Road to Revolution III, Table of Contents
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Douglas Peifer on Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolution
Victor Klemperer. Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolution. Cambridge: Polity Press, 2017. 220 pp. $25.00, cloth, ISBN 978-1-5095-1058-0. Reviewed by Douglas Peifer Published on H-War (December, 2017) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Victor Klemperer’s diary created quite a stir came an increasingly desperate struggle. Translat‐ when frst published in Germany in 1995. Klem‐ ed into English in 1998/99, his frst-person reflec‐ perer’s diary entries for the period 1933-45 have tions of life in the Third Reich have been used ex‐ been used extensively by scholars of the Third Re‐ tensively by scholars such as Richad J. Evans, Saul ich and the Holocaust to illustrate how Nazi ideol‐ Friedländer, and Omer Bartov.[1] ogy and racial policies affected even thoroughly Klemperer’s Munich 1919: Diary of a Revolu‐ assimilated, converted Jews. Klemperer, the son tion provides a remarkable eyewitness account of of a rabbi, was born in Wilhelmine Germany. His an earlier crisis in German history, one connected education, professional development, and life to the Third Reich by the myths and memories choices were thoroughly bourgeois, with Klem‐ that ideologues on the far right exploited through‐ perer’s conversion to Protestantism signaling his out the Weimar era. Two days before the abdica‐ self-identification with German culture and his tion of Kaiser Wilhelm II and the declaration of a desire to assimilate. Klemperer attended Gymna‐ German Republic in Berlin on November 9, 1918, sium in Berlin and Landsberg on the Warthe, worker and soldier councils in Munich toppled studied German and Romance philology in Mu‐ the 738-year Wittelsbach dynasty in Bavaria. -
Review of Croatian History
UDK 93/99 ISSN: 1845-4380 REVIEW OF CROATIAN HISTORY REVUE FÜR KROATISCHE GESCHICHTE REVUE D’ HISTOIRE CROATE Hrvatski institut za povijest Croatian Institute of History XII.IX.X. no. no.no. 1 11 (2014) (2013)(2016) 1 Review of Croatian History 12/2016, no. 1, 155 - 182 UDK: 930.1(497.5):321.74 329.15(497.5)“1991/...’’ Pregledni članak Received: June 19, 2016 Accepted: September 12, 2016 FROM PEOPLE’S LIBERATION WAR AND REvOLUTION TO ANTIFASCIST STRUGGLE Davor MARIJAN* he topic of this work is the treatment of antifascism in Croatian (and, up to 1990, Yugoslav) historiography. he term antifascism was inaugurated on the eve of the Second World War by the Communist Party of Yugoslavia (KPJ) based on guidelines from the Communist International. During the Second World War, the KPJ managed to seize power and restore Yugoslavia thanks to its practical application of antifascism. Ater the war, antifascism was entirely ignored, and the war was interpreted exclusively as a people’s liberation struggle and socialist revolution. Public use of the term antifascism returned during the collapse of communism and the disintegration of Yugoslavia from 1990 to 1992. Moving away from the structures associated with the former ruling communist elite (members of the Communist Party and Partisan war veterans), antifascism imposed itself as a component of democratic ideology that could not be subjected to scrutiny, rather it had to be unquestioningly accepted. Historical antifascism served the communists to exploit non-communists to then seize authority, while contemporary “antifascism” serves their direct and ideological heirs to prevent a re-examination of communist crimes and the undemocratic character of socialist Yugoslavia. -
An Essay in Universal History
