Notes

INTRODUCTION

1. The differing images of 's foreign policy are, obviously, partly a matter of reference points. The majority of commentators on Japanese affairs outside Japan have been Americans (Stockwin, 1985, p. 159). This is particularly true of studies of Japan's foreign and security policies. The comparatively intensive US scholarly and general interest in Japan, with its clearly recognizable great• power bias, has led to a situation where '[mJost commentaries about Japanese security policy tend to look either at military or economic issues and few seek to tackle these together in a more comprehensive fashion. Those that examine military security are very much influenced by the Japan-US Security Treaty arrangements and the perspectives of both US and Japanese observers are inevitably bound to be affected by national bias' (Chapman et al., 1983, p. xvii). 2. The many faces of foreign policy show up in language itself. In Japanese documents a number of different concepts are used for foreign policy. Such concepts are gaiko, diplomacy, gaikO seisaku, foreign policy, taigai seisaku, external policy, and taigai kankei, external relations. For scholarly discussions of these concepts, see Sata, 1989, pp. 5-7; Aruga, 1989, pp. 1-3; Eta et al., 1982, pp. 94-8. In official documents, gaiko and gaiko seisaku are used interchange• ably. Seiji gaiko, political diplomacy, is sometimes seen in the literature parallel to keizai gaiko, economic diplomacy. The former is hard to distinguish from gaiko - seiji can probably best be described as a kind of embellishment. 3. This definition follows closely the one presented by Nygren in his study of the Soviet foreign-policy doctrine (Nygren, 1984, p. 13). 4. For a comprehensive treatment of the prime minister's role in foreign-policy decision-making, see Edstrom (1996). 5. The necessity of avoiding the construction of analytical categories from the empirical material which is later to be analysed is discussed in Bryder (1985, p.81). 6. As the author himself was the coder, reliability refers to intracoder reliability. 7. In the initial postwar period, prime ministers Yoshida Shigeru and Hatoyama Ichira presented speeches in the parliament which were not policy speeches, but of the same character. These speeches, three in all, have been taken into account in the analysis, although data from them are not included in the tables. 8. For the method of focused comparison, see George and Smoke (1974).

1 TO RESTORE AND RECONSTRUCT

1. On secrecy as an element of traditional Japanese diplomacy, see Blaker (1977, pp. 17f). 2. Later, Yoshida reiterated this view (see Yoshida, 1963, p. 159). According to a key figure in the negotiations, Nishimura Kumao, Yoshida did not ask the other Japanese delegates to sign, knowing that 'the security treaty was not popular in Japan'. See Finn (1992, p. 305).

180 Notes 181

3. In an intelView with the author, Mr Aso Taro, Yoshida's grandson and a member of parliament, rejected this description as incorrect. According to Mr Aso, Yoshida was quite at ease when he had stepped down and intended to have a leisured time in retirement (intelView, 27 October 1993). 4. One should not, however, overlook the fact that one reason behind this attitude was also personal: the Japanese leaders knew that if they did not act in a way that was satisfactory to the Americans, they could be dismissed with no further ado. 5. Figures within parentheses refer to pages in Naikaku seido hyakunenshi hensan iinkai, ed., Rekidai naikaku soridaijin enzetsu sha (Collection of prime-minister• ial policy speeches) and the date of the speech. For speeches after 1985, the figures refer to edition and pages of Gaimusho, Waga gaiko no kinkyo (Diplo• matic bluebook), and the date of the speech. 6. For a discussion of this aspect of Yoshida's policies, see Edstrom (1994). 7. For a description of how traditional Japanese diplomatic thinking was per• meated by a 'we have no choice' mentality, see Blaker (1977, pp. 24ft). 8. For a general discussion, see, for instance, Farrell (1966, pp. 183t). 9. In a famous passage in his memoirs, Yoshida writes: 'Japan is an island-nation in which a population in excess of ninety-one million must be provided with a civilized standard of life. This can only be accomplished through an expanding volume of overseas trade' (Yoshida, 1961, p. 8). 10. Kokusai shakai refers either to 'international society' or 'international commun• ity'. In official translations into English, both renderings are found. In the texts studied here, kokusai shakai no iehUn refers almost without exception to Japan as a state among other states, that is, kokusai shakai refers to a society of sovereign and independent states. 11. It should be noted that sUlVival figured as a national goal in Yoshida's speech in the parliament on 25 June 1946 (412, 25.6.1946). 12. Japan applied for admission to the UN in June 1952 (Japan and the United Nations, 1958, p. 94). 13. In a statement in the parliament on 28 January 1950 (quoted in Dower, 1993, p.7). 14. In his speech in the parliament on 25 June 1946, Yoshida referred to three roles: Japan was (not) a war-instigator but a contributor to peace and a leader. These cases are not included in Table 1.2 since it was not a policy speech. 15. The term 'economism' denotes an attitude that prioritizes economic considera• tions. 16. In an exchange of notes between Yoshida and US Secretary of State Dean Acheson after the signing of the security treaty, Yoshida pledged continued support for US military operations in Korea (Welfield, 1988, p. 25). 17. An influential case is Kawai (1960). 18. While ambassador to Great Britain, Yoshida developed an admiration for the British political system with its parliamentary politics and combination of aristocratic and democratic traditions (Finn, 1992, p. 21). 19. The letter is reprinted in Asahi shimbunsha (1972, pp. 140f). In a book published after his retirement, Yoshida foresaw that Japan would recognize the People's Republic of China in the future (Yoshida, 1963, p. 139). 20. Tanaka (1991, pp. 35-40) gives an account of how Yoshida tried to keep Japan's options open and go against the United States in his China policy after 'the Yoshida letter'. 21. Hellman (1977, p. 326) claims that the concept of 'economic diplomacy' was first developed publicly by Foreign Minister Shigemitsu Mamoru in setting 182 Notes

forth the broad goals of the foreign policy of the first Hatoyama government. This is refuted by Yoshida's speeches in 1952-53. 22. This idea resurfaced later, leading to the establishment of the Asian Develop• ment Bank in 1965 (Pharr, 1993, p. 259).

