Does Uzbekistan Need a New Prime Minister? Analyzing the Situation
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Leadership Transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Implications for Policy and Stability in Central Asia
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2007-09 Leadership transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan implications for policy and stability in Central Asia Smith, Shane A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3204 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS LEADERSHIP TRANSITION IN KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY AND STABILITY IN CENTRAL ASIA by Shane A. Smith September 2007 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Second Reader: James A. Russell Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2007 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Leadership Transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan: 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Implications for Policy and Stability in Central Asia 6. -
Threats and Attacks Against Human Rights Defenders and the Role Of
Uncalculated Risks Threats and attacks against human rights defenders and the role of development financiers Uncalculated Risks Threats and attacks against human rights defenders and the role of development financiers May 2019 This report was authored by With case studies and contributions from And with the generous support of Uncalculated Risks Threats and attacks against human rights defenders and the role of development financiers © Coalition for Human Rights in Development, May 2019 The views expressed herein, and any errors or omissions are solely the author’s. We additionally acknowledge the valuable insights and assistance of Valerie Croft, Amy Ekdawi, Lynne-Samantha Severe, Kendyl Salcito, Julia Miyahara, Héctor Herrera, Spencer Vause, Global Witness, Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens, and the various participants of the Defenders in Development Campaign in its production. This report is an initiative of the Defenders in Development Campaign which engages in capacity building and collective action to ensure that communities and marginalized groups have the information, resources, protection and power to shape, participate in, or oppose development activities, and to hold development financiers, governments and companies accountable. We utilize advocacy and campaigning to change how development banks and other actors operate and to ensure that they respect human rights and guarantee a safe enabling environment for public participation. More information: www.rightsindevelopment.org/uncalculatedrisks [email protected] This publication is a CC-BY-SA – Attribution-ShareAlike creative commons license – the text may be used free of charge for the purposes of advocacy, campaigning, education, and research, provided that the source is acknowledged in full. The license holder requests that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. -
Uzbekistan's Investment Sphere – Dynamics and General Situation
Uzbekistan's Investment Sphere – Dynamics and General Situation “The success of reforms will largely depend on the ability of the new president to abandon Karimov’s methods of governing the country and open Uzbekistan to innovation and investment” – independent political scientist, Galiya Ibragimova, writing specially for cabar.asia, notes in an article concerning Uzbekistan’s current investment situation. Follow us on LinkedIn! The President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has remained focused on the nation’s internal agenda during his one and a half years in office. During this time, he has not made a statement critical of a single specific regional or international problem when Islam Karimov was at the helm. The incumbent president, on the contrary and in every possible way, demonstrates productive diplomacy concerning intra-regional problems, which in the last years of Karimov’s rule seemed barely solvable. However, all this unaccustomed compromise by Uzbekistan pursues quite pragmatic goals: political loyalty in exchange for investments and expansion of economic ties. Summing up the results of 2017, Mirziyoyev called the situation in the investment sphere depressing. Responsibility for this he laid at the threshold of “rats and some people’s children”.[1] For “rats”, the president obviously meant officials who worked under Islam Karimov. “Some people’s children” refers to the eldest daughter of the first president, Gulnara Karimov, who was charged with financial fraud. At the same time, Mirziyoyev himself acknowledged that he knew about corruption even during his tenure as prime minister, which made it difficult to implement investment projects in Uzbekistan. He continued to call the environment created by Karimov as bad. -
Uzbekistan 2016 Human Rights Report
