eɪ/ (total number of tokens in brackets) FACE STAY
Percentage of ‘expected’ form Percentage of ‘expected’ form
/e:/ /eɪ/
48
Welsh Actors 89% (9) 89% (38)
Non-Welsh
Actors 23% (30) 76% (63)
Although for non-Welsh actors there were 30 FACE words, only 7 were realised with
/e:/, this shows a reliance on the standard /eɪ/ phoneme that is more common in the actors’ everyday speech. STAY words were seemingly easier to match the patterns with GSWE, however this could be due to actors simply not recognising the more
Welsh /e:/ monophthong.
The following tables display the tokens for individual characters. Firstly, overall tokens of the monophthong are shown and then are divided into overuse of /eɪ/ in
FACE words and overuse of /e:/ in STAY words.
Table 13 - Welsh natives percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /eɪ/ or /e:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) Overall use of Overuse of diphthong in Overuse of monophthong
Character /e:/ FACE in STAY
Gail 40% (5) 0% (2) 0% (3)
Lee 43% (7) 0% (3) 0% (4)
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Martin 43% (7) 100% (1) 50% (6)
Maureen 9% (11) 0% (1) 0% (10)
Other 20% (15) 0% (2) 8% (13)
Apart from Martin, deviation from the GSWE patterns (in 4.2.1.1) was present in just one token. The remainder of tokens of both FACE and STAY words were realised according to the patterns described previously, this lends strong support to previous research. Martin, alludes to the fact that he is not from the village in question in the film4 and Rhodri Meilir (the actor who plays Martin) is also not from the area. As a
North Walian, he deviates from GSWE patterns for FACE vs. STAY as the accent is different for this feature. The following table shows the same data but for the non-
Welsh actors.
Table 14 - non-Welsh natives’ percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /eɪ/ or /e:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) Overall use of Overuse of diphthong in Overuse of monophthong in
Character /e:/ FACE STAY
Cliff 11% (28) 80% (5) 9% (23)
Dai 12% (26) 67% (9) 0% (17)
4 “We’re trying to fit in here Sian”, alludes to the fact that he and Sian are not originally from this village. However a potential hole in the plot is that the character of Sian is a real character and the audience are told that Sian is the MP for Swansea East who grew up in the Neath and Swansea area, so she is from the area. 50
Gethin 0% (10) 100% (4) 0% (6)
Hefina 80% (20) 50% (6) 93% (14)
Sian 0% (9) 100% (6) 0% (3)
The realisation for non-Welsh actors is more variable that their Welsh counterparts.
Apart from Hefina, there is an overwhelming preference for realisation of the diphthong. This overuse of the diphthong leads to high percentages of overuse of
/eɪ/ in FACE words. The monophthong /e:/ has perhaps been omitted much of the time because it is not part of most of the characters typical speech5.
Hefina has different realisations than the other characters. The overall use of /e:/ is higher than any other character, including native GSWE speakers. She has recognised /e:/ is a salient Welsh feature but has again overextended its use into the
STAY words. There is limited awareness of the patterns GSWE speakers use when realising the monophthong /e:/. This again may be a case of ‘hypercorrection’, where the speaker learns the salient phoneme and has applied it to all contexts.
5 Actress Jessica Gunning (from Yorkshire) who plays Sian, may be expected to use /e:/ in her natural speech, however on reviewing interviews, she does generally pronounce FACE words with a more RP diphthong (premierscene, 2014: /pleɪ/ (play)- 00:32, /greɪʔ/ (great)- 00:36) 51
4.2.3 Summary: GOAT /o:/ vs. SNOW /oʊ/ and FACE /e:/ vs. STAY /eɪ/
The findings for GOAT vs. SNOW were not too dissimilar from the findings for
FACE vs. STAY. The Welsh actors mostly followed general patterns for the choice of monophthong or diphthong for both categories. With only Martin straying from the patterns described in 4.2.1.1, it can be said that the findings in this study supported the patterns outlined by the previous researchers. Two theories were applied to where the results didn’t follow patterns 100% of the time. Firstly, phonetic variation could have been due to transition, which is evident in all accents. Secondly the issue of age and socially hierarchy was discussed with relation to the choice of a perceived higher prestigious phoneme.
There were certain non-Welsh actors, such as Dai and Gethin, who did not use the more Welsh features of /o:/ and /e:/ as much as other characters. This underuse could be explained by accommodation theory, as these characters were in most contact with non-Welsh characters within the film. It could also be a case of these actors not recognising the monophthongs as salient features when portraying a
Welsh accent.
52
There were also some non-Welsh actors who overused the monophthongs. Hefina overextended the use of the monophthongs into words that are not usually realised with this phoneme in GSWE. This showed a certain amount of hypercorrection that was evident in the findings.
4.3 TUESDAY [ɪu]
4.3.1 Description: TUESDAY [ɪu] Features
The /ɪu/ diphthong, unknown in RP, is found frequently in GSWE, and was a key feature in most of the comedy sketch parodies previously mentioned. The
TUESDAY lexical set was added to Wells’ (1982) sets, the diphthong is realised for some words in GSWE from the GOOSE and CURE lexical sets (Penhallurick 2007,
Walters 1999).
GSWE has taken the /ɪu/ phoneme both directly from the Welsh language (in Welsh spelling any words spelt
(Parry, 1999:28 and Walters, 2003: 26).
53
4.3.1.1 Patterns for TUESDAY
The discriminations between /u:/ and /ɪu/ in GSWE brings about minimal pairs in words like through/threw and blue/blew, with the latter being pronounced with /ɪu/
(Connolly 1990: 122). Unlike GOAT and FACE features, few sources give tangible and concrete patterns that GSWE speakers adhere to. Previous researchers have found specific patterns from their informants in different geographical areas, these patterns rarely overlap. Below are summarised views from previous analytical research on the subject of /ɪu/.
