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On the Typology of Negation in Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages

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On the Typology of Negation in Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages On the Typology of Negation in Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages SUOMALAIS-UGRILAISEN SEURAN TOIMITUKSIA MÉMOIRES DE LA SOCIÉTÉ FINNO-OUGRIENNE ❋ 262 ❋ Beáta Wagner-Nagy On the Typology of Negation in Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages SOCIÉTÉ FINNO-OUGRIENNE HELSINKI 2011 Beáta Wagner-Nagy: On the Typology of Negation in Ob-Ugric and Samoyedic Languages Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia 262 Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne Layout Anna Kurvinen Copyright © 2011 Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura — Société Finno-Ougrienne — Finno-Ugrian Society & Beáta Wagner-Nagy Orders — Tilaukset Tiedekirja Kirkkokatu 14 FI-00170 Helsinki www.tiedekirja.fi [email protected] FAX +358 9 635 017 ISBN Print 978-952-5667-29-5 ISBN Online 978-952-5667-30-1 ISSN 0355-0230 Vammalan Kirjapaino Oy Sastamala 2011 Contents Abbreviations XIII List of Tables and Figures X Preface XV I. Introduction 1. Characterization of the Languages Studied 1 1.1. Typical Typological Characteristics 4 1.2. Sociolinguistic Data, Dialects 6 1.2.1. Nenets 6 1.2.2. Enets 7 1.2.3. Nganasan 9 1.2.4. Selkup 10 1.2.5. Mator 11 1.2.6. Kamas 12 1.2.7. Khanty 12 1.2.8. Mansi 14 2. Сorpora and Transcription 16 2.1. Transcription and Glossing 16 2.2. The Corpus 18 3. The Problem of Negation 19 3.1. The Concept of Negation 19 3.2. The Main Types of Negated Sentences 21 3.3. The Negative Sentence and its Elements 27 3.3.1. Finite Elements 27 3.3.2. Negative Markers 28 3.4. Auxiliary Verb Construction 37 3.5. Sentential Position of the Negative Element 43 VI ON THE TYPOLOGY OF NEGATION IN OB-UGRIC AND SAMOYEDIC LANGUAGES II. Standard Negation 1. On the Typology of Standard Negation 51 1.1. Symmetric Construction 53 1.2. Asymmetric Construction 54 2. On Standard Negation in Uralic Languages 58 3. Standard Negation in Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 64 3.1. Symmetric Negation 64 3.1.1. Selkup 65 3.1.1.1. Position of the Negative Particle in Selkup 70 3.1.2. Kamas 71 3.1.2.1. Position of the Negative Particle in Kamas 75 3.1.3. Khanty 75 3.1.3.1. Position of the Negative Particle in Khanty 77 3.1.4. Mansi 80 3.1.4.1. Position of the Negative Particle in Mansi 81 3.2. Asymmetric Construction: A/FIN/NEGVERB 83 3.2.1. Mator 84 3.2.2. Kamas 86 3.2.3. Nenets 88 3.2.3.1. Position of Negative Auxiliaries in Nenets 94 3.2.3.2. Inverse Word Order in Nenets 95 3.2.4. Enets 96 3.2.4.1. Inverse Word Order in Enets 100 3.2.5. Nganasan 101 3.2.5.1. Position of Negative Auxiliaries in Nganasan 107 3.2.5.2. Inverse Word Order in Nganasan 108 3.2.6. Selkup 109 3.2.7. Khanty 111 3.2.8. Mansi 112 CONTENTS VII III. Negation with Semantically not Empty Negative Auxiliaries 1. Selkup 113 2. Nenets 116 2.1. xańasʲ ‘almost not‘ 116 2.2. jaʔmasʲ ‘not able to‘ 117 3. Enets 119 3.1. loðeš ‘cannot‘ 120 3.2. ďamaš ‘cannot‘ 121 4. Nganasan 123 4.1. ləðiʔsʲi ‘cannot‘ 123 4.2. ŋuəlɨ- ’how could (I) not’ 125 5. Khanty 127 IV. Negation with Negative Lexical Verbs 1. Nenets 130 2. Nganasan 131 3. Enets 135 VIII ON THE TYPOLOGY OF NEGATION IN OB-UGRIC AND SAMOYEDIC LANGUAGES V. Negation of Imperative 1. Negative Non-Indicative Constructions in Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 144 1.1. Symmetric Negation: Spec. Neg. Marker – Common Imperative Strategy (Type2) 144 1.1.1. Selkup 144 1.1.2. Mansi 147 1.1.3. Khanty 149 1.2. Asymmetric Negation: Spec. Neg. Marker + Common Imperative Strategy (Type 2) 153 1.2.1. Kamas 153 1.3. Asymmetric Negation: Spec. Neg. Marker + Special Imperative Strategy (Type 4) 157 1.3.1. Tundra Nenets 157 1.3.2. Enets 160 1.4. Asymmetric Negation: Stand. Neg. Marker + Common Strategy (Type 1) 164 1.4.1. Nganasan 164 1.5. Asymmetric Negation: Stand. Neg. Marker + Special Strategy (Type 3) 166 1.5.1. Forest Nenets 166 VI. Existential Sentences 1. Typology of Negated Existential Sentences 176 2. Negated Existential Sentences in Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 182 2.1. Type B 185 2.1.1. Mator 185 2.1.2. Kamas 186 2.1.3. Nganasan 187 2.2. Type A ~ B 195 2.2.1. Nenets 195 2.2.2. Enets 199 2.2.3. Mansi 202 2.2.4. Khanty 205 2.3. Type B ~ C 208 2.3.1. Selkup 208 CONTENTS IX VII. Predicate Possessive 1. Have-Possession 213 2. Intransitive Construction 214 3. Typology of Possession Negation 219 4. Data of the Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 