Mirziyoyev's Uzbekistan: Towards Openness and Real Democracy
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The Post-Soviet Space and Uzbekistan in the International Division of Labour from Transition to Capital Accumulation
THE POST-SOVIET SPACE AND UZBEKISTAN IN THE INTERNATIONAL DIVISION OF LABOUR FROM TRANSITION TO CAPITAL ACCUMULATION A thesis submitted to The University of Manchester for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Humanities 2021 Franco Galdini School of Social Sciences Department of Politics Contents List of Figures 6 List of Acronyms 7 Abstract 10 Declaration and Copyright Statement 11 Acknowledgements 12 INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER 13 From Transition to Capital Accumulation in the Post-Soviet Space 13 0. INTRODUCTION 13 1. FROM TRANSITION TO CAPITAL ACCUMULATION: POSITIONING THE THESIS, RESEARCH QUESTIONS, AND CONTRIBUTION 14 2. METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH METHODS 21 2.1. Form analysis: Global content, national forms 21 2.2. Class and Internal relations 22 2.3. Levels of generality 24 2.4. Research methods 25 3. CHAPTER STRUCTURE AND KEY ARGUMENTS 26 4. THE LIMITS OF THE DISSERTATION 31 5. CONCLUSION 32 CHAPTER 1 34 A Monopoly on ‘Normality’: A Review of the Literature on Transition as Development 34 0. INTRODUCTION 34 1. DEVELOPMENT IN TRANSITION 35 1.1. Neoliberal theory 35 1.2. Developmental state theory 37 1.3. Dependency theory 41 1.4. Methodological nationalism common to the literature 43 2. ON ‘NORMALITY’ AND EXCEPTIONALISM (1): TRANSITOLOGY IN THE FSU 44 2.1. The roaring 1990s: (revolutionary) shock therapy and (evolutionary) gradualism 46 2.2. Permanent exceptionalism: From the 2000s to today 51 3. ON ‘NORMALITY’ AND EXCEPTIONALISM (2): TRANSITOLOGY IN UZBEKISTAN 54 3.1. Neoliberal transitology: Uzbekistan as negatively exceptional 55 3.1.a. The 1990s: Non/slow/late reform and the ‘Uzbek growth puzzle’ 55 3.1.b. -
Salih Testimony.Pdf
The speech by Muhammad Salih, leader of the democratic ERK party of Uzbekistan, at the US Congress on problems in Central Asia Washington DC July 25, 2006 We have always been in favor of a dialogue with the regime of President Islam Karimov and we have always welcomed any attempts from the West to establish such a dialogue. This is the case not only because the West has made democratic reforms in Uzbekistan the main priority in that dialogue, but also because we see that cooperation with the West would create opportunities for the country’s economic development and for strengthening our sovereignty. However, President Karimov has dealt a blow to the interests of the people of Uzbekistan and has turned away from the Western democracies and made it clear that democratic transformation is unacceptable for his regime. Today some advocates of the renewal of dialogue with Karimov’s regime say that it is still necessary, arguing that the West will lose a great deal, both politically and economically, if it is tough on Karimov’s government and isolates it internationally. I would like to reassure them. The West has nothing significant to lose in Uzbekistan as it never gained anything tangible in the political, economic and military fields. However, the West has now lost even those humble gains that were achieved over the course of 15 years of cooperation with Tashkent. Let’s take the political field. The democratic institutions that were created over the past 15 years of cooperation with the West were always dependant on the Uzbek president’s whim. -
Could Uzbekistan Lead Central Asia?