AN ESSAY IN UNIVERSAL HISTORY From an Orthodox Christian Point of View VOLUME VI: THE AGE OF MAMMON (1945 to 1992) PART 2: from 1971 to 1992 Vladimir Moss © Copyright Vladimir Moss, 2018: All Rights Reserved 1 The main mark of modern governments is that we do not know who governs, de facto any more than de jure. We see the politician and not his backer; still less the backer of the backer; or, what is most important of all, the banker of the backer. J.R.R. Tolkien. It is time, it is the twelfth hour, for certain of our ecclesiastical representatives to stop being exclusively slaves of nationalism and politics, no matter what and whose, and become high priests and priests of the One, Holy, Catholic and Apostolic Church. Fr. Justin Popovich. The average person might well be no happier today than in 1800. We can choose our spouses, friends and neighbours, but they can choose to leave us. With the individual wielding unprecedented power to decide her own path in life, we find it ever harder to make commitments. We thus live in an increasingly lonely world of unravelling commitments and families. Yuval Noah Harari, (2014). The time will come when they will not endure sound doctrine, but according to their own desires, because they have itching ears, will heap up for themselves teachers, and they will turn their ears away from the truth, and be turned aside to fables. II Timothy 4.3-4. People have moved away from ‘religion’ as something anchored in organized worship and systematic beliefs within an institution, to a self-made ‘spirituality’ outside formal structures, which is based on experience, has no doctrine and makes no claim to philosophical coherence. -
University of Bradford Ethesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Bradford Scholars University of Bradford eThesis This thesis is hosted in Bradford Scholars – The University of Bradford Open Access repository. Visit the repository for full metadata or to contact the repository team © University of Bradford. This work is licenced for reuse under a Creative Commons Licence. THE WHITE INTERNATIONAL: ANATOMY OF A TRANSNATIONAL RADICAL REVISIONIST PLOT IN CENTRAL EUROPE AFTER WORLD WAR I Nicholas Alforde Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Social and International Studies University of Bradford 2013 Principal Supervisor: Gábor Bátonyi, DPhil Abstract Nicholas Alforde The White International: Anatomy of a Transnational Radical Revisionist Plot in Central Europe after World War I Keywords: Bauer, Gömbös, Horthy, Ludendorff, Orgesch, paramilitary, Prónay, revision, Versailles, von Kahr The denial of defeat, the harsh Versailles Treaty and unsuccessful attempts by paramilitary units to recover losses in the Baltic produced in post-war Germany an anti- Bolshevik, anti-Entente, radical right-wing cabal of officers with General Ludendorff and Colonel Bauer at its core. Mistakenly citing a lack of breadth as one of the reason for the failure of their amateurishly executed Hohenzollern restoration and Kapp Putsch schemes, Bauer and co-conspirator Ignatius Trebitsch-Lincoln devised the highly ambitious White International plot. It sought to form a transnational league of Bavaria, Austria and Hungary to force the annulment of the Paris Treaties by the coordinated use of paramilitary units from the war vanquished nations. It set as its goals the destruction of Bolshevism in all its guises throughout Europe, the restoration of the monarchy in Russia, the systematic elimination of all Entente-sponsored Successor States and the declaration of war on the Entente. -
Soviet”: from Bolshevik Utopia to Soviet Modernity