2 THE PREWAR LEFTOVER WITH A POSTWAR MISSION

1. Hatoyama was purged because of his prewar activities. As education minister in the 1930s, he suppressed progressive student movements and hounded profes• sors for their 'dangerous thoughts' (Lauterbach, 1947, p. 98). 2. For their opposing views of the promise, see Hatoyama (1957, pp. 55f) and Yoshida (1961, p. 75). According to a well-placed observer, Yoshida's former private secretary Matsuno Raiza, there is no doubt that Yoshida's initial inten• tion was to step down when Hatoyama returned to politics (Matsuno, 1985, p. 17). 3. Some researchers go so far as to claim that Hatoyama was Yoshida's opposite on all counts. See Tsutsui (1992, p. 123) and Kitaoka (1995, pp. 62,69). 4. This idea was launched by Kase Toshikazu, later Japan's first ambassador to the United Nations (Inoue, 1994, pp. 206f)' 5. In a book published before he became premier, Hatoyama indicated that Japan could not depend entirely on the credibility of US forces if a war between the great powers broke out, since these troops might retreat if it was necessary for strategic reasons (Hatoyama, 1952, p. 288). 6. In his memoirs, Hatoyama (1957, p. 198) argues that Japan should try to reduce tensions between East and West, preventing an escalation of the cold war, and suggests that Japan should act as a bridge between East and West. Although this role-conception did not surface in his policy speeches, he referred to it on other occasions. Before he went to Moscow to try to reach a final agreement over the restoration of diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, he indicated that he was convinced 'that Japan, by restoring normal relations with the Soviet Union and by becoming a bridge between the two opposing camps, can play an important role in achieving peace and averting war' (quoted in Jain, 1981, p. 234). 7. Cf. Richard Nixon's argument when he reversed the China policy of the United States: 'We have to live with Communist powers and we have no illusions about Communism but we must accept the realities' (quoted in Welfield, 1988, p.278). 8. According to Hatoyama Iichira (Ichira's son, foreign minister 1976--77), the release of POWs was the main reason (Yomiuri shimbun seijibu, 1985, p. 25). In Hatoyama's memoirs, another reason for normalization is presented: if a war between the United States and the Soviet Union occurred, the latter would attack Japan. Such an attack could be avoided by normalizing relations (Hatoyama, 1957, p. 117).

3 THE FAILURE OF BRILLIANCE

1. Ishibashi had been active as an ef'.QJJ./l1llic journalist for several decades and served as finance minister in Yoshida's first government but was purged and Notes 183

barred from office in the years 1947-51. His purge seems to have had more to do with his unpopularity among SCAP than his prewar activities. To the Japanese, he was known as an outspoken critic of the militarists during the 1930s and no objections were raised when he was appointed finance minister, but 'when he began making disdainful remarks about the professional compet• ence of the Occupation's economic planners, SCAP suddenly ordered that he be purged' (Kawai, 1960, p. 94). 2. Noted by Fujiyama Aiichiro, in Fujiyama and Kosaka (1976, p. 143). 3. In Ishibashi's only policy speech he declared that one must make a clean sweep with the idea of being dependent on other forces and instead exhibit the idea of independent self-reliance (569, 4.2.1957). His quest for dokuritsu jishu resembled Hatoyama's call for jishu dokllritSU. Ishibashi's anathema over being 'dependent on other forces' was, of course, an attack on Yoshida's policy of accepting US supremacy over Japan. 4. Kishi's fascination with leaders led him to publish a book on the subject, consisting of portraits of political leaders that Kishi had met (Kishi, 1982). Among them were Portugal's dictator Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, Iran's autocratic ruler Reza Pahlavi, South Korean military dictator Park Chung Hee and 'one-man' Yoshida Shigeru. 5. When Kishi was interviewed in 1979, he listed the three principles as 'promot• ing diplomacy towards the United States, emphasizing Asian diplomacy, focus• ing on UN diplomacy'. This, Hara (1974, p. 63) comments, probably shows Kishi's real intention. 6. Hellman (1972, p. 66) notes that it is a 'truism' to say that Japan is part of Asia geographically, culturally, racially and historically. 7. That kokurell gaiIW was not clearly defined was noted from the start (Makiuchi, 1957, p. 49). 8. Ohata (1978, p. 233) and Hara (1974, p. 64) point out that the centre of the principle of collaboration with the 'free' countries was the United States. 9. Saito, who was Japan's ambassador to the UN in the years 1973-76, reiterated this standpoint in an interview in the Yomillri shimbllll, 27 August 1992. 10. Kishi has explained what he meant by the 'new Japan-US era': (1) equality of all US-Japanese relations; (2) inducement of positive US actions in Asia and Japanese support for them; and (3) regular governmental meetings to create a close relationship between Japan and the United States (Kishi et al., 1981, pp. 180f). 11. The changes introduced by the revision of the security treaty are discussed in Stockwin (1982, pp. 256ff). 12. If interpreted literally, Asia gaiko can be taken as indicating that Kishi did not see Japan as an Asian country (cf. Takahashi, 1983, p. 82). 13. On prewar Asianism, see Welfield (1988, pp. 8ff); on Asianism as an important element in Japan's foreign policy, see Irie (1966, p. 172); on Kishi's connections to prewar Asianism, see Welfield (1988, p. 118). That most Asianists envisioned Japan as the leader of Asia is pointed out by Eto (1980a, pp. 116f). In a talk with journalists several years after he resigned, Kishi argued that his trip to Asia was in line with the Japanese wish to be a spokesman for Asia (Kishi et al., 1981, p. 167), which can be interpreted either as functioning as a bridge or a leader. Kishi did not deal with Japan as a spokesman for Asia in any of his policy speeches, however, which indicates that he did not see this role as central: if important, it would certainly have been raised in his policy speeches due to their character of a comprehensive summary of governmental policies. Another interpretation is of course that the Japanese 184 Notes

premier was cautious of taking on responsibilities and tasks on behalf of Japan's Asian neighbours, which they were not at all interested in Japan shouldering. 14. Which countries are included in 'Asia' is a problem in a Japanese foreign-policy context; it is as much a political as a geographical concept. For a discussion of Asia as a two-pronged concept, see Royama (1968, esp. pp. 3-8). Generally, 'Asia' is a vague concept. According to Ina Hisayoshi, 'Japanese people tend to vaguely use ''Asia'' when they refer to East Asia. For example, India is often regarded as outside of our concept of ''Asia''. At present, no one can define Asia in a way that is acceptable to everybody' (Ina, 1996, p. 75).