Could Uzbekistan Lead Central Asia? In surprise move, previously isolated state calls for tighter regional integration. Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev. (Photo: Uzbek president’s press service) Uzbek president Shavkat Mirziyoyev has called for closer cooperation between all five countries of Central Asia in a move which some believe signals a new and more vigorous regional role for Tashkent. At an international conference on the Central Asia’s future, held in the historic Uzbek city of Samarkand in early November, Mirziyoyev emphasised that he supported efforts to create “a stable, economically developed and thriving region”. “I am sure that all will win from this – both the Central Asian states and other countries,” Mirziyoyev told the event, held under the auspices of the UN and attended by senior officials, diplomats and experts from the region, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), and further afield. The event itself and Mirziyoyev’s address were both unusual. Initial attempts at regional unity following the fall of the Soviet Union were short-lived. For more than a decade the five states have not seriously discussed cooperating on domestic development and remain embroiled in disputes over water resources, borders and market protectionism amid general mistrust between the leadership. In fact, it was Uzbekistan, under the rule of former president Islam Karimov, which was the most sceptical about regional cooperation. As the successor to Karimov, who died in September 2016, Mirziyoyev has taken a number of measures that appear to show willingness to open up one of the world’s most isolated states. (See Could Uzbekistan be Opening Up?). -
Opportunities and Limits of Cooperation Between Uzbekistan and Russia
Opportunities and Limits of Cooperation Between Uzbekistan and Russia “Cooperation between Uzbekistan and Russia is characterized by a steady rise and certain breakthroughs, and this is the main difference between the current stage of Uzbek-Russian relations. At the same time, relations are still concentrated at the bilateral level, and the refusal to join Russian-centric structures is the continuity of Uzbekistan’s foreign policy strategy”, Ildar Yakubov, an Uzbek expert, said in an article written specifically for the analytical platform CABAR.asia. in the field of international relations. Presidents of Russia and Uzbekistan Vladimir Putin and Shavkat Mirziyoyev at the 2018 Interregional Cooperation Forum in Tashkent. Photo: Mikhail Metzel The first presidential term of the head of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev demonstrated the consistent expansion of the country’s foreign policy and foreign economic relations. The openness of the new Uzbekistan is called the main distinguishing feature of the country’s foreign policy over the past five years. Russia traditionally takes the leading place for Uzbekistan. Both states are united by historically established political, economic and cultural ties. In this regard, it is of interest to study the changes in Uzbek-Russian relations that have been observed under the presidency of Shavkat Mirziyoyev. Opportunities and Limits of Cooperation Between Uzbekistan and Russia The legacy of the “old” Uzbekistan Uzbekistan’s first president left a controversial legacy in relations with Russia. Some observers note the uneasy interaction between the countries, which has become a “calling card” of foreign policy under Islam Karimov. He was probably the most uncomfortable partner of Russia in Central Asia. -
Uzbekistan: a New Model for Reform in the Muslim World?
Feature Article May 12, 2018 Uzbekistan: A New Model for Reform in the Muslim World? S. Frederick Starr and Svante E. Cornell ramatic and imp- ortant changes are Dtaking place in Central Asia. For more than a year the region’s historic core and geopolitical focal point has been immersed in a whirlwind of reform without precedent in the region. At a time when one-man rule has been reinforced in China and Russia, when the rule of law is in abeyance in countries as diverse as South Africa and President Shavkat Mirziyoyev Venezuela, and when most organized around solid commitment to the rule Muslim majority societies appear to be receding of law, the rights of citizens, elective into a new authoritarianism informed by governance, an open market economy, religious religious ideology, Uzbekistan has instituted tolerance, cordial relations with the great reforms that are ambitious in aim and extensive powers without sacrificing sovereignty, and a in scope. new embrace of the Central Asian region itself It is far too early to say how it will all come out, as an actor on the world state. It’s time for the or even how far it will go. But there is little world to take stock of this startling doubt that that the current reforms are all development. © 2018 Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, Joint Center American Foreign Policy Council / Institute for Security & Development Policy 509 C St NE, Washington, DC 20002 / V. Finnbodavägen 2, 13130 Stockholm-Nacka, Sweden www.silkroadstudies.org 2 Central Asia-Caucasus Analyst To the extent it has been acknowledged at all by unconvertible and then only semi-convertible the world’s press and punditry, the reform for a quarter century, which drastically curtailed movement in Uzbekistan has been presented as both international and national economic a personal project of Uzbekistan’s new activity. -
The President of Uzbekistan Speaks with the First President Of