UZBEKISTAN 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Uzbekistan is an authoritarian state with a constitution that provides for a presidential system with separation of powers among the executive, legislative, and judicial branches. The executive branch under former President Islam Karimov dominated political life and exercised nearly complete control over the other branches of government. On September 2, President Karimov died in office and new elections took place on December 4. Former prime minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev won with 88 percent of the vote. The Organization for Security and Cooperation’s Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODHIR), in its preliminary election observation mission report, noted that “limits on fundamental freedoms undermine political pluralism and led to a campaign devoid of genuine competition.” The report also identified positive changes such as the election’s increased transparency, service to disabled voters, and unfettered access for 600 international observers. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces, but security services permeated civilian structures, and their interaction was opaque, which made it difficult to define the scope and limits of civilian authority. The most significant human rights problems included torture and abuse of detainees by security forces, denial of due process and fair trial, and an inability of citizens to choose their government in free, fair, and periodic elections. Other continuing human rights problems included incommunicado and prolonged detention; harsh and sometimes life-threatening prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention; and widespread restrictions on religious freedom, including harassment of religious minority group members and continued imprisonment of believers of all faiths. -
Constructing the Uzbek State
Constructing the Uzbek State 17_575_Laruelle.indb 1 11/14/17 2:00 PM CONTEMPORARY CENTRAL ASIA: SOCIETIES, POLITICS, AND CULTURES Series Editor Marlene Laruelle, George Washington University At the crossroads of Russia, China, and the Islamic world, Central Asia re- mains one of the world’s least-understood regions, despite being a significant theater for muscle-flexing by the great powers and regional players. This series, in conjunction with George Washington University’s Central Asia Program, offers insight into Central Asia by providing readers unique access to state-of-the-art knowledge on the region. Going beyond the media clichés, the series inscribes the study of Central Asia into the social sciences and hopes to fill the dearth of works on the region for both scholarly knowledge and undergraduate and graduate student education. Titles in Series Afghanistan and Its Neighbors after the NATO Withdrawal, edited by Amin Saikal and Kirill Nourzhanov Integration in Energy and Transport: Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey, by Alexandros Petersen Kazakhstan in the Making: Legitimacy, Symbols, and Social Changes, edited by Marlene Laruelle The Origins of the Civil War in Tajikistan: “For the Soul, Blood, Homeland, and Honor,” by Tim Epkenhans Rewriting the Nation in Modern Kazakh Literature: Elites and Narratives, by Diana T. Kudaibergenova The Central Asia–Afghanistan Relationship: From Soviet Intervention to the Silk Road Initiatives, edited by Marlene Laruelle Eurasia’s Shifting Geopolitical Tectonic Plates: Global Perspective, Local Theaters, -
Mirziyoyev's Uzbekistan: Towards Openness and Real Democracy
MIRZIYOYEVS UZBEKISTAN: TOWARDS OPENNESS AND REAL DEMOCRACY? Jasur Salomov EUCACIS Online Paper No. 6 April 2019 PhD Support Programme The EU, Central Asia and the Caucasus in the International System About EUCACIS “The EU, Central Asia and the Caucasus in the International System” (EUCACIS) is a PhD Support Programme for Postgraduates and Doctoral Researchers in Central Asia and the Southern Caucasus, organized by the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) and the Centre international de formation européenne (CIFE). Funded by the Volkswagen Foundation and the programme Erasmus+, it offers scholarships for three years to excellent postgraduates who are working on a doctoral thesis in political science, contemporary history or economics on a topic related to its thematic focus at a university or academy of sciences in the Southern Caucasus or Central Asia (including Afghanistan, the Kashmir region in India and the autonomous region Xinjiang in China). It is the objective of the EUCACIS programme to provide EUCACIS.eu intensive PhD research training for its participants to bring them closer to international standards, to support them until they submit their doctoral theses, and to help them establish their own networks with other young researchers in the target regions and in Europe. This will be achieved through four international conferences, four PhD schools, two research training stays and continuous online coaching. About IEP Since 1959, the Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) has been active in the field of European integration as a non-profit organisation. It is one of Germany’s leading research institutes on foreign and European policy. IEP works at the interface of academia, politics, administration, and civic education. -
Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020
Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020 November 2020 in Central Asia is remembered for the run-up to the parliamentary elections in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan; high-level official meetings of the SCO and CIS; several protests; appreciating exchange rates and rising food prices; and the tenuous epidemiological situation in the region. The analytical platform CABAR.asia presents a brief overview of the major events in the region over the past month. Follow us on Telegram Kazakhstan General epidemiological situation Kazakhstan’s Health Ministry says that the number of coronavirus cases in November nearly quadrupled compared to last month. According to the President of Kazakhstan Kassym Zhomart-Tokayev, several regions of the country had been hiding the real extent of the coronavirus outbreak. The media also report a staggering death toll. On November 16, the country’s Health Minister stressed increase in maternal mortality over the last three months. Moreover, there has been coronavirus contagion among school-aged children. As of November 30, Kazakhstan reports a total number of 132,348 coronavirus cases and 1,990 deaths. Kazakh Health Ministry has detached pneumonia data from tallying COVID-19 numbers since August 1, 2020. As of November 30, the country reports a total of 42,147 cases of pneumonia and 443 deaths. Tightening quarantine measures The epidemiological situation in Kazakhstan has been rather tenuous over this month. Month in Review: Central Asia in November 2020 Apart from East Kazakhstan and North Kazakhstan, Pavlodar, Kostanay, and Akmola regions were assigned red labeling. The cities of Nursultan and Almaty, along with the West Kazakhstan region are in the yellow zone. -
Motivations Behind the Change of Stance of Uzbekistan Concerning the Construction of the Rogun Dam
CAP Paper No. 233 The New President's Men: Motivations Behind the Change of Stance of Uzbekistan Concerning the Construction of the Rogun Dam Frédérick Maranda-Bouchard1 President of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev Attending a Meeting. Photo from en.kremlin.ru Abstract to go forward with the building of the dam. This can be seen with the simultaneous downfall of veteran Once a never-ending standoff between Uzbekistan and powerful officials and their replacement with ones more Tajikistan, the construction of the Rogun dam went likely to show loyalty to the new president. ahead with the approval of all involved actors despite the little amount of concessions made by Tajikistan. Started in 1976, the Rogun dam, which was necessary This change in position is closely linked with the rise to for energy security in Tajikistan,1 was abruptly stopped power of Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, but the when the Soviet regime collapsed in 1991.2 Since then, motivations behind such change are still unclear. This efforts to complete what is to become the largest dam paper argues that domestic politics, and more precisely in the world with its 335 meters3 have been trumped by changes in the ruling coalition, motivated Mirziyoyev to the opposition of Tajikistan’s more powerful neighbour: allow Tajikistan 1 Frédérick Maranda-Bouchard works at the Centre for European, Russian & Eurasian Studies at the University of Toronto, in Toronto, Ontario, Canada. CAP Paper No. 233 Uzbekistan.4 Nevertheless, things changed abruptly in Literature Review 2016 following the death of the isolationist Uzbek president Islom Karimov. The takeover by his prime The strategic importance of the Rogun dam relates to minister, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, allowed for swift changes the concept of hydro-hegemony. -
Reform and Change in Uzbekistan
Reform and Change in Uzbekistan Mirziyoyev’s reforms are being received positively by the people, as well as by the strategic community in the region. Some of the changes, like improving relations with neighbors, are welcome and praiseworthy. However, one needs to be ‘cautiously optimistic’ about these reforms. Policy Paper 2 November 2018 Edited by Roger Kangas 1 It is widely believed that Central Asia had entered a new phase of “multilateral cooperation” that has taken place since Shavkat Mirziyoyev came to power in 2016. Uzbekistan has recently gone through a ‘smooth’ political transition. The country was led by Islam Karimov for almost 25 years since independence. After his death in 2016, then Prime Minister Shavkat Mirziyoyev became the President. Mirziyoyev’s emergence as the new leader was barely surprising, as he had served as country’s Head of Government for more than a decade. Recent events suggest that he is using this new position to implement reforms that will affect Uzbekistan’s position in the region and conditions within the country. For instance, four Central Asian presidents, excluding the head of Turkmenistan, met in Astana in March 2018 for the first regional summit in almost a decade, which was perceived as a sign of improving regional ties triggered by the change of authority in Uzbekistan. In fact, it is obvious that Tashkent introduced an open-door policy to liberalize the national economy and launched a policy of openness paying special attention to the Central Asian neighbors. The wide range of issues that could not be resolved during the presidency of Islam Karimov, was easily raised and openly addressed under the new Uzbek government. -