Introduction Countercultures Ideologies and Practices Alternative Visions A HISTORY OF THE “SOVIET”: FROM BOLSHEVIK UTOPIA TO SOVIET MODERNITY Anna Krylova Introduction: Crossing out “Proletarian,” Writing “Soviet”1 In early 1936,Aleksandr Kosarev, the thirty-three-year-old leader of the All-Union Young Communist League (Komsomol), and his Central Committee worked away on a draft of the organiza- tion’s new membership rules. The draft was forwarded directly to Joseph Stalin, who must have spent hours hand-editing the lengthy document. The resulting document was cleansed of what most scholars today would associate with the signature Bolshevik lingua franca of the socialist project undertaken in the Soviet Union. Stalin consistently crossed out the familiar Bolshevik terms, categories, and metaphors that Kosarev had copied from the old rules. Stalin wrote “nonaffi liated” in place of “proletarian” and “laboring” in place of “class conscious.”2 Two months later, at the Komsomol Congress that gathered to adopt the new mem- bership rules, Stalin began to use the term “Soviet” to refer to these “party-less” and “laboring” young people. The toast with which he ended the Congress, “Long live the Soviet youth,” sounded like a definitive corrective to Kosarev and other weath- ered Komsomol leaders, who still preferred to refer to their 1 I am grateful to Social organization as the “young generation of the proletarian revolu- History for allowing me to draw on materials 3 tionaries.” published in Anna Krylova, “Imagining Socialism in the Soviet Century,” Social The odd but explicit opposition between the Bolshevik political History 42, no. 3 (2017): lingua franca and Stalin’s discursive intervention carried out under 315–41, in this essay, DOI: 10.1080/03071022 the rubric of the “Soviet” cannot help but give a scholar of modern .2017.1327640, reprinted Russia pause. -
BOSNIA and HERZEGOVINA Genocide, Justice and Denial Marko Attila Hoare Bosnia and Herzegovina: Genocide, Justice and Denial Essay Selection by Admir Mulaosmanović
Marko Attila Hoare BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Genocide, Justice and Denial Marko Attila Hoare Bosnia and Herzegovina: Genocide, Justice and Denial Essay selection by Admir Mulaosmanović Center for Advanced Studies, Sarajevo, 2017. Second Expanded Edition www.cns.ba Copyright © 2017 Marko Attila Hoare All rights reserved. CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo 327(4:497.1) 341.485(497.6):341.645 94(497.6) HOARE, Marko Attila Bosnia and Herzegovina : genocide, justice and denial / Marko Attila Hoare ; [essay selection by Admir Mulaosmanović ]. - Sarajevo : Centar za napredne studije = Center for Advanced Studies, 2017. - 332 str. ; 21 cm ISBN 978-9958-022-57-9 COBISS.BH-ID 24711430 Marko Attila Hoare BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA Genocide, Justice and Denial Sarajevo, 2017. Contents Foreword 9 Yugoslavia and its Ghosts 11 1. The West and the break-up of Yugoslavia: A groundbreaking new study 11 2. The myth that ‘Germany encouraged Croatia to secede from Yugoslavia’ 21 3. The myth that ‘most of Bosnia was owned by the Serbs before the war’ 32 4. How Margaret Thatcher turned the left upside down 38 5. Egypt: The West faces another Bosnia moment 40 6. The difficult road to Balkan stability 43 7. What is at stake in the struggle for Serbia? 51 8. Dejan Jovic, David N. Gibbs and the Great Serbian narrative 59 Friends and Enemies. (Ideology for Dummies). 69 1. The Chetniks and the Jews 69 2. Jasa Almuli and Holocaust revisionism: The making of a Serbian anti-Wiesenthal 77 3. Monty Python and the Balkan Islamofascist division 89 4. -
Diss Gradschool Submission
OUTPOST OF FREEDOM: A GERMAN-AMERICAN NETWORK’S CAMPAIGN TO BRING COLD WAR DEMOCRACY TO WEST BERLIN, 1933-72 Scott H. Krause A dissertation submitted to the faculty at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2015 Approved by: Konrad H. Jarausch Christopher R. Browning Klaus W. Larres Susan Dabney Pennybacker Donald M. Reid Benjamin Waterhouse © 2015 Scott H. Krause ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Scott H. Krause: Outpost of Freedom: A German-American Network’s Campaign to bring Cold War Democracy to West Berlin, 1933-66 (under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) This study explores Berlin’s sudden transformation from the capital of Nazi Germany to bastion of democracy in the Cold War. This project has unearthed how