Connolly 1990, Port Talbot English
• GSWE speakers will realise /u:/ phoneme with words in the GOOSE lexical set
orthographically spelt with
• /u:/ is used with words spelt with ,
• /u:/ is found immediately following /l/ - blue, lunatic, flute, but is the opposite
in words like clue, glue
54
• /ɪu/ is not generally preceded by /j/ except in word initial position. When
word beginning with
• Other than the exceptions above /ɪu/ is realised for all other words within
Wells’ GOOSE lexical set
Penhallurick, 2007 - GSWE
• With words spelt with
Tench, 1990 - Abercrave English
• Basic guide to differentiation seems to be orthographical
•
• Post consonantal /ju:/ in RP is rendered /ɪu/ - suit, beauty, duty, tune
• In word medial positions such as Individually, actually, /ɪu/ is found. However
in words popular, particular /ɪu/ is not found
• When in word initial positions with /u:/ in RP; /ɪu/ appears, apart from words
spelt with
Walters, 1999 - Rhondda Valleys English
•
•
55
• /ɪu/ is more common but not always in words spelt with
• /ɪu/ is always used after labials, labio-dentals, velars and /h/ (even when
was dropped)
• After palato-alveolars, either /u:/ or /ɪu/ could be heard.
• After /l/ or /r/ either /u:/ or /ɪu/ was realised
• Phonemes in the GOOSE set at word initial are realised with /ɪu/ more than
/u:/, including union and you
• Either could be in stressed or unstressed syllables - rescue, absolute
The researchers have explored different geographical areas of GSWE and therefore may not all be in unison with the patterns they discovered. The authors all give the example of the minimal pairs blue/blew. However, Penhallurick, 2007 contradicts the previous minimal pair by claiming that words in the GOOSE set spelt with
Connolly’s research, which are realised with the diphthong /ɪu/. Tench (1990) proclaimed that you was realised with the /u:/ vowel, while Connolly (1990) and
Walters (1999) have evidence of the opposite.
56
What the researchers do agree on is that /ɪu/ is a salient feature and does occur in nearly all GSWE speakers’ speech. Orthographically the researchers agree that
GOOSE words spelt with
Patterns within the TUESDAY lexical set are therefore complicated to define, although it does remain a salient feature within GSWE phonology.
The table below shows where /ɪu/ could be used within either the GOOSE or CURE lexical set, the table does not represent patterns where /ɪu/ is always used but where there is a possibility of realisation in GSWE.
Table 15 - patterns of GSWE pronunciation of /o:/ and /oʊ/ preceding Orthographically Phonemes Word Preceding Preceding
labials, labio-
dentals, velars
and /h/, at word
palato- initial
57
alveolars
Connolly - ü - - ü û
(1990)
Penhallurick - ü - - - -
(2004 &
2007)
Tench (1990) ü ü ü ü ü -
Walters ü ü ü ü ü ü
(1999)
As researchers have differing opinions on the pattern of usage for the GSWE
TUESDAY lexical set, all words in the GOOSE and CURE lexical set were recorded and extracted for analysis. Words in the GOOSE set spelt with
(apart from you and its’ derivatives) are omitted as all researchers agreed that these are words that would be realised with /u:/. All other GOOSE and CURE words are included and analysed. 100% /ɪu/ realisation is not expected (as other researchers found). 58
4.3.1.2 TUESDAY words
Words that were extracted are given below:
GOOSE lexical set - absolutely, beautiful, community, continue, cucumber, disputing, during, exclusively, humanity, issued, knew, lunatic, new, translucent, truth, true, use, used, you and derivatives of you.
CURE lexical set - pure, sure, surely
The instances are grouped into four categories /ɪu ~ jɪu/, /u ~ juː/, /ɔː ~ jɔː/ and /jɪʊ ~ jʊ/.
• The category of /ɪu ~ jɪu/ is the more Welsh-sounding phoneme that was
mentioned in 4.3.1.1
• /u ~ juː/ is the more RP sounding equivalent of the TUESDAY lexical set. This
sound would be the expected realisation of the phonemes for the words
within the GOOSE lexical set in an RP accent (see 4.3.1.1)
• /ɔː ~ jɔː/ is the expected phoneme that would be used for the CURE lexical set
within RP. Although often used in GSWE (4.3.1.1) this feature is sometimes
substituted for the more Welsh /ɪu/ phoneme
59
• /jɪʊ ~ jʊ/ was subsequently added during the data collection period after it
was found that some realisations did not align into the aforementioned
categories
4.3.1.3 Exceptional Distribution TUESDAY
Words within the GOOSE lexical set including tune, assume, dune are subject to the
“palatal glide /j/, known as the “yod” (Glain, 2012). Glain (2012: 5) also revealed that
‘conservative’ Welsh-English is one of a few accents to keep the ‘yod’. Walters
(1999) recognised that informants used the diphthong and monophthong in question with or without /j/. The Welsh feature of /ɪu/ being focussed on in this study, is the only feature being extracted and analysed. Therefore instances with or without /j/ were recorded and analysed for diphthong or monophthong.
4.3.2 Results: TUESDAY [ɪu]
There were a total of 118 instances where the TUESDAY set could have been realised within the film. Unlike the GOAT and FACE lexical sets in the previous section,
GSWE’s TUESDAY lexical set does not have as many established patterns. On looking at all the possible GOOSE and CURE words I was able to compare and
60 contrast the non-Welsh and Welsh natives and their distribution of the salient Welsh feature of /ɪu/.
Figure 2 demonstrates the percentage of tokens of realised phonemes within the possible TUESDAY lexical set. The Welsh actors had 40 instances of words that could be part of RP’s GOOSE and CURE lexical set, while the non-Welsh actors had
78.
TUESDAY Lexical Set Realisa on
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
Realisa on of tokens in % 10
0 ɔː ~ jɔː u ~ juː jɪʊ ~ jʊ ɪu ~ jɪu Welsh 7 20 0 73 non-Welsh 9 55 5 31
Figure 2 - percentage of tokens realised in the possible TUESDAY lexical set.
The biggest difference between the Welsh and non-Welsh natives was that of the tendencies towards an RP or a Welsh salient feature. The majority of tokens realised
61 by Welsh actors were as /ɪu ~ jɪu/. The non- Welsh actors on the other hand realised the majority of these words as /u ~ juː/.
The discussion for the TUESDAY feature is divided into 3 categories. Firstly the
CURE lexical set will be discussed with reference to its realisations of /ɪu ~ jɪu/ vs. /ɔː
~ jɔː/. Secondly, comparisons will be made within the GOOSE lexical set and between the salient Welsh feature of /ɪu ~ jɪu/ and the more RP realisation of /u ~ juː/.