The Economic Modernization of Uzbekistan
The Economic Modernization of Uzbekistan Mamuka Tsereteli SILK ROAD PAPER April 2018 The Economic Modernization of Uzbekistan Mamuka Tsereteli © Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program – A Joint Transatlantic Research and Policy Center American Foreign Policy Council, 509 C St NE, Washington D.C. Institute for Security and Development Policy, V. Finnbodavägen 2, Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org “The Economic Modernization of Uzbekistan” is a Silk Road Paper published by the Central Asia-Caucasus Institute and Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center. The Silk Road Papers Series is the Occasional Paper series of the Joint Center, and addresses topical and timely subjects. The Joint Center is a transatlantic independent and non-profit research and policy center. It has offices in Washington and Stockholm and is affiliated with the American Foreign Policy Council and the Institute for Security and Development Policy. It is the first institution of its kind in Europe and North America, and is firmly established as a leading research and policy center, serving a large and diverse community of analysts, scholars, policy-watchers, business leaders, and journalists. The Joint Center is at the forefront of research on issues of conflict, security, and development in the region. Through its applied research, publications, research cooperation, public lectures, and seminars, it functions as a focal point for academic, policy, and public discussion regarding the region. The opinions and conclusions expressed in this -
One-Man Rule in Uzbekistan a Perspective from Within the Regime
One-Man Rule in Uzbekistan A Perspective from Within the Regime C Editor's Note: Uzbek President Islam Karimov, who rules essentially as a dictator, has effectively silenced opponents by using strict government controls and by widely publicized abductions and beatings of leading dissidents. Nevertheless there remains a strong undercurrent of opposition, even within Uzbekistan's ruling elites. The following article is written exclusively for Demokratizatsiya by a high-ranking Uzbek official who, for his professional and personal safety, must remain anonymous. The article is often unclear and contradictory, and does not embrace liberal democrat- ic ideals. However, it remains an important piece of current critical literature from within the Uzbek government. On 20 June 1989, the former first secretary of the Communist Party's Kashkadarinsky Obkom Committee, Islam Karimov, became the new leader of Uzbekistan. Certainly nobody could have foreseen that this ambitious man would become the first president of his republic and would enthusiastically continue the disintegration of the USSR started by his colleagues in Russia. Encouraged by Gorbachev's perestroika, Karimov has initiated many changes in the past four years which would have taken decades under previous conditions. He is a representative of a new generation of pragmatic Soviet leaders who have no ties to their old comrades and their practices of totalitarian rule. His unusual mix of character combines the radicalism of a rigorous reformer and the conservative caution of an administrator. Karimov's strong will and cautious actions ha.ve earned him an especially wide popularity that his forerunners, Inamshon Usmankhodzhayev and Rafik Nishanov, never enjoyed by comparison. -
CAPSTONE 20-1 SWA Field Study
CAPSTONE 20-1 SWA Field Study Subject Page US Central Command ................................................ 3 Afghanistan ................................................................. 49 Kazakhstan ................................................................. 87 Uzbekistan .................................................................. 131 Tajikistan ..................................................................... 179 National Security Strategy .......................................... 211 1 This page intentionally blank 2 U.S. Central Command Subject Page General Kenneth F. McKenzie ................................. 5 2019 Posture Statement ........................................... 7 3 This page intentionally blank 4 QECCERSÿTUÿVWQECXYEGÿ`FU a%)ÿcÿdÿ!cefÿg%ÿ ÿÿ&)"%fÿh"ÿ') ÿ&%)ÿ&)" $ÿ)iÿpÿq%r)fÿ$)s))fÿ#ÿr%)"#)ÿp%ÿtÿ&)"ÿÿ7fÿa !ceÿ) ÿ "ÿÿÿ!)%ÿ&% ÿ)"ÿ%)"ÿ) ÿ)ÿp)%uÿpp% vÿ) ÿ)""ÿ)ÿÿ)fÿ)ufÿs))fÿ!)%ÿw0")%uÿh x!whyfÿ)"ÿÿi ÿ$ ÿ)ÿ&fÿÿ)""ÿd% ÿq))fÿ'0 !)% ÿ$ ÿÿ&)"rÿpp%ÿpÿÿ"ÿ!whÿx'&yfÿÿ"ÿÿ!whÿ s)ÿ"u ÿÿ$pr) )ÿÿÿ)"ÿ2%)ÿÿ64ÿ2ÿ47ÿÿ %i" ) ÿÿ!)%uÿ'%)%uÿÿÿ %"ÿ)"ÿ ÿ&)") ÿpÿÿ!)%ÿ&% 2ÿg#uÿ7fÿ#ÿ%ÿÿqafÿÿ %i"ÿÿÿgÿ')ppÿ) ÿ)ÿ#uÿ%% pÿ%) ÿÿÿ))ÿ!)%uÿ&)"ÿ&%ÿ2ÿg#ÿ8fÿÿ) "ÿsuÿÿ&)%)ÿpÿÿgÿ&p ÿpÿ')ppÿÿsÿÿ%%ÿpÿ &)%) ÿÿ$" %)ÿt%) ÿt)ÿx&$ttyÿ2ÿ ÿ))ufÿ 5 V% )PÿÿÿW#)"%)ÿH ÿVPÿ2ÿ@#ÿXAÿÿ) ÿ%"ÿ Y`ÿ)"ÿ) #"ÿ)"ÿHÿR'ÿ!)%ÿ&% ÿC% Aÿ&%)ÿ&)"ÿ2 QG%ÿ6Aÿÿ) ÿ) I"ÿÿÿ@ÿ')HHÿÿ %Pÿ) ÿÿ%%Aÿ@S6Aÿ'%)I () ÿ)"ÿ(BAÿ@ÿ')HHÿ2ÿ@#Bÿ7Aÿÿ) ÿ)"ÿÿ%%Aÿ@ÿ')HHÿ` !Faÿ) ÿ%"ÿÿ ÿ#%%ÿ%) ÿ)"ÿ) #"ÿ)"ÿHÿR'ÿ&%) &)"ÿÿ!)%ÿ `ÿ!Faÿ ÿ)ÿ% ÿI%)"#)ÿHÿÿ$%%ÿQHH%ÿ$"P)"ÿ&#% Aÿ!)% &% ÿ&)"ÿ)"ÿ')HHÿ&IAÿ)"ÿÿ'ÿHÿ$"P)"ÿb)%HIIÿTÿ) "ÿ) ÿ)ÿ&!&ÿCÿÿAÿ)"ÿ %P"ÿ) ÿ)ÿ'%ÿ!)%BÿCÿÿ 2 #ÿH%ÿc))ÿ'%)Iÿ'#" ÿ)ÿÿc))ÿH ÿRP% BÿTÿ) ÿ) !) % ÿÿd)Iÿÿ)ÿ%)ÿÿT %B 6 STATEMENT OF GENERAL JOSEPH L.