4 THE INTERNATIONAL COLD WARRIOR

1. One of the ironies of history is that Ikeda has been given all the credit for the income-doubling plan despite the fact that this idea originated in Kishi's administration (Miyazawa, 1976). The idea of doubling the income was taken up by Kishi in his policy speech in February 1960 (619, 1.2.1960). 2. According to Ikeda's biographer ItO Masaya, the premier's goal was to 'be trusted [shinrai] by the free camp, and respected [ikei] by the Communist camp' (Ito, 1966, p. 162) - while sonkei indicates warm feelings, ikei does not indicate any warmth but distance between the parties. 3. In the 1960 election campaign, Ikeda asserted that Japan's ultimate security lay with the UN (Shibusawa, 1984, p. 23). 4. To Hatoyama, 'East' referred to the developing countries of Asia and Africa (Ueki, 1993, p. 350), while Ikeda had Asian countries in mind. For Shigemitsu, 'East' and 'West' meant the Orient and the Occident (Hoshino, 1995, p. 29). 5. Shibusawa (1984, p. 43) describes this event as 'the first postwar political initiative' that Japan had taken in Southeast Asia. 6. To further popular support for the government's foreign policy, Foreign Min• ister Kosaka Zen taro was sent on a lecture tour throughout the country (Rekishigaku kenkyukai, 1990, p. 17). 7. When Kosaka Zen taro, Ikeda's foreign minister, was asked retrospectively what the tasks of the Ikeda government were, he pointed to the need to regain trust (Suzuki, 1991, p. 46). 8. In his authoritative Ikeda biography, Ito Masaya reports a statement which is at variance with the above in a significant way: he quotes Ikeda as designating 'North America (America and Canada), Europe as well as Japan and Asia' as the three pillars (Ito, 1966, p. 153; emphasis added). 9. The L-T trade agreement was based on a five-year programme and took its name from the signatories, , deputy chief of the Chinese Staff Office of Foreign Affairs, and Tatsunosuke, wartime vice-president of the Manchurian Heavy Industries Company and one-time director of the Japanese Economic Planning Agency. 10. In an article from 1962, Ikeda linked Japan's security to Asia, declaring that 'without stability in the Asian nations that border the Communist bloc, it would be hard to secure our own safety' (quoted in Hellman, 1972, p. 69). 11. A milder variant of history re-writing made in this chapter is reported by Eto (1980b). From a study of prime-ministerial policy speeches he concluded that there were no policy differences between Kishi the 'hawk' and Ikeda the 'dove'. Notes 185

5 THE CAUTIOUS AND DISCREET PRIME MINISTER

1. Ironically, Sato was one of the few postwar premiers who declared that he read and cared about popularity surveys conducted by newspapers (see Watanabe, 1977, p. 106). 2. Sato followed in the footsteps of Ikeda who introduced multi polarization as a topic in Japanese foreign-policy declarations - but outside of his policy speeches (Hirano, 1985, p. 353). 3. Sato's discussion of the ineffectiveness of military power reflected an ongoing discussion in the 1960s and 1970s (see, for instance, Eto et at., 1982, p. 63). Even nuclear weapons were perceived as being virtually unusable, which led to a strengthened perception of the inefficacy of military omnipotence. In the wake of the US debiicle in Vietnam, the appropriateness of military force for the achievement of non-military goals was perceived as declining, and the saliency of power resources other than military increased (Jonsson, 1979). 4. Kokusaika is a quite novel concept in everyday language. It is not found in the 1969 edition of Iwanami shoten's widely used standard dictionary Kojien, for instance. As a concept, it is known since the 1920s (Sawada and Kadowaki, 1990, p. 17). From the 1970s it captured the imagination of the Japanese and caused a veritable flood of books, articles and seminars. 5. By this time US policies in Vietnam had begun to be criticized by prominent conservatives such as Yoshida Shigeru, Miyazawa Kiichi and Shiina Etsusaburo (Welfield, 1988, pp. 211f). A poll conducted in 1965 by the Asahi shimbun showed that 75 per cent of the Japanese disapproved of the bombings (Havens, 1987, p. 50). 6. In 1971, 32 per cent of Japan's exports and 26.4 per cent of its imports were with the United States; 16 per cent of US imports and 9.5 per cent of its exports were with Japan (Kanamori and Nihon keizai kenkyii senta, 1973, p. 229). 7. Foreign Minister Ohira Masayoshi announced in the parliament in February 1964 that it would be a very important decision for Japan if China became a member of the United Nations, since Japan held the UN in esteem (Asahi shimbunsha, 1971, pp. 162f). Privately, Sato went even further than Ohira by confiding that normalization was inevitable in the long run. As noted earlier, this was, in fact, also Yoshida's view. Sato argued that it was important for his generation to be fair to Taiwan but normalization would be acceptable for coming generations (Kosaka et af., 1976, pp. 343f). He confided that once the People's Republic had been admitted to the UN, Japanese recognition of China was inevitable (Hosokawa, 1978, pp. 314f). 8. In 1965 Sato indicated that Japan would not establish diplomatic relations with North Korea but continue trade with it (Welfield, 1988, p. 208). Thus, he indicated that Japan's relations with North Korea were based on seikei bZlllri.