toshvil.uz The President of Uzbekistan speaks with the First President of Kazakhstan over the phone On May 23 a telephone conversation took place between the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan Shavkat Mirziyoyev and the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan – Elbasy Nursultan Nazarbayev. The head of our state expressed sincere gratitude to the First President of Kazakhstan for full-fledged support and personal contribution to the development and consolidation of the Uzbek-Kazakhstan bonds of friendship, good neighborliness and multidimensional cooperation. It was stressed that owing to joint efforts, the traditionally close relations between our two countries have reached a qualitatively new level over the past few years, they are filled with solid practical substance. The prolific first state visit by the President of Kazakhstan Kasym-Zhomart Tokayev to Uzbekistan this April, which once again demonstrated the continuity of Elbasy’s foreign policy course, was recollected with high delight. Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Nursultan Nazarbayev discussed during the telephone conversation the pressing issues in bilateral relations, as well as those in the international and regional agenda. They paid priority attention to the implementation of agreements in the trade and economic sphere, to building up the cooperation at the level of leading enterprises and businesses in industry, energy, transport and other sectors. The dynamic growth and the diversification of the structure of mutual trade were positively evaluated. In 2018, the turnover exceeded 3 billion US dollars, while the aim for the next period is $ 5 billion at minimum. Shavkat Mirziyoyev and Nursultan Nazarbayev noted the importance of continuing intensive interregional (among the regions of the two nations) contacts designed for the effective use of broad economic opportunities and great potential in the cultural and humanitarian sphere, including in the framework of the Year of Kazakhstan in Uzbekistan. -
Leadership Transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan Implications for Policy and Stability in Central Asia
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Calhoun, Institutional Archive of the Naval Postgraduate School Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 2007-09 Leadership transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan implications for policy and stability in Central Asia Smith, Shane A. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3204 NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS LEADERSHIP TRANSITION IN KAZAKHSTAN AND UZBEKISTAN: IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY AND STABILITY IN CENTRAL ASIA by Shane A. Smith September 2007 Thesis Advisor: Thomas H. Johnson Second Reader: James A. Russell Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED September 2007 Master’s Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE Leadership Transition in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan: 5. FUNDING NUMBERS Implications for Policy and Stability in Central Asia 6. -
Uzbekistan: Recent Developments and U.S
Order Code RS21238 Updated May 2, 2005 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Uzbekistan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Uzbekistan is an emerging Central Asian regional power by virtue of its relatively large population, energy and other resources, and location in the heart of the region. It has made limited progress in economic and political reforms, and many observers criticize its human rights record. This report discusses U.S. policy and assistance. Basic facts and biographical information are provided. This report may be updated. Related products include CRS Issue Brief IB93108, Central Asia, updated regularly. U.S. Policy1 According to the Administration, Uzbekistan is a “key strategic partner” in the Global War on Terrorism and “one of the most influential countries in Central Asia.” However, Uzbekistan’s poor record on human rights, democracy, and religious freedom complicates its relations with the United States. U.S. assistance to Uzbekistan seeks to enhance the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and security of Uzbekistan; diminish the appeal of extremism by strengthening civil society and urging respect for human rights; bolster the development of natural resources such as oil; and address humanitarian needs (State Department, Congressional Presentation for Foreign Operations for FY2006). Because of its location and power potential, some U.S. policymakers argue that Uzbekistan should receive the most U.S. attention in the region. 1 Sources for this report include the Foreign Broadcast Information Service (FBIS), Central Eurasia: Daily Report; Eurasia Insight; RFE/RL Central Asia Report; the State Department’s Washington File; and Reuters, Associated Press (AP), and other newswires. -
General Assembly Distr.: General 7 May 2018
United Nations A/72/796 General Assembly Distr.: General 7 May 2018 Original: English Seventy-second session Agenda item 21 Globalization and interdependence Letter dated 13 March 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Tajikistan to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General I have the honour to transmit the joint statement of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, and the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, on strengthening friendship and neighbourliness (see annex). I should be grateful if you would circulate the present letter and its annex as a document of the General Assembly, under agenda item 21. (Signed) Mahmadamin Mahmadaminov 18-04352 (E) 150518 150518 *1804352* A/72/796 Annex to the letter dated 13 March 2018 from the Permanent Representative of Tajikistan to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General [Original: Russian] Joint statement by the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, and the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, on strengthening friendship and good-neighbourliness At the invitation of the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, Emomali Rahmon, the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, conducted a State visit to the Republic of Tajikistan on 9 and 10 March 2018. During fruitful talks held in an open, friendly and constructive atmosphere, the Heads of State discussed in detail key issues relating to the current state of relations between the Republic of Tajikistan and the Republic of Uzbekistan, the prospect of further broadening and deepening bilateral multidimensional cooperation in the political, commercial and economic, transport and communication, cultural and humanitarian and other spheres, as well as current regional and international issues of mutual interest. -