Finally, focus will be turned to exceptions with reference to ‘mixed and fudged’ phonetics (Chambers and Trudgill, 1998) (see 2.4). Each realisation option is discussed with comparisons made between the actors of Welsh and non-Welsh origin.
4.3.2.1 CURE
The CURE lexical set is discussed as a possible TUESDAY feature, as words within this set are said to contain a disyllabic articulation, with the first diphthong being the
/ɪu/ phoneme (Connolly 1990: 122 and Tench 1990: 134).
Tokens of the CURE lexical set made up only 13% (5 tokens) and 10% (8 tokens) of possible TUESDAY words for Welsh and non-Welsh natives respectively. The following table shows the realisations for the words in the CURE lexical set.
62
Table 16 - realisations of words from CURE lexical set ɔː ~ jɔː u ~ juː jɪʊ ~ jʊ ɪu ~ jɪu
Welsh 40% (2) 20% (1) 0% (0) 40% (2)
Non-Welsh 38% (3) 0% (0) 0% (0) 62% (5)
The non-Welsh natives realised these tokens with the Welsh feature of /ɪu ~ jɪu/ more than the Welsh natives. The lack of tokens makes the discussion a little problematic as generalisations cannot be made. However, these results show that non-Welsh characters are seeing /ɪu/ as a salient feature in the CURE lexical set.
4.3.2.2 GOOSE
RP realises GOOSE words with the /u ~ juː/ phonemes while GSWE has a tendency towards /ɪu ~ jɪu/ for many of the same words (Connolly 1990, Penhallurick 2007,
Tench 1990 and Walters 1999). Findings in this study, support the previous studies for GOOSE words, in that the Welsh actors used the diphthong /ɪu/ in the majority of instances. The following table shows the realisations for the words in the GOOSE lexical set.
63
Table 17 - realisations of words from GOOSE lexical set ɔː ~ jɔː u ~ juː jɪʊ ~ jʊ ɪu ~ jɪu
Welsh 0% (0) 21% (7) 0% (0) 79% (27)
Non-Welsh 0% (0) 66% (43) 5% (3) 29% (19)
The more RP /u:/ in the GOOSE category was realised by Martin in 4 of the total 7 tokens for Welsh natives (see Appendix 5 for character breakdown). Even with the
North Walian influence, the majority of words within the lexical set were realised with the salient Welsh feature. The trend for non-Welsh natives was to use the more
RP phoneme.
Use of /ɪu/ for the Welsh and non-Welsh actors followed a range of patterns outlined by different researchers in 4.3.1.1. When orthographically represented with
GOOSE set were realised with /u ~ juː/, following the patterns described by previous research.
The words which the Welsh native actors used /u ~ juː/ were limited to the word true, and 6 tokens of you (and it’s derivitives). Researchers mentioned in 4.3.1.1 do not all agree that you is uniformally pronounced with /ɪu/. Tench (1990) found that words beginning with
64
Connolly (1990) cited cases of you which were realised with /ɪu/. The actors in Pride
(2014) supported the research by Connolly (1990) and Walters (1999), as realisations for derivitives of you were /ɪu/ 70% of the time. Connolly’s (1990) patterns for
Abercrave English also explained that preceding /r/ the more RP phoneme of /u ~ juː/ is generally used, this would account for the use of /u:/ in the word True.
The non-Welsh actors’ realisation of /ɪu/ also followed many of the patterns, showing attempts to replicate Welsh features. However the word true was pronounced with
/ɪu/ by the character Dai. Words pronounced with /u ~ juː/ were far more common for the non-Welsh actors (43 tokens), accounting for over half of total instances.
Words in this category included instances where research (4.3.1.1) would expect the
/ɪu/ phoneme to be used. GOOSE vowels preceding consonants (Tench 1990), in words such as community, continue, during and absolutely were realised with /u ~ juː/ by characters Sian, Dai and Hefina. Similar words by the Welsh natives were realised with /ɪu/. The rates of /ɪu/ compared to /u ~ juː/ for the non-Welsh natives show a disinclination to use the /ɪu/ phoneme which is very uncommon in RP speech.
Derivitives of you were produced with /ɪu/ 25% by non-Welsh actors compared to
70% of the time by Welsh actors.
Overall, the non-Welsh actors did not use the /ɪu/ phoneme as much as their Welsh counterparts. Within RP, the /ɪ/ and /u/ exist as monophthongs but are not realised togther as a diphthong. The /ɪu/ phoneme is seen as salient but is perhaps more 65 difficult to realise, this may be a case of language transfer error as it is difficult to realise a phoneme that is similar but not the same in the non-Welsh actors own accent (Hoa, 1965).
4.3.2.3 Exceptional Realisations
The final category of /jɪʊ ~ jʊ/ was added to the data during the coding process for the character of Hefina. On attempting to realise a phoneme that is unusual for her own accent’s phonetic realisations, Imelda Staunton (Hefina) has fallen somewhere in between two phonemes /ɪu/ and /u:/.
The diphthongal glide for /ɪu/ runs from an unrounded near half-close frontal phoneme to the rounded back closed phoneme (cardinal vowel 8). The /u:/ GOOSE pronunciation lies near cardinal vowel 8, however Hefina’s pronunciation has failed to be as closed as Welsh pronunciation and is therefore left at more of an /ʊ/ phoneme sound. The pronunciation is therefore ‘fudged’ (Chambers and Trudgill,
1998 (see 2.4)) in the sense that it is an intermediate in terms of it’s backness. As in
Chambers and Trudgill’s study(1998: 110), their informant didn’t quite reach the pronunciation attempted, so has Hefina in her attempt at /ɪu/. Both Hefina and
Chambers and Trudgill’s informant have have fallen on a realisation somewhere in between /u:/ and /ɪu/ on the cardinal vowel chart. This failed realisation may be due to the lack of /ɪu/ in the actors everyday speech. In attempts to recreate this
66 phoneme which isn’t available in the actors own accent, she has produced a phoneme that would be neither used in GSWE or RP for GOOSE words.