6 THE COMPUTERIZED BULLDOZER ON THE INTERNATIONAL STAGE

1. In a standard text, Tanaka is presented as something of an opportunist: he had been pro-Taiwan but shifted his allegiance when it suited his ambitions to become prime minister, and he reversed his views on nuclear weapons on Okinawa for the same reason (Tanaka Zenichiro, 1981a, p. 244). 186 Notes

2. The normalization of relations with China was the only foreign-policy objective found in the governmental declaration issued when Tanaka formed his govern• ment (Tanaka Zenichiro, 1981a, pp. 243t). 3. For a description of Tanaka's visit to China and its preludes, see Fukui (1977). 4. The allegations against Tanaka for corruption were not unfounded. In 1983 the District Court found him guilty of accepting 300 million yen from the Lockheed Company. When he died in 1993, he had tried, in vain, to clear his tarnished reputation. 5. Tanaka's activist attitude was probably influenced by his friend ahira Masayoshi (later prime minister) who argued that multipolarization made it possible for Japan to diversify its foreign policy; Japan's acquiescent and reactive policies of the past were no longer appropriate; it should rid itself of its excessive dependence on the United States (ahira, 1972). 6. Statement by Tanaka quoted in Yanagida (1983, p. 266). This view was not uncommon, see for instance Eto (1972, p. 96) and Tanaka (1991, p. 20). 7. For an overview, see Yorke (1983, pp. 52-6). 8. In his foreign-policy speech on 28 October 1972, Foreign Minister ahira formulated Japan's omnidirectional foreign policy even more clearly, stating that the normalization of relations with China 'should and can be compatible with the maintenance of close friendly relations between Japan, the United States and all other countries' (Gaimusho, 1973, p. 429; emphasis added). 9. One illustrative case: Iokibe (1989, p. 39) has pointed out that Tanaka's meet• ing with President Nixon demonstrated that Japan's China relations developed within the framework of cooperation with the US. 10. According to Welfield (1988, p. 335), nothing happened because there was no domestic coalition 'to counterbalance the almost hysterical anti-Communism of the LDP's extreme right wing'.

7 A LIBERAL TURNING REALIST

1. According to one acute analyst of contemporary Japanese history, the prevail• ing mood of this period was taihen, the optimism of people having been undermined by the oil crises (Nakamura, 1993, p. 677). 2. This is not to say that nothing happened. Hirasawa Kazuhige, one of Miki's closest advisers, suggested in a famous article that the question of the south• ernmost two islands of the Northern Territories be shelved until the 21st century (Hirasawa, 1975). This article was seen as a trial balloon for a possible 'two-tier' approach to solving the territorial issue. 3. Miki's speech is reprinted in Miki (1984, pp. 310-2). For Miki's role in the Pacific Basin cooperation, see Edstrom (1990, pp. 110t). 4. A presentation of Miki's ideas is found in Maruyama (1967). 5. In their survey of Japan's relations with Africa, Oda and Aoki (1985, pp. 156f) point out that Japan took a more pro-African position during these years.

8 A VISIONARY ARCH-CONSERVATIVE

1. It should be noted that Fukuda was found innocent in court ten years later (Kawano, 1966, p. 206). Notes 187

2. Iokibe (1995, p. 262) notes that Fukuda's government did not experience the honeymoon with public opinion that new governments usually enjoyed but was unpopular from the start. 3. It is symptomatic that the opening line of the main text of a book by Fukuda published soon after he had become prime minister was: 'The time is changing rapidly' (Fukuda, 1977). 4. That Fukuda was fond of figures became widely known when he was finance minister and in the wake of the oil crisis declared so often that Japan would reach a 7 per cent economic growth rate that he got the nickname 'Mr Seven Percent' (Putnam and Bayne, 1987, p. 84). 5. Fukuda, like Yoshida, had a considerable antipathy towards the military. Fuku• da's animosity had been formed by his dealings with the Imperial Japanese Army in the years after the Manchurian 'incident' (Welfield, 1988, p. 122). 6. Fukuda's speech is reprinted in Fukuda (1977, pp. 198-205). According to one of his chroniclers, the idea of Japan as a heiwa taikoku can be seen as a comprehensive summary of Fukuda's policies (Sato, 1974, p. 18). 7. The idea that Japan was both a small and a great power was launched by Fukuda at a meeting with his faction in October 1974 (Takahashi, 1980, p. 607). 8. Stockwin (1982, p. 251) translates zenhOi gaiko as 'multilateral diplomacy', which seems to me to miss the essence of 'omnidirectionality'. 9. The link between resources and _omnidirectional foreign policy was most clearly verbalized by the economist Okita Saburo, later Ohira's foreign minister. According to akita, Japan's lack of resources made it defenceless and, con• sequently, it had to befriend all and sundry (see akita, 1974). 10. Even if Fukuda himself did not at first call the three principles a 'doctrine', others did. Already the same day as he gave his speech, it is described as a 'doctrine' in a background article in the Asahi shimbull. The idea of naming Fukuda's ideas a 'doctrine' came up among his advisers and was patterned after President Ford's 'New Pacific Doctrine' launched in 1975 (Hirano, 1980, p. 175). 11. An echo can be seen in Yahuda's description of the Fukuda doctrine as 'Japan's first and perhaps most ambitious foreign policy initiative' (Yahuda, 1996, p.243). 12. In an interview with the author, Fukuda Yasuo, Fukuda Takeo's son and political heir and a member of the Japanese parliament, stressed that the Fukuda doctrine should be seen as an Asian doctrine (interview, 29 October 1993). 13. Statement by Fukuda reported in the 7Okyo shimbun, 5 November 1977 (Yana• gawa, 1984, p. 197). 14. Sonoda had advocated good relations with Beijing since his youth and made his first visit to China in 1954. When he visited the People's Republic as Fukuda's foreign minister, he was received by Hua Guofeng who greeted him as an old friend of China (Watanabe, 1981, p. 120). 15. This revelation sheds new light on Fukuda's relation to his former faction leader Kishi Nobusuke. The common view is that Fukuda could not reject lightly the advice of Kishi, one of the foremost members of the influential Taiwan lobby, who opposed the conclusion of the treaty with the People's Republic of China (Nish, 1978, p. 163). 16. See the interview with Hatoyama Iichiro in Yomiuri shimbun seijibu (1985, p.35). 17. Fukuda was concerned about 's election campaign promise to withdraw US troops from South Korea. When Fukuda visited Washington in 188 Notes