this remarkable development resulted from a transatlantic campaign by liberal American occupation officials, and returned émigrés, or remigrés, of the Marxist Social Democratic Party (SPD). This informal network derived from members of “Neu Beginnen” in American exile. Concentrated in wartime Manhattan, their identity as German socialists remained remarkably durable despite the Nazi persecution they faced and their often-Jewish background. Through their experiences in New Deal America, these self-professed “revolutionary socialists” came to emphasize “anti- totalitarianism,” making them suspicious of Stalinism. Serving in the OSS, leftists such as Hans Hirschfeld forged friendships with American left-wing liberals. These experiences connected a wider network of remigrés and occupiers by forming an epistemic community in postwar Berlin. They recast Berlin’s ruins as “Outpost of Freedom” in the Cold War. -
The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
Lenin Included in Volumes 26-31 of This Edition
W O R K E R S O F A L L C O U N T R I E S , U N I T E! L E N I N COLLECTED WORKS 44 A THE RUSSIAN EDITION WAS PRINTED IN ACCORDANCE WITH A DECISION OF THE NINTH CONGRESS OF THE R.C.P.(B.) AND THE SECOND CONGRESS OF SOVIETS OF THE U.S.S.R. ИНCTИTУT МАРÇCИзМА — ЛЕНИНИзМА пpи ЦK KНCC B. n. l d H n H С О Ч И Н E Н И Я И з д a н u е ч е m в е p m o e ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОЕ ИЗДАТЕЛЬСТВО ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЙ ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ M О С К В А V. I. L E N I N cOLLEcTED WORKS VOLUME 44 October 1o17–November 1o 20 PROGRESS PUBLISHERS MOSCOW TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY CLEMENS DUTT EDITED BY BERNARD ISAACS From Marx to Mao M L © Digital Reprints 2014 www.marx2mao.com First printing 1970 Second printing 1975 Third printing 1977 10102—213 л беэ объявл. 014 (01)—77 7 C O N T E N T S Page Preface ........................ 35 1917 1. INSTRUCTION TO THE RED GUARD STAFF. October 30 (November 1?) ................... 43 2. TO THE PETROGRAD COMMITTEE OF THE R.S.D.L.P.(B.). November ? (15) .................. 43 3. TO Y. M. SVERDLOV. Not earlier than November 8 (?1) . 44 4. TO THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION FOR INFORMATION OF THE LABOUR PRESS OF AMERICA, FRANCE AND GREAT BRITAIN. November, prior to 10 (?3) ...... 44 5. TO MAJOR-GENERAL S. I. ODINTSOV. November 15 (?8). -
The Historical Lessons from the First Hungarian Workers' State (1919
The Historical Lessons from the First Hungarian Workers’ State (1919) The Hungarian Soviet Republic (HSR), the first Hungarian workers’ state was established on 21 March 1919. It existed for 133 days. In August 1919 Romanian and French troops occupied Hungary. The workers’ state was destroyed and replaced by a Bourgeois government. The HSR’s place in history The Hungarian Soviet Republic was the first workers’ state in Europe established after the October Revolution of 1917. It could exist longer than the Bavarian Soviet Republic (6 April- 3 May 1919) or the Slovakian Soviet Republic (16 June-7 July 1919) so it was a more comprehensive experience of European socialism. Background Hungary became independent in 1867 in the frameworks of the Austrian-Hungarian Monarchy. Hungary participated in World War I on the side of Germany and lost the war. In November 1918 the Monarchy was dissolved. In November 1918 the Bourgeois revolution triumphed in Budapest. Hungary was declared a peoples’ republic.It was ruled by Bourgeoisand social-democrat politicians. The Hungarian ruling class faced three challenges. One: to normalize the economic situation after the war devastations. Two: to defend independence and territorial integrity against the winners of the war, like France, andthe newly born national countries, like Romania and Czechoslovakia. Three: to prevent the strengthening of communist forces and to avoid socialist revolution. The ruling class was not able to solve these problems. Lesson from the HSR Lenin’s idea about world revolution is a real possibility. The HSR demonstrated that socialism is not an exclusively Russian solution but a general program of triumphing over capitalism. -