4.3.3 Summary: TUESDAY [ɪu]
The /ɪu/ phoneme has again been recognised as a salient feature to portray the Welsh accent. All the non-Welsh characters attempted using it, although not quite as often as the Welsh actors. For this feature there was not much evidence of hypercorrection and overuse. This may be due to some difficulties in producing the phoneme.
Hefina has attempted this salient feature, but failed to reach its realisation, her phonemes became ‘fudged’ (Chambers and Trudgill, 1998). Language transfer may have played a part in non-Welsh characters not quite realising the /ɪu/ phoneme as much as their Welsh counterparts.
4.4 /r/
4.4.1 Description: /r/
The area of Wales in this study has a non-rhotic accent. When in postvocalic position or at word ending, /r/ is generally not pronounced (Huddleston and Pullum
67
2002), this is the case in GSWE (apart from cases of linking) (Wells, 1970: 240). In this sense the use (or non-use) of /r/ in GSWE is similar to RP’s, words such as form or labour would be realised without an approximant, tap or trill (/fɔ:m/, /ˈleɪ(e:)bə/). A non-rhotic accent is therefore one which has an absence of post-vocalic /r/.
The difference between GSWE and RP with regards to use of /r/ is GSWE’s high frequency of tapped [ɾ] (Connolly 1990, Penhallurick 2004, Podhovnik 2008, Tench
1990 and Walters 1999). Where RP would use the approximant [ɹ] (in words such as red, vary or insurance (where orthographical
Researchers agree that tapped [ɾ] is not universal in this position but is more likely to be used. There are also other situations where tapped [ɾ] is likely, below is a summary of studies with likely or unlikely distribution of tapped [ɾ], approximant
[ɹ], trilled [r] and aspirated [r̥]:
Connolly 1990, Port Talbot English
- Where approximants would be realised in RP, Port Talbot English regularly realises
tapped [ɾ]
- Not tapped in clusters of /tr/ and /dr/
68
Podhovnik 2008, Neath English
- Approximant [ɹ] is most common realisation where RP realises the approximant
- Tapped [ɾ] was in over half of the tokens in initial and medial intervocalic positions
- Tapped [ɾ] in over half the tokens of the consonant cluster /gr/
- Lengthened [ɹ:] used in medial intervocalic position to some extent
Tench, 1990 - Abercrave English
- Orthographic
Walters, 1999 - Rhondda Valleys English
- Realisations evident of trilled [r], tapped [ɾ] and approximant [ɹ]. Those who trilled
rarely used the approximant. Others use all three, rhoticity present in all speakers at
some time.
- Tapped [ɾ] in linking is common, for example; pair ͜ of shoes
- [r̥] rarely heard in RVE
In summary, the tapped [ɾ] is commonly found in GSWE and can be interchangeable with the approximant [ɹ] in word initial or intervocalic medial position. Trilled [r] is found but not in many speakers, while the aspirated [r̥] would only usually be found in the North and some parts of West Wales.
69
4.4.1.1 Exceptional Distribution
Unlike rhotic accents, non-rhotic accents include an intrusive /r/ in conversational speech. Word boundary intrusive /r/ is usual in most non-rhotic accents in a sentence such as the idea of death. Where there are two vowels, one at word initial and the other at word final position idea ͜ of, an intrusive /r/ generally occurs. However,
Walters (1999) found that intrusive /r/’s were rare in his data within Rhondda
Valleys English. For this reason, and because of time constraints (as it is easier to search a shooting script for the
Although GSWE realisation does not usually include the aspirated [r̥], it is not impossible to find within the accent (Walters, 1999). Penhallurick (2004) views the feature as predominantly North Walian, however the features origin is in the Welsh language (Jones, 1984). Therefore this paper will include aspirated [r̥] as a salient
Welsh feature, as there are many Welsh language speakers in the film’s location
(Jones, 2012: 12).
70
4.4.2 Results: /r/
There were 30 tokens of /r/ realisation collected from each character, supplying 300 tokens for both analysis for Welsh and non-Welsh actors. The tokens were taken from word initial, medial and final position. Lexical distribution was also taken into account (noun, verb, adverb, preposition or pronoun). The first 30 words containing orthographic
Table 18 shows the realisation of the 300 tokens for the different nationalities (150
Welsh and 150 non-Welsh actors). Percentage for each category of realisation is displayed with the total number of tokens for that variant in brackets.
Table 18 - Realisation of words with orthographic
Ø ɹ (Approximant) ɾ (Tap) r (Trill) (Aspirated)
Welsh 48% (72) 15% (22) 33% (50) 3% (4) 1% (2)
Non-
Welsh 42% (63) 39% (26) 30% (45) 2% (3) 0% (0)
As mentioned in 4.4.1, GSWE is a non-rhotic accent (Connolly 1990, Podhovnik 2008,
Tench 1990 and Walters 1999), this is shown by the Welsh and non-Welsh actors both realising almost 50% of their tokens without a /r/ variant. The Non-Welsh 71 actors seemed more likely to realise the approximant, which is seen as the more RP alternative to the tap, trill or aspiration.
Realisations where a non-rhotic accent would realise no /r/ variant were separated
(this included all orthographic
Table 19 - Percentage of realised Ø in words that are realised without phoneme in non-rhotic accent Tokens Percentage realised with Ø
Welsh actors 72 100%
Non-Welsh actors 64 98%
Nearly all tokens that would be expected to be non-rhotic where realised without any variant of /r/. This supports the hypothesis that GSWE is a non-rhotic accent as the Welsh and non-Welsh actors produced no variants of /r/ (with the exception of 1) in these words. In this case the Welsh and non-Welsh actors showed similar results, this being the same realisation as RP and most other English-English accents.
72
The research from 4.4.1 concludes that the tapped [ɾ] and trilled [r] are not present in
RP and most English accents, and are seen as the more salient features in portraying
GSWE accents (the aspirated [r̥] is a salient North Walian feature, also not found in
RP). The words in RP which would be realised with the approximant [ɹ], are extracted in order to compare the use by Welsh and non-Welsh actors. The separated tokens include all the words that would be pronounced with a variant of
/r/ in any non-rhotic accent, for example where orthographical
Table 20 - percentage of realisation for Welsh /r/ features or approximant in words that are pronounced in non- rhotic accents Tapped [ɾ], trilled [r] or aspirated [r̥] Approximant [ɹ] Total N W elsh actors 72% 28% 79
Non-Welsh Actors 56% 44% 86
The table displays that a clear attempt is being made to replicate the Welsh accent by non-Welsh actors. Over half the tokens from non-Welsh actors were realised with a tapped [ɾ] or trilled [r]. The actors recognise that this is a salient Welsh feature, when representing a GSWE accent.