March 1977 he tried to make Carter change his pledge from 'withdrawal' to 'reduction', something that was effectuated in Carter's State of the Union address in January 1978. Eventually, nothing came of Carter's plan (Lee, 1985, pp. 98ff). 18. Interview with Nikaido Susumu in Yomiuri shimbun seijibu (1985, p. 174). 19. When Fukuda passed away, the obituary in The New York Times did not refer to his beloved doctrine but to him as a 'backer of China' (Pace, 1995).

9 TURNING THE TIDE

1. In fact, the LDP increased its share of the votes by 2.8 per cent and lost only one seat (Uji, 1990, p. 107). 2. Yoshida (1986, p. 13) argues that 'interdependence' and 'international colla• boration' were the key concepts of ahira's foreign policy. 3. Statement by ahira quoted in Uchida (1981c, p. 446). 4. Statement by ahira at his first press conference as prime minister, quoted in Iwami (1981, p. 230). 5. ahira characterized Japan's relationship to the US in this way when he met President Carter in May 1979 and it was used in the joint communique issued after their meeting (Gaimusho, 1980, pp. 394-8). The idea that Japan and the US formed a 'partnership' figured prominently in ahira's speech at the National Press Club on 3 May 1979 (Gaimusho, 1980, pp. 350-4). 6. ahira made this intention very clear in a Time interview: 'China, the Soviet Union and the U.S. are our neighbors. As time goes on there will be a natural increase in mutual understanding of positions and exchanges. There will be no emphasis on relations with one at the expense of the others' (quoted in Wakaizumi, 1978-79, p. 51). 7. Kusano considers only prime ministers from Sato onwards. 8. akita advocated economic cooperation among countries in the Pacific region. His appointment as foreign minister was generally seen as reflecting ahira's wish to promote Pacific cooperation. In akita's own recollection of his tenure as foreign minister, he casts doubt on this and suggests that he was appointed because ahira wanted his government to tackle economic issues facing Japan and the world (akita, 1980, pp. 7f). 9. Pointed out by Professor Yano Toru in a discussion with the author (6 April 1994).

10 THE HARMONY MAN ON THE SLIPPERY SLOPE

1. The following sentence demonstrates the break with Japan's past practice that Suzuki foresaw: 'We cannot accept such Soviet moves according to an unprincipled attitude of "looking pretty to everyone".' The 'unprincipled attitude of looking pretty for everyone' is only too pointedly a denunciation of the view of ahira's foreign minister akita Saburo who was famous for his description of Japan as being 'defenseless on all sides' [happo yabure] making its foreign policy like 'a beauty for everyone' [hap po bijin]. This was of course only a reformulation of Yoshida's insight of what is required of a country which - like Japan - is a trading nation. For the best expose of this aspect of akita's thinking, see akita (1978). Notes 189

2. This shift is noted in Uji (1983, pp. 141f). 3. Sankin kotai was the trip of a feudal lord to Edo and his alternate-year attendance enforced by the central government in Edo, which showed the lord's allegiance and loyalty to the central government. Miyazawa had been close to Prime Minister Ikeda. When Ikeda travelled to the United States in 1961, his trip was bad-mouthed as a case of sallkin kotai (Horie, 1981, p. 43). This may be the background to Miyazawa's cool attitude. It can be noted that a book on Suzuki which appeared in September 1980 mentions that the Japanese prime minister 'had to' perform sallkill kOtai to the United States (Kikuchi, 1980b, p. 188). 4. The controversy over the use of domei may have its origin in the different wordings used in the English and Japanese versions of the communique. The American version used the word 'alliance', while the Japanese version refers to domei kallkei, 'alliance relationship'. While 'alliance' implies a military compon• ent, 'alliance relationship' has a vaguer connotation. Tsurutani (1982, p. 176) was enraged over the interpretation that domei kankei did not include a military component: 'Some Japanese officials even attempted to explain away the Japanese-American tie as an "alliance relationship" in an absurdly contrived contradistinction to an "alliance".' For comments on the different wordings of the Japanese- and English-language versions of the communique, see Stockwin (1982, p. 308). Suzuki's own view of the debate is found in an interview with him in Suzuki (1991, pp. 155-72, esp. pp. 158-66). The debate is summarized and interpreted from a US angle in Weinstein (1982, pp. 26-29) and from an official Japanese angle in Rippo to chOsa (1981, pp. 19-20). 5. For Dhira's statement, see Kawauchi (1982, p. 130). 6. Suzuki made this explicit in a statement before his trip to ASEAN (Uji, 1983, p. 142). See also the interview with him in Suzuki (1991, pp. 156f). That Suzuki travelled to ASEAN before he went to the United States - as had been the habit of his predecessors - was taken as signifying 'a new era' in the Japan• ASEAN relationship in a comprehensive survey of Japan's relations with ASEAN by Seki (1982, p. 224).