221 5.1. Type A2 222 5.1.1. Kamas 222 5.1.2. Non-Northern Selkup Dialects 223 5.2. Type A3 225 5.2.1. Northern Selkup 225 5.2.2. Nenets 228 5.2.3. Enets 237 5.3. Type B1 241 5.3.1. Khanty 241 5.3.2. Mansi 246 5.4. Type B2 250 5.4.1. Nganasan 250 VIII. Non-Verbal Predicate 1. Negation of Non-Verbal Predicate Constructions 265 2. Data from Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 273 2.1. Two-Way Distinction 273 2.1.1. Nenets 273 2.1.2. Enets 280 2.1.3. Selkup 284 2.1.4. Kamas 289 2.1.5. Eastern Khanty 291 2.2. Three-Way Distinction 299 2.2.1. Northern Khanty 299 2.2.2. Northern Mansi 305 2.2.3. Nganasan 312 Summary 317 References 321 X ON THE TYPOLOGY OF NEGATION IN OB-UGRIC AND SAMOYEDIC LANGUAGES List of Tables and Figures Figures Figure 1. Janhunen’s Taxonomy of the Samoyedic Languages 2 Figure 2. Helimski’s Taxonomy of the Samoyedic Languages (2004) 2 Tables Table 1. Nenets Dialects 6 Table 2. Nenets’ Command of Nenets and Russian 7 Table 3. Nganasan Population and Language Retention 9 Table 4. Selkup Dialects 10 Table 5. Selkups’ Command of Selkup and Russian 11 Table 6. Khanty Dialects 13 Table 7. Khantys’ Command of Khanty and Russian 13 Table 8. Mansi Dialects 14 Table 9. Mansis’ Command of Mansi and Russian 15 Table 10. Notation of Vowels 17 Table 11. Notation of Consonants 17 Table 12. Auxiliaries in the Samoyedic and the Ob-Ugric Languages 32 Table 13. Feature Categories of Auxiliaries in the Samoyedic and Ob- Ugric Languages 36 Table 14. Form of the Lexical Verb Next to an Auxiliary in the Samoyedic and Ob-Ugric Languages 38 Table 15. Sentential Position of the Negative Element in the Uralic Languages 45 Table 16. The Order of the Negative Particle and the Verb 46 Table 17. The Position of the Auxiliaries 47 Table 18. The Order of the Negative Auxiliary and the Main Verb 48 Table 19. The Order of Lexical Verb and Negative Auxiliary (Dryer 1992: 100) 48 Table 20. Word Order Distribution 49 Table 21. Miestamo’s Typological Classifi cation 52 Table 22. Negation Constructions in Uralic Languages I 60 Table 23. Negation Constructions in Uralic Languages II 61 Table 24. Paradigm of the Negative Auxiliary in the Uralic Languages 63 Table 25. Types of Negated Constructions in Samoyedic and Ob- Ugric Languages 64 Table 26. Correlation Between Tense and Negation Type in Selkup 66 Table 27. Correlation Between Tense and Negation Type in Kamas 74 Table 28. Distribution of Present-Tense Markers in Mator Negation 85 Table 29. The Paradigm of Negative Auxiliary in Kamas 87 Table 30. Negative Auxiliaries in Nenets 89 Table 31. The Paradigm of the Negative Auxiliary ńiisʲ + xărwasʲ ‘to want’ 90 Table 32. Distribution of Tense and Derivational Marking on the Negative Auxiliaries in Nenets 93 LIST OF TABLES AND FIGURES XI Table 33. Affi rmative and Negative Paradigms in Forest and Tundra Enets 99 Table 34. The Paradigm of the Negative Auxiliary ńisɨ 102 Table 35. Distribution of Grammatical Category Markers in Nganasan Negation 103 Table 36. Semantically not Empty Auxiliaries in Nenets 116 Table 37. Negative Auxiliaries and the Syntactical Structure in Nenets 119 Table 38. Semantically not Empty Auxiliaries in Enets 119 Table 39. Semantically not Empty Negative Auxiliaries in Nganasan 123 Table 40. Paradigm of ŋuəlɨ- in Nganasan 125 Table 41. Negative Lexical Verbs in Samoyedic Languages 129 Table 42. Prohibitive Constructions in the Uralic Languages 142 Table 43. Negation of Non-Indicative Constructions in Some Uralic Languages 143 Table 44. Suffi xes of the Imperative Mood and the Indicative Mood in Northern Selkup (Taz Dialect) 145 Table 45. Imperative Suffi xes in Mansi 147 Table 46. Imperative Suffi xes in Eastern Khanty 149 Table 47. The Imperative Suffi xes in Kamas 153 Table 48. The Kamas Prohibitive and Optative Verb 154 Table 49. Kamas Negative Constructions in Morphologically Marked Moods 156 Table 50. Imperative Suffi xes in Tundra Nenets 157 Table 51. Forest Enets Imperative Suffi xes 160 Table 52. The Imperative Paradigm for the Negative Auxiliary in Forest Enets 161 Table 53. The Imperative Paradigm of the Enets Negative Auxiliary According to Castrén 162 Table 54. Imperative Suffi xes in Nganasan 165 Table 55. Imperative and Indicative Person Suffi xes in Forest Nenets 167 Table 56. The Imperative and Indicative Forms of the Negative Auxiliary in Forest Nenets 168 Table 57. Characteristics of the Locational, Existential and Predicative Possessive Sentences in Finnish and in Hungarian 174 Table 58. Correlation Between the Basic Word Order in Existential Sentences and the Order of the Semantic Constituents 175 Table 59.
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