73
The Welsh actors used the more Welsh realisations 72% of the time. As stated by all researchers in 4.4.1, the approximant [ɹ] is ever present in Welsh-English speech and this is evidenced by 28% of the tokens being realised as [ɹ]. The percentages of the more Welsh features seem higher than those of previous research. The approximant
[ɹ] was realised a similar amount of times as the tapped [ɾ] within Walters’ (1999) research, while rates of the approximant [ɹ] were higher than tapped [ɾ] in Neath
(Podhovnik, 2010: 37). This higher use of the salient feature suggests some overcompensation it’s usage. To label the characters as Welsh and perhaps to distinguish their accents from the non-Welsh characters, the “Welshness” of this feature is notably applied to /r/. Kozloff (2000: 83) showed that “clichéd” accents can be used to remind audiences of the locational and social differences of the characters on screen. The tapped [ɾ] is understandable enough to be intelligible to audiences, intelligibility being key to not losing communication with the audience (Hodson
2012: 26), but different enough to remind them of the characters’ geographical or social backstory.
Each character had different realisations of /r/ in postvocalic position (where non- rhotic accents would realise some form of /r/). By extracting these tokens of /r/ in a postvocalic or word initial position, it can be shown how much the individual actors used the more Welsh features of the tapped [ɾ] and trilled [r] or aspirated [r̥]. The tables below show the percentage of realisation of the Welsh features mentioned
74 above when some variant of /r/ is realised. The table below is a breakdown of the characters from the overall results in Table 20.
Table 21 - Welsh actors, individual characters realisation of more Welsh realisation of /r/ Welsh actors Welsh Feature % Number of Tokens
Gail 82 16
Gwen 55 14
Martin 88 11
Maureen 55 20
Other 79 17
Table 22 - Non-Welsh actors, individual characters realisation of more Welsh realisation of /r/ Non-Welsh actors Welsh Feature % Number of Tokens
Cliff 12 13
Dai 50 14
Gethin 46 16
Hefina 90 22
Sian 64 22
In terms of the Welsh actors, they all use the Welsh features more than the approximant. Gwen and Maureen, are the two that have the lowest percentage of
75 usage in the group, with both just over half. Gwen and Maureen also are the oldest of the Welsh actors and their age may have an effect of their realisation. As previously mentioned, the high use of the tapped feature may be due to the filmmakers wanting to emphasise this feature. The older generation are perhaps less inclined to change their speech patterns as they get older, as Labov (1994: 107) explains.
Podhovnik’s (2010) real time study of /r/ also showed age was a factor in realisation of /r/ in GSWE. The approximant [ɹ] was a more frequent variant for the older generation in this study. Informants in the 45-60 age category were more likely to use the approximant in word initial and intervocalic medial position than younger participants (Podhovnik, 2010: 37). This may therefore go some way in explaining why the older speakers of the film show preference for realising the approximant [ɹ] over tapped [ɾ].
The non-Welsh actors mostly have lower figures, especially Cliff who only realises the Welsh feature 12% of the time. As with the older Welsh actors, age could play a part in Cliff’s realisation of /r/. However the realisation is significantly lower and the lack of use of the more Welsh features may simply be because the tapped [ɾ], trilled
[r] or aspirated [r̥] variants do not exist in RP.
76
Hefina on the other hand may be overusing the feature as she also fits into the age category aforementioned. Unlike the GOAT and FACE features, there are no prescribed patterns of usage of the more Welsh realisations. However as Hefina is the highest user of the more Welsh feature and the only character to use the tapped
[ɾ] in a word that would be expected not to have any rhoticity (see Table 19 above) it may be said that Hefina is overusing a learned feature (hypercorrection).
4.4.3 Summary: /r/
The main findings for the realisation of /r/ was the suspected overuse of the tapped, trilled or aspirated variants by the Welsh actors. Previous research suggested that these variants may be realised on fewer occasions than the approximant. The Welsh and non-Welsh actors have used the more Welsh variants far more than expected and therefore may be accentuating this clichéd feature. Hypercorrection may be a factor for Hefina, who used the Welsh variant far more than the approximant, again recognising a Welsh salient feature but overemphasising its use. Previous research found that age is a factor when realising variants of /r/, perhaps the older speakers realisations were affected by this factor.
77
4.5 STRUT /ʌ/
4.5.1 Description : STRUT /ʌ/
The STRUT vowel /ʌ/ in GSWE in all word positions, can differ in realisations to the
RP version. The STRUT vowel in Welsh English is noticeably more centralised and raised than in RP (Penhallurick 2004, Tench 1990, Connolly 1990 and Walters 1999), meaning that the /ʌ/ can be perceived more like a schwa vowel (/ə/). Wells (1982:
380) agrees with this hypothesis and explains that there was a “STRUT-Schwa merger” in Welsh English.
The Welsh language does not use the /ʌ/ phoneme and could therefore be the explanation for centralising the STRUT vowel, as /ə/ is part of the language
(Penhallurick 2004: 103). The average formant values from Walters’ study (1999:
106) support claims that the vowel is more centralised. Walters found average formant values for males over 30 were; F1=556 F2=1370. These formant values bringing the phoneme closer to RP schwa than STRUT, which is F1=695 F2=1224
(Walters 1999: 106)
4.5.2 Results: STRUT /ʌ/
The following results will describe observable tendencies rather than applying statistical significance tests (further discussion in 5.2). F1 and F2 values were coded
78 for the /ʌ/ phoneme from 12 characters. For comparison the three Welsh female actors will be compared to the three non-Welsh female actors, and the three Welsh male actors will be compared with their counterparts. Female and male formant values are compared separately because, as Fant (1966: 22) points out, F-pattern scales will vary greatly based on the sex category. Actor’s formant values for the /ʌ/ vowel will be compared to the formant values for /ə/ to assess whether the actors in the film are complying with previous findings in 4.5.1.