11 THE SYMBOLIC STATESMAN

1. For Nakasone's views, see Nakasone (1987). 2. That it was a concept with heavy ideological overtones is pointed out by Dtake (1987, p. 73). 3. For Nakasone's own view, see Nakasone (1992, p. 111). 4. Williams (1994, p. 164) argues that the best rendering in English of kokusai kokka is simply 'a nation among nations'. 5. Thayer (1993, p. 91) quotes passages from Nakasone's speeches during his first political campaign at the end of the 1940s in which the keywords were 'prestige' and 'pride', and notes that they were key concerns for him as prime minister. 6. Already in 1966, Nakasone went on record with the idea that Japan should function as a bridge between the United States and the People's Republic of China (see Nakasone, 1966). 7. Deputy Fujinami Takao in a roundtable discussion after Nakasone's visit to the US in January 1983 (Yosano et al., 1983, p. 25). 190 Notes

8. During Nakasone's years in power 'Ron-Yasu' became a key foreign-policy concept. Nakasone discusses his relationship with Reagan in an interview in Suzuki (1991, pp. 175-207). 9. Nakasone's view was not news. In an interview in 1978, he stated that Japan's basic foreign-policy stance was the omnidirectional diplomacy for peace which, he said, was preconditional on Japanese-US cooperation (Nakasone, 1978, p. 22). 10. The reason for Nakasone's visit to South Korea soon after taking office resembled Prime Minister Kishi's visit to Southeast Asia in 1957, when one of his objectives was to get an 'Asian card' to bring with him on his subsequent trip to Washington to increase his bargaining power (Saito, 1990, p. 23). For Nakasone, it was important to pre-empt the Korean issue before his meeting with President Reagan (Lee, 1985, p. 129). For Nakasone's own view, see Nakasone (1992, pp. 312ft). 11. Nakasone's travel itinerary included Finland, which inadvertently demonstrated Japanese politicians' view of Finland's international position.

12 A LOCAL POLITICIAN ON THE GLOBAL STAGE

1. In his memoirs, Takeshita (1991, pp. 8, 74) names Sat6 his political onshi, honoured teacher, and his preface to Miyazaki Yoshimasa's biography of Sat6 is more or less a eulogy (Takeshita, 1980). 2. Takeshita was certainly aware of his image of being a 'local' politician. In early 1987, the same year as he became premier, he went to China in an attempt to improve his image as lacking international experience which lessened his pro• spects for success in the race for party leadership (Hanaoka and Kobayashi, 1987, pp. 2f). 3. The translation is found in Ministry of Foreign Affairs (1988, p. 269). 4. Nester (1990, p. 175) describes furusato as one of 'the vague, almost mean• ingless slogans' used by Takeshita to describe his policies. 5. For Takeshita's ideas of kokusaika, see Takeshita (1987, pp. 30-49). 6. That Takeshita wanted ase 0 nagasu to symbolize the politics of his government is clear by that fact that he ended a book published the day before he was elected prime minister by referring to this theme (Takeshita, 1987, p. 184).

13 HOPE AND UNCERTAINTY

1. Kaifu's image as a young hopeful was his main sales point as a politician. In an official presentation, the predominant image conveyed is his youthfulness (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1990b). Allinson (1993, p. 139) notes, however, that even a 'young' politician such as Kaifu had served for twenty-nine years in the parliament before he became prime minister. 2. In a preface to a book promoting Kaifu, his faction leader Komoto Toshio tried to convey the impression that Kaifu was a senior policy-maker (see K6moto, 1985, pp. 3-5) but did not succeed too well - many of his former assignments had to be prefaced with 'Vice'. 3. The central place that the concept of kokorozashi had in Kaifu's thinking is evident from his book, Kokorozashi aru kokka: Nihon no koso (A nation of Notes 191

aspirations: Blueprint for Japan) (Kaifu, 1995). Its opening line sounds familiar to any Swede: 'Politics is will', which is identical to a famous statement by the Swedish Social Democratic Party's leading ideologue in the postwar period, Olof Palme (1927-86). 4. During his trip to Southeast Asia in 1991, Kaifu expressed 'understanding' of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's proposal for an East Asian Economic Grouping, something which met US displeasure and made the Japanese government back away from this position (Inoguchi, 1993, p. 134). 5. The Japanese government's interest in improving the atmosphere for the upcoming visit to Japan by Gorbachev was shown by the fact that Kaifu ordered the Defence Agency to delete the phrase referring to the 'potential threat' of the Soviet forces stationed in the Far East from the 1990 Defelice White Paper (Saito, 1993, p. 287; quoting Asahi shimbulI, 10 September 1990).

14 FULL CIRCLE

1. Miyazawa out-aged even the grand old man of Japanese politics, Yoshida Shigeru, who became prime minister at 67. 2. Expressed with unusual candour in an interview with him conducted by Tawara Soichiro (Tawara, 1977, p. 26). 3. For Miyazawa's views of these leaders, see Kiyomiya (1982, p. 180).

15 CONCLUSION

1. In his well-known textbook Deutsch (1968, p. 87) puts it this way: The foreign policy of every country deals first with the preservation of its independence and security, and second with the pursuit and protection of its economic inter• ests ... '. Bibliography