Uzbekistan's Investment Sphere – Dynamics and General Situation
Uzbekistan's Investment Sphere – Dynamics and General Situation “The success of reforms will largely depend on the ability of the new president to abandon Karimov’s methods of governing the country and open Uzbekistan to innovation and investment” – independent political scientist, Galiya Ibragimova, writing specially for cabar.asia, notes in an article concerning Uzbekistan’s current investment situation. Follow us on LinkedIn! The President of Uzbekistan, Shavkat Mirziyoyev, has remained focused on the nation’s internal agenda during his one and a half years in office. During this time, he has not made a statement critical of a single specific regional or international problem when Islam Karimov was at the helm. The incumbent president, on the contrary and in every possible way, demonstrates productive diplomacy concerning intra-regional problems, which in the last years of Karimov’s rule seemed barely solvable. However, all this unaccustomed compromise by Uzbekistan pursues quite pragmatic goals: political loyalty in exchange for investments and expansion of economic ties. Summing up the results of 2017, Mirziyoyev called the situation in the investment sphere depressing. Responsibility for this he laid at the threshold of “rats and some people’s children”.[1] For “rats”, the president obviously meant officials who worked under Islam Karimov. “Some people’s children” refers to the eldest daughter of the first president, Gulnara Karimov, who was charged with financial fraud. At the same time, Mirziyoyev himself acknowledged that he knew about corruption even during his tenure as prime minister, which made it difficult to implement investment projects in Uzbekistan. He continued to call the environment created by Karimov as bad. -
Pen International Writers in Prison Committee Caselist
PEN INTERNATIONAL WRITERS IN PRISON COMMITTEE CASELIST January-December 2013 PEN International Writers in Prison Committee 50/51 High Holborn London WC1V 6ER United Kingdom Tel: + 44 020 74050338 Fax: + 44 020 74050339 e-mail: [email protected] web site: www.pen-international.org PEN INTERNATIONAL CHARTER The P.E.N. Charter is based on resolutions passed at its International Congresses and may be summarised as follows: P.E.N. affirms that: 1. Literature knows no frontiers and must remain common currency among people in spite of political or international upheavals. 2. In all circumstances, and particularly in time of war, works of art, the patrimony of humanity at large, should be left untouched by national or political passion. 3. Members of P.E.N. should at all times use what influence they have in favour of good understanding and mutual respect between nations; they pledge themselves to do their utmost to dispel race, class and national hatreds, and to champion the ideal of one humanity living in peace in one world. 4. P.E.N. stands for the principle of unhampered transmission of thought within each nation and between all nations, and members pledge themselves to oppose any form of suppression of freedom of expression in the country and community to which they belong, as well as throughout the world wherever this is possible. P.E.N. declares for a free press and opposes arbitrary censorship in time of peace. It believes that the necessary advance of the world towards a more highly organized political and economic order renders a free criticism of governments, administrations and institutions imperative. -
Amnesty International Report 2001
Covering events from January - December 2000 UZBEKISTAN Republic of Uzbekistan Head of state: Islam Karimov Head of government: Otkir Sultanov Capital: Tashkent Population: 24.3 million Official language: Uzbek Death penalty: retentionist 2000 treaty ratifications/signatures: Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court Reports of ill-treatment and torture by law enforcement officials of members of independent Islamic congregations or followers of independent imams (Islamic leaders) continued unabated. Hundreds of suspected members of the banned Islamic party Hizb-ut-Tahrir, including women, were reportedly arbitrarily arrested and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment after unfair trials. Several prisoners died in custody, allegedly as a result of torture. There were at least 13 death sentences and eight executions, reportedly imposed after unfair trials. Background In January Islam Karimov consolidated his power after being re-elected President with nearly 92 per cent of the vote. The Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe (OSCE) refused to send an observation mission because there was no democratic competition. The only other candidate, a member of the pro-government People's Democratic Party, admitted to having voted for Islam Karimov. In August violent clashes broke out between the Uzbek armed forces and armed units of the banned opposition Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) when they tried to enter southeastern Uzbekistan from neighbouring Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. In November the Supreme Court of Uzbekistan sentenced Takhir Yuldash and Juma Namangani, the alleged leaders of the IMU, to death in their absence. They were convicted of terrorism and treason and of causing the death of 73 people in armed incursions and in the February 1999 bombings in Tashkent.