4.5.2.1 Females
A total of 87 tokens of the STRUT vowel were extracted and coded for F1 and F2 formant values for 6 female actors. The table below shows the average formant values for each actor and an overall average at the bottom for the Welsh and non-
Welsh actors respectively. As can be seen, the pronunciation of /ʌ/ by non-Welsh actors is slightly higher and further back in its realisation therefore, the realisation is more centralised than the Welsh actors’.
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Table 23 - Average formant values for the STRUT vowel for female characters STRUT
Welsh F1 F2 non-Welsh F1 F2
actors Average Average actors Average Average
Gwen 770 1602 Sian 604 1605
Gail 803 1842 Margret 688 1774
Maureen 690 1822 Hefina 658 1400
Overall Overall
Average 754 1755 Average 650 1593
The table below shows the realisation of schwa by the female actors.
Table 24 - Average formant values for the schwa vowel for female characters Schwa
Welsh F1 F2 non-Welsh F1 F2
actors Average Average actors Average Average
Gwen 597 1710 Sian 532 1547
Gail 714 1744 Margret 626 1534
Maureen 492 1635 Hefina 578 1661
Overall Overall
Average 601 1697 Average 578 1581
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To compare realisations of STRUT and schwa, the F values are have been plotted onto a grid that represents the cardinal vowel chart (See Figure 3, RP values are taken from Cruttenden, 2014)
Figure 3 - Vowel chart showing Welsh, non-Welsh female actors and general RP realisation of STRUT and schwa
Average formant values for females show that the non-Welsh realisation of /ʌ/ and
/ə/ are closer together. The research from 4.5.1 shows that this ‘merger’ is evident in
Welsh-English (Penhallurick 2007, Wells 1982). However, the Welsh actors are not showing as strong a similarity in realisation between these two phonemes as the non-Welsh actors. The non-Welsh actors are clearly noticing the centralisation of the 81
/ʌ/ phoneme as salient when portraying a Welsh accent, but perhaps the actual realisation should not be as overlapping as the actors have perceived (as shown by the Welsh actors reasonably separate realisations of /ʌ/ and /ə/). The realisation of
/ʌ/ and /ə/ in RP is more distinct than GSWE realisation of the same phonemes.
Perhaps the non-Welsh actors have recognised a similar realisation in STRUT and
Schwa words and hypercorrected the realisation to a point which is beyond the point of GSWE realisations.
4.5.2.2 Males
The male’s results differ to the females in that the non-Welsh males had more similar formant values to their counterparts than the non-Welsh females had to Welsh female actors. However, as with the female non-Welsh actors, the male’s realisation of /ʌ/ and /ə/ was closer than their Welsh counterparts.
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Table 25 - Average formant values for the STRUT vowel for male characters STRUT
Welsh F1 F2 Non-Welsh F1 F2
actors Average Average actors Average Average
Carl 508 1516 Cliff 627 1351
Martin 560 1300 Gethin 561 1583
Lee 674 1467 Dai 629 1357
Overall Overall
Average 581 1428 Average 606 1431
As can be seen from Table 25, the realisation of /ʌ/ phoneme is similar between the
Welsh and non-Welsh actors especially in terms of backness. The normalised formant value that Walters (1999) found in males in the Rhondda valleys was -
F1=556, F2=1370. The average realisation of Walter’s informants is very close to the realisation of the actors in this film. The table below shows realisation of the Schwa phoneme, again the Welsh and non-Welsh actors have reasonably similar formant values.
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Table 26 - Average formant values for the schwa vowel for male characters Schwa
Welsh F1 F2 Non-Welsh F1 F2 actors Average Average actors Average Average
Carl 576 1376 Cliff 538 1415
Martin 509 1424 Gethin 510 1380
Lee 463 1525 Dai 589 1599
Overall Overall
Average 516 1441 Average 545 1465
The values tables are plotted on a grid in Figure 4, which also compares realisation to
RP.
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Figure 4 - Vowel chart showing Welsh, non-Welsh male actors and general RP realisation of STRUT and schwa
The non-Welsh actor’s realisation of /ʌ/ and /ə/ is shown to slightly overlap, while there is some distinction between the Welsh actors realisation of the two phonemes.
As with the female actors, /ʌ/ and /ə/ are closer in their realisation than the RP equivalents, again the non-Welsh actors have recognised this and have realised
STRUT words and schwa words similarly. In addition, as the non-Welsh female actors have done, the males have perhaps hypercorrected their pronunciation of these words and brought their realisations closer than the male Welsh actors’.
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4.5.3 Summary: STRUT /ʌ/
The realisation of the words within the STRUT category was reasonably similar between Welsh and non-Welsh actors. It is clear that the non-Welsh actors have noticed that STRUT and schwa are closer in their realisation in GSWE than in RP
(research attested to this (see 4.5.1)). However there may have been some hypercorrection as the realisations of STRUT and schwa seemed to overlap, this overlapping was not evident with the Welsh actors.
5. Conclusion
The primary objective of this study was to investigate what salient features of a
Welsh accent are portrayed in film. The film Pride (2014) was chosen as a case study as it has both Welsh and non-Welsh actors. The analysis applied was that of auditory and acoustic, these methods complemented each other and were able to show empirical evidence in order to assess the data.
86
This chapter presents firstly, a summary of the key findings from this research.
Secondly, the strengths and weaknesses will be discussed. Finally, suggestions for further research on the subject will be made.
5.1 Main findings
Overall, the four features chosen as salient when portraying the Welsh accent were realised by most of the actors (Welsh and non-Welsh) at some point. This demonstrates that the GSWE features chosen for this study are salient to filmmakers when portraying a Welsh accent. The non-Welsh actors in the film had correctly assumed preconceptions of a GSWE accent, as their attempts at replication matched the evidence (of Welsh features) from previous research.
Hefina showed evidence of hypercorrection in a few of the features in the study.
With the /e:/ phoneme for example, realisation was extended into STAY words
(where the expected phoneme would have been /eɪ/). This hypercorrection may make her accent sound a little strange to speakers of GSWE, but it shows that the actor has studied GSWE accents and has attempted the replication of this salient feature. Her attempts at the phoneme /ɪu/ came under scrutiny as her realisation was fudged and lacked similarity to the Welsh actors.