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Acheson, Dean, 181 Assertiveness, 20, 61, 85, 93, 124, 125, Actor, 5, 12, 160 127, 142, 143, 148, 155 f Adaptation, 12, 27, 49, 93, 95, 102, 160, Atarashiki Nihon, 14 162, 174 Australia, 107, 109, 116, 169 Adjustment, 24, 91, 106 Autonomy, 135 Administrative policy speech, 4 Afghanistan, 116; invasion of, 101, 102, Balance of power, 36, 37, 47, 49, 112, 106,107,110,126,136,172,173 120, 151, 160 Africa, 88, 169, 184 Balance thinking, 29, 114, 124 Agent, 3 Balancer, 115, 118 Aid, 40, 84 Bases, US, 33, 60 Ajia gaika, 43, 183 Belief, 3, 85, 134, 172; belief system, Ajia rentai, 43, 173 160; operational, 5; private, 5; Akaha, Tsuneo, 1 public, 5 Alliance, 189; relationship, 117, 126, Bipolarity, 81, 111 145, 189 Bipolarization, 11 Allied powers, 8, 14, 15,22, 172 Boeki rikkoku, 123 Allinson, Gary D., 190 Bridge, 51, 63, 84, 94, 115, 146, 155, Ally, 64, 126, 145, 158, 165 182, 183, 189 America, 15, 16, 184 Britain, 15, 53, 83; see also Great Analysis, 7; analytical categories, 5 Britain Anti-Communism, 20, 27, 67, 98, 186 Brodin, Katarina, 3, 174, 177 Aoki Hideo, 186 Bunka kokka, 14 Arab countries, 155 Bunka no jidai, 102 Arab-Israeli war, 78 Bureaucracy, 119, 177 Article 9, 18, 91, 160 Bush, George, 139, 148, 157 Ase 0 nagasu, 190 Busshin ryamen, 97 ASEAN, 97, 98, 105, 109, 115, 117, 138, 139, 149, 173, 189 Cambodia, 115 Ashida Hitoshi, 8, 10, 12, 14, 15, 19, Camps, 11,36,47,64, 103, 111, 115, 63, 172 120, 160, 162 Asia, 20, 24, 30, 38, 42, 43, 45, 51, 53, Canada, 109, 116, 184 55, 56, 58, 62, 63, 67, 68, 75, 84, 88, Carter, Jimmy, 117, 187, 188 94, 98, 105, 109, 125, 128, 129, 136, Catching up, 48, 56, 59, 94, 121, 152, 140, 146, 156, 172, 173, 183, 184 171 . Asia-Pacific, 68, 78, 84, 88, 89, 128, Change, 3f, 26, 27, 43, 45, 58, 91, 95, 137, 138, 146, 148, 149, 152, 156, 97, 100, 101, 112, 120, 130, 142, 150, 158, 169, 172 152, 159, 162, 163, 174, 178; foreign Asian Development Bank, 182 policy, 86, 100, 116; policy, 99 Asian diplomacy, 42 f, 44, 172, 183 Chiiki,109 Asian policy, 42 Chikyuka, 142; chikyuka jidai, 142 Asian solidarity, 43, 53, 56, 67, 68, 172f Chikyuson, 120, 133, 162 Asianism, 43, 173, 183 China, 23, 32, 33, 43, 45, 55, 66, 67, 88, Aso Taro, 181 99, 105, 118, 128, 140, 148, 149, 155,

207 208 Index

China (contd) Crisis, 81,90, 102 157 f, 169, 173, 181, 185, 187, 188, Criticism, 144, 145 189, 190; trade with Japan, 23, 24, Culture, 62; era of, 102 33,43, 173 Curtis, Gerald L., 1 Churchill, Winston, 24 Coding, 6 Daigensoku, 41 Cohen, Bernhard c., 5 Daiichigi, 47 Cold War, 23, 46, 142, 151, 182 Decision-maker, 5, 12; ultimate, 177 Collaboration and solidarity, 90, 128, Decision-making, 4, 5, 52, 76, 151, 180; 138, 173 style, 52 Commitment, 19, 20, 40, 64, 65, 106, Defeat, in World War II, 6, 12, 22, 24, 116, 122, 129, 135, 137, 140, 165 64, 159 Communication, crucial, 4 Defence, 15, 16, 17, 29, 33, 38, 48, 60, Communism, 20, 32, 42, 44, 66, 182 73,87,91,92, 104, 113, 114, 123, Community, 102, 142, 162; sharing a 135; capability, 126, 135; discussion, common fate, 97, 102, 129, 162 15; efforts, 59, 60; forces, 113; Comprehensive security, 92, 104, 114, Japan's right to, 16, 48; policy, 113; 123, 135; policy, 73, 83, 106 spending, 113, 123 Conflict, 36, 46, 58, 87, 121, 147, 151, Defence Agency, 191 157 Demilitarization, 12, 16 Consensus, 48, 76, 78, 95, 101, 111, Democracy, 82; as national goal, 12, 119, 132, 141 163 Constitution, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, Democratization, 12, 163 41, 73, 82, 91, 147, 160; revision, 19, Denigrator of others' values, 18, 20, 28, 31, 33 165, 166 Containment, 23 Dependence, 96, 120, 183; on oil, 76, Continuity, 3 f, 7, 12, 14, 26, 28, 35, 37, 79, 80, 88; on the US, 15, 23,28, 109, 43, 45, 48, 52, 53, 61, 62, 68, 74, 75, 186 79, 96, 110, 111, 123, 126, 128, 130, Deutsch, Karl, 191 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 140, 141, Developer, 30, 40, 52, 62, 68, 75, 84, 146, 150, 151, 158, 159, 165; foreign 94, 105, 115, 126, 137, 165 policy, 83, 85, 86, 116; policy, 38, 39, Developing countries, 44, 62, 85, 184 54, 57 Dialogue and cooperation, 81, 85, 86, Contributor to peace, 19, 30, 39, 50, 142 51, 62, 75, 84, 93, 94, 105, 115, 124, Dialogue and reform, 141 136, 144, 145, 165, 181 Disarmament, 39, 50, 51, 62, 125, 136, Contributor to peace and prosperity, 154 20, 39, 50, 62, 75, 93, 124, 136, 145, Doctrine, 3; change, 3, 7, 178; change, 155, 165 spurious, 4; constituents, 3, 7, 159, Contributor to prosperity, 20, 30, 62, 174, 177, 178; continuity, 3, 7; 115, 155 declared, 3; deviation, 4; elements, Contributor to universal values, 20, 40, 3, 162, 174; foreign policy, 2-3, 99, 62, 126 165; institutionalization, 174; Cool appraisal, 11, 27, 59, 160 official, 3; official foreign policy, 4, Cooperation and solidarity, 95 17, 21; phase, 159, 174; stability, 4, Coping, 47, 95 174; thinning out, 89, 158 Core concepts and ideas, 4, 169-74, Dokuritsu, 28 f 178 Dokuritsu jishu, 38, 183 Corruption, 8, 90, 186 Dokuritsukoku, 73 Index 209