New Year Greetings from the Workers Party of Ireland to International Communist and Workers’ Parties
New Year Greetings from the Workers Party of Ireland to International Communist and Workers’ Parties Dear Comrades, The Workers Party of Ireland sends comradely greetings and best wishes for 2019 to communist and workers’ parties throughout the world. Capitalism continues to condemn millions to poverty, unemployment, homelessness, inequality, oppression, exploitation, hunger and disease. Imperialism, the highest stage of capitalism, with its specific features, including the concentration of production into monopolies and inter-imperialist rivalries in fierce competition with each other for resources, markets and trade routes, threatens the peace and security of the peoples of the world and leads to intervention and war. The working class has the ability to change this. Class remains the motive force for social change. Class struggle is the means through which the working class advances from a class “in itself” to a class “for itself,” as a necessary precondition for its own emancipation. The conditions for class struggle are ripe. The case for socialism remains timely and relevant. This year many important events will be remembered. The October Revolution brought about a social system which abolished private ownership of the means of production and affirmed social ownership as the basis for creating the conditions for a new way of life. In the aftermath of the October Revolution, on 21 March 1919, the Hungarian Soviet Republic was proclaimed. On 7 April, 1919 the Bavarian Soviet Republic was declared. In September 1919 the Communist Party of America convened in Chicago. In Ireland the “Democratic Programme” approved by the First Dáil Éireann (lower house of the Irish parliament) on 21 January 1919 was a progressive recognition of the rights of labour although much of the explicitly socialist content in the earlier draft was removed. -
Urg 2018 Annual Report L Rosa Uxemb Stiftung
2018 ANNUAL REPORT ROSA LUXEMBURG STIFTUNG ROSA-LUXEMBURG-STIFTUNG 2018 ANNUAL REPORT 2018 ANNUAL REPORT ROSA-LUXEMBURG-STIFTUNG 1 CONTENTS EDITORIAL 4 FOCUS: MARX2006 OntheShouldersofKarlMarx 6 MultimediaMarx—TheWebPortal 8 TheCongressMarx200: Politics—Theory—Socialism9 Marx200aroundGermany 10 K is for Karl—ASeriesofFilmsbyPaulMason 10 MarxforEveryone!—EducationalMaterialsforBeginners 11 AClassicinitsJubileeYear—CapitalReadingCoursesandthe11thAutumnSchool 12 ProjectsSupportedbytheRLSin2018asPartofMarx200 12 PublicationsRelatedtoMarx200 13 INSTITUTE FOR CRITICAL SOCIAL ANALYSIS 14 ConnectiveClassPolitics 15 Fellows 16 NewAuthoritarianismandtheRadicalRight 17 “WeAccuse!”—TheHealthcareSystemonTrial 18 LuxemburgLectures2018 20 THE ACADEMY FOR POLITICAL EDUCATION 22 TheCaseisNotClosed!—SentencingattheMunichNSUTrial 23 ShapingtheFuturethroughLeftistProfessionalDevelopment 23 LocalPolitics:ACrashCourse 24 IntheRight(s):InternationalMovementsforGlobalJustice 24 ASocietyofManyDifferentStrenghts 25 THE HISTORICAL CENTRE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM 26 100YearsofRevolutioninGermany 27 1968:AGlobalAwakening 28 1938:TheYearBeforetheWar 29 THE RLS NETWORK ACROSS GERMANY 30 Baden-Württemberg:PoliticalAcademyforYoungActivists 32 Bavaria:TheBavarianRevolutionandtheBavarianSovietRepublicof1918/19 32 Berlin:TheRed-Red-GreenCoalitionanditsHousingPolicy:TakingStock 33 Brandenburg:StructuralTransformationinLusatia 33 Bremen:City/Data/Explosion 34 Hamburg:StrategiesforCombatingAnti-Feminism 34 Hesse:AuthoritarianismandResistanceinTurkey 35 Mecklenburg-Vorpommern:TheRoleoftheJudiciaryintheMunichNSUTrial