87
The non-Welsh actors who attempted the salient GSWE features less than Hefina included Dai and Gethin. These characters chose the more RP versions of the GOAT,
FACE and TUESDAY phonemes. This shows some language transfer issues and perhaps being unable to replicate GSWE features because the phonemes are not in their original dialects. With regards to Gethin, his character lives is from North
Wales and he lives in London, therefore his accent may only need the remnants of
Welsh in order for his backstory to be complete.
5.2 Strengths and Limitations
5.2.1 Strengths
The results in this study have supported the previous literature that was presented in the Literature Review in chapter 2. The Welsh actors’ patterns were very similar in their realisations as the patterns predicted by Connolly 1990, Penhallurick 2007,
Podhovnik 2008, Tench 1990 and Walters 1999. By using two methods of analysis and discovering similar results (mainly of hypercorrected realisations), the analysis includes reliability. Overall the study has generated key points of discussion of how the Welsh accent is represented in modern films.
88
5.2.2 Limitations
First and foremost, the study has only focussed on four features of GSWE speech, there are many more features that the actors have used to display GSWE. By only looking at four features, generalisations about overall actor performance are hard to make. Also the single case makes findings less generalizable, having another film displaying Welsh accents to compare would make the findings more universal.
By taking a quantitative approach to the study I have only looked at the physical facts through my eyes (and that of the second listener). Perceptions of accent have not been explored; a non-linguistic ear may have viewed salient Welsh-English features differently.
Comparing an on screen accent to real life accents also has limitations. Kozloff (2000:
19) points out that film speech is not an ‘accurate’ depiction of everyday conversation. There are many factors that affect the accent that the Welsh actors represent and they may not be the same as their everyday speech. However by comparing the characters on screen and then to previous research on everyday
GSWE speech, this study can make generalisations on GSWE accent within the film.
89
Finally, the acoustic analysis method encountered some problems. To begin with normalising formants is sometimes seen as problematic because vowels undergo considerable reduction in continuous speech (Lindblom, 1963). Secondly, there was a relatively small amount of tokens collected for STRUT and schwa, especially with characters with fewer lines. This led to analysis being limited to observable tendencies. Ideally the analysis would include statistical analysis, and with more formant values this may have been achieved.
5.3 Further research
The next step for this case study would be to look at more features that would represent a GSWE accent. By adding more features to analysis, more generalisations could be made about the characters features. Features could then be compared and results could find which features are the most or least salient. Also, it would be advantageous to add to the research by including another film that portrayed Welsh accents with different Welsh and non-Welsh actors. Finally a qualitative approach could be added to the study to gain 3rd party viewpoints on the GSWE accent. By engaging non-linguists to view the accents and find the salient features, would add another perspective to the study. Also, by asking the actors themselves about their process in realising a GSWE accent, would give qualitative data on the salient features of a GSWE accent.
90
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Hot Trailer: Dominic West, Bill Nighy, Imelda Staunton Show Their ‘Pride’. [Online]. Available at: http://deadline.com/2014/07/watch-hot-trailer- pride-dominic-west-bill-nighy-imelda-staunton-ben-schnetzer-matthew-warchus- cannes-798356/. [Accessed 17/09/2015] Wartofsky, A. (1996). 'Trainspotting': Junk Culture Film Tracks Heroin's Menacing Allure [online]. Available at: https://www.citethisforme.com/guides/harvard-cardiff- university/how-to-cite-a-website. [Accessed 17/09/2015] WhatsOnHighlands. (2014). Review – Pride [Online]. Available at: http://whatsonhighlands.com/features/871-review-pride. [Accessed: 17/11/2008] List of Figures Figure 1 - Black line showing vowel reading point for /I/ in word 'little' ...... 27 Figure 2 - percentage of tokens realised in the possible TUESDAY lexical set...... 61 Figure 3 - Vowel chart showing Welsh, non-Welsh female actors and general RP realisation of STRUT and schwa ...... 81 Figure 4 - Vowel chart showing Welsh, non-Welsh male actors and general RP realisation of STRUT and schwa ...... 85 List of Tables Table 1 - The Actors, Character Name and Original accents 2 Table 2 - Recent reviews that included accent from online Reviewers 4 Table 3 - Patterns of GSWE pronunciation of /e:/ and /eɪ/ 34 97 Table 4 - patterns of Welsh English pronunciation of /o:/ and /oʊ/ 35 Table 5- Overall percentage of phoneme use in GOAT lexical set 37 Table 6 - percent of /o:/ use when vowel sound proceeded /l/ or was spelt (total number of tokens in brackets) 39 Table 7 - percentage of GSWE GOAT and SNOW words realised with the monophthong /o:/ or /oʊ/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 40 Table 8 - Welsh natives percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /oʊ/ or /o:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 42 Table 9 - non-Welsh natives’ percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /oʊ/ or /o:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 44 Table 10 - Overall % of phoneme use in FACE lexical set 46 Table 11 - percent of /e:/ use when target phoneme was spelt with Table 12 - percentage of GSWE FACE and STAY words realised with the monophthong /e:/ or /eɪ/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 48 Table 13 - Welsh natives percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /eɪ/ or /e:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 49 98 Table 14 - non-Welsh natives’ percentage and number of tokens of overuse of /eɪ/ or /e:/ (total number of tokens in brackets) 50 Table 15 - patterns of GSWE pronunciation of /o:/ and /oʊ/ 57 Table 16 - realisations of words from CURE lexical set 63 Table 17 - realisations of words from GOOSE lexical set 64 Table 18 - Realisation of words with orthographic Table 19 - Percentage of realised Ø in words that are realised without phoneme in non-rhotic accent 72 Table 20 - percentage of realisation for Welsh /r/ features or approximant in words that are pronounced in non-rhotic accents 73 Table 21 - Welsh actors, individual characters realisation of more Welsh realisation of /r/ 75 Table 22 - Non-Welsh actors, individual characters realisation of more Welsh realisation of /r/ 75 Table 23 - Average formant values for the STRUT vowel for female characters 80 Table 24 - Average formant values for the schwa vowel for female characters 80 Table 25 - Average formant values for the STRUT vowel for male characters 83 Table 26 - Average formant values for the schwa vowel for male characters 84 99 Appendix Appendix 1 – Breakdown of rules for GOAT words Words where vowel precedes /l/ (/oʊ/ expected) Non-Welsh o: oʊ Total N Actors Cliff 80% 20% 5 Dai 64% 36% 11 Gethin 0% 100% 1 Hefina 100% 0% 3 Margaret 100% 0% 1 Sian 0% 100% 3 Welsh Actors o: oʊ Total N Gwen 0% 100% 2 Lee 0% 100% 2 Martin 100% 0% 1 Maureen 0% 100% 1 Union Man 0% 100% 1 100 Words where vowel spelt Non-Welsh Actors o: oʊ Total N Cliff 0% 100% 1 Dai 29% 71% 7 Hefina 50% 50% 4 Sian 50% 50% 2 Welsh Actors o: oʊ Total N Carl 0% 100% 1 Gail 0% 100% 5 Johnny 100% 0% 1 Lee 0% 100% 1 Martin 0% 100% 2 Maureen 0% 100% 1 101 Appendix 2: All expected SNOW /oʊ/ and GOAT /o:/ words in GSWE SNOW Words GOAT Words coal told going no joking bingo follow joking those vote go coal told no don't Hello vote shoulder coalfield whole over those moment vote shoulder so go no vote cold whole backbone go oh hope know oh go phonebook most dole whole both going smoke go know shoulder whole going home so so shoulder go goes so so shoulder whole go so so suppose shoulder note no bulldoze goes shoulder whole home joking clothes Hello show shoulder know oh no don't go know phone no go propose whole know showing no so groceries know honcho going go boat old know know hope oh homemade oh old own Joe oh hosting no known no only so hello old know no phone no load told so Hello oh old know know no so so sold know no so going oh hoping going told know oh no hosting opened go over told know no opened so told know so so bulldoze so both so told own spokesmen show those won't no those told showing wrote propose most no heroes those 102 Appendix 3 – Breakdown of rules for FACE words Words where words are spelt or Non-Welsh Total N Actors e: eɪ Cliff 0% 100% 18 Dai 0% 100% 16 Gethin 0% 100% 6 Hefina 90% 10% 10 Sian 0% 100% 1 Welsh e: eɪ Total N Actors Carl 0% 100% 2 Gail 0% 100% 2 Johnny 0% 100% 1 Lee 0% 100% 2 Martin 50% 50% 6 Maureen 0% 100% 5 Bingo 0% 100% 1 Caller Gwen 0% 100% 2 Union 0% 100% 3 Man Woman 0% 100% 1 #1 Words where vowel precedes nasals (/eɪ / expected) Non-Welsh Total e: eɪ Actors N Cliff 40% 60% 5 Dai 0% 100% 1 103 Hefina 90% 10% 2 Sian 0% 100% 1 Total Welsh Actors e: eɪ N Carl 100% 0% 1 Lee 0% 100% 3 Martin 0% 100% 1 Maureen 0% 100% 4 Union Man 0% 100% 1 Phoneme at words ending (/eɪ/ expected) Non- Total Welsh e: eɪ N Actors Cliff 0% 11% 11 Dai 0% 100% 4 Gethin 0% 100% 3 Hefina 100% 0% 4 Welsh Total e: eɪ Actors N Carl 0% 100% 2 Gail 0% 100% 1 Gwen 0% 100% 1 Johnny 0% 100% 1 Martin 25% 75% 4 Maureen 0% 100% 3 Union 0% 100% 1 Man 104 Appendix 4 - All expected FACE /e:/ and STAY /eɪ/ words in GSWE STAY Words FACE Words famous they day gays ladies amazing gay came they day gays Wales behave they wales late same they gay day face base they became say gay way face Wales they organisation Wales vain gay stay they say making take remain bay day gays ladies wales gay occasions ladies against biscay way day bay wales make came vain day day stage scraped biscay stage Wales ashamed faileth day they say made takes change remain they gays wales make they maybe take they say they AIDS say take making came say say say taking safety say taking dictate they say gay gay say staples take same gays say they Wales Wales gay names gay they gays gay change gays they they say same gays always gays gay shame availeth gays gay say changed raised day they they day gays day they've they gay gays gays they'll say AIDS gay stay they gay AIDS say gays gay say gay against gays maybe gay gays raised gays gay Gail 105 Appendix 5 – Each Characters realisation of GOOSE words Non-Welsh Actors u ~ juː ɪu ~ jɪu jɪʊ ~ jʊ Total N Cliff 43% 57% 0% 7 Dai 76% 24% 0% 25 Gethin 50% 50% 0% 4 Hefina 72% 11% 17% 18 Margaret 50% 50% 0% 2 Sian 56% 44% 0% 9 Welsh Actors u ~ juː ɪu ~ jɪu Total N Carl 0% 100% 4 Gail 0% 100% 4 Gary 0% 100% 2 Gwen 14% 86% 7 Lee 0% 100% 1 Martin 100% 0% 4 Maureen 20% 80% 10 Miner 0% 100% 1 Old Lady 0% 100% 1 106 CANDIDATE’S ID NUMBER CANDIDATE’S SURNAME Please circle appropriate value Mr / Miss / Ms / Mrs / Rev / Dr / Other please specify ………………….. CA NDIDATE’S FULL FORENAMES DECLARATION This work has not previously been accepted in substance for any degree and is not concurrently submitted in candidature for any degree. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 1 This dissertation is being submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of …………………………(insert MA, MSc, MBA, MScD, LLM etc, as appropriate) Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 2 This dissertation is the result of my own independent work/investigation, except where otherwise stated. Other sources are acknowledged by footnotes giving explicit references. A Bibliography is appended. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 3 – TO BE COMPLETED WHERE THE SECOND COPY OF THE DISSERTATION IS SUBMITTED IN AN APPROVED ELECTRONIC FORMAT I confirm that the electronic copy is identical to the bound copy of the dissertation Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 4 I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loan, and for the title and summary to be made available to outside organisations. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date ………………………… STATEMENT 5 - BAR ON ACCESS APPROVED I hereby give consent for my dissertation, if accepted, to be available for photocopying and for inter-library loans after expiry of a bar on access approved by the Graduate Development Committee. Signed …………………………………………………………. (candidate) Date …………………………