Domei, 117, 118, 189 Fukuda Yasuo, 187 Domei kankei, 117, 118, 126, 145, 189 Functionalistic thinking, 27 Domestic politics, 11, 19, 41, 80, 132, Furnsato, 132f, 133, 190 150, 173; unity with foreign policy, Furnsato renaissance, 133, 134 f 41,52,76,114,137 Furnsato sosei, 133 Dore, Ronald, 171 Dower, John, 33 Gaiko,180 Gaiko seisaku, 180 East Asian Economic Grouping, 191 General policy speech, 4 East Germany, 130 General settling of accounts Eastern Europe, 107, 130, 140, 157 concerning postwar politics, 119 EC,116 Gijutsu rikkoku, 123 Economic diplomacy, 24, 33, 40, 55, Global village, 120, 133, 142, 162 173, 180, 181 Globalization, 58, 142; of foreign Economic friction, 86 policy, 77 Economic growth, 1, 48, 56, 60, 82, 84, Goals, 6; internal and external, 73, 153; 92, 102, 103, 112, 122, 127, 187 inventory, 6; personal 103, 135; Economic power, see Power political, 73; prescribed, 24 Economism, 20, 38, 62, 103, 181 Goi,101 Elections, 26, 72, 90, 101, 111, 130, 184 Goldmann, Kjell, 2 Emperor, 17 Good loser, Japan as, 10, 160 Equality, 32, 42 Gorbachev, Mikhael, 149, 150, 191 Europe, 16,24,44,51,54,88, 101, 122, Grand principles, 41, 45 128, 130, 138, 139, 148, 157, 184 Grand vision, 144 Expectations, 94, 127, 144, 154 Grassroots diplomacy, 137 Great Britain, 23, 181, see also Britain Faction, 66, 80, 85, 119, 141, 151; Great-power bias, 77, 96, 99, 110, 156, factional politics, 119 165, 180 Finland, 190 Great powers, 14, 15, 37, 64, 79, 84, Focused comparison, 7 108, 152, 165, 172, 174, 182 Ford, Gerald, 187 Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Foreign policy, 2f, 47, 83, 163, 180; Sphere, 33, 79, 97, 109 operationalization of, 2 Gulf War, 145 'Free' camp, 54, 64, 67, 103, 106 Gunji taikoku, 94, 126, 145 'Free' countries, 11, 28, 41, 53, 56, 172, Gurobarnka, 142 173 'Free' world, 44, 53, 64, 130, 173 Happo bijin, 188 Free trade, 82, 123, 141, 142 Happo yabure, 188 Friction, 86, 121, 157 Hara Eikichi, 183 Fujinami Takao, 189 Harmony, 78, 111, 116, 128 Fujiyama Aiichir6, 41, 183 Harris, Scott A., 5 Fukoku kyohei, 159 Hatoyama Ichir6, 26-34, 35, 38, 41, Fukuda Takeo, 71, 90-100, 101-10, 43-5,48,51-4,59,63,64,66,69,76, 112-14, 116, 118, 120, 121, 125, 127, 98, 113, 137, 154, 158, 165, 171-3, 128, 134, 138, 142, 152, 153, 158, 177, 178, 180, 182-4 160,162,163,169,171,173,177, Hatoyama Iichir6, 98, 182, 187 178, 185-8 Hayao, Kenji, 162 Fukuda doctrine, 97-9, 109, 169, 187, Hegemony, 98 188 Heiwa gaiko, 147f 210 Index

Heiwa shinnihon, 14 Internationalization, 58, 72, 102, 112, Heiwa taikoku, 94, 187 120 f, 133, 137 Hellman, Donald, 12, 172, 177, 181, Involvement, 20, 55, 78, 137 183 Iokibe Makoto, 186, 187 Hermanns, the, 177 Iraq, 142, 144, 145, 147, 148, 150, 155, High politics, 127, 155 156, 160, 174 Hirasawa Kazuhige, 186 Ishibashi Tanzan, 35, 37, 38, 42, 43, 53, Hiroshima, 17 182, 183 Holsti, Kal, 6, 64, 115 Isolation, 13, 28, 38, 128, 147 Hamon gaiko, 44, 79 Israel, 76, 155 Honor, 61, 92, 124, 143, 153 Israeli-Arab conflict, 155 Hoppa ryodo mondai, 55 Ito Masaya, 184 Hosoya Chihiro, 23 Ito Masayoshi, 111, 117 Houston summit, 149 Hua Guofeng, 187 Japan, as actor, 93, 144; as an Asian country, 28, 43, 51, 172; as both an Ideals, 83, 116, 146, 154; idealism, 82, Asian and a Western country, 128, 162 138,147, 171; as contributing to the Ideology, 46, 54, 58, 66, 120, 130, 142, world, 133; as an honorable country, 152 47, 61, 104; as influencing its Ikeda Hayato, 46-56, 57, 59, 61, 63, 64, environment, 49, 99, 106, 112, 127, 66, 67, 69, 73, 74, 76, 83-6, 88, 90, 162; as influencing the East-West 92,93,96,99, 10\-4, 106, 107, 109, power balance, 49, 115; as 112, 114, 115, 120, 124, 126, 132, international actor, 4; as 135, 137, 153, 160, 162, 163, 169, international state, 121, 126, 136; as 171-4, 178, 184, 185, 189 lacking foreign policy, 1; as nation of Ikei, 184 culture, 14; as a new type of great Image, 56, 102, 111, 128, 130, 132, 133, power, 94, 95, 171; as non-entity, 17; 141, 160, 162, 171, 180, 190 as a pillar of the free world, 53, 56, Imperial Japanese Army, 187 184; as spokesman for Asia, 146, In-group, 53, 128, 172 183; as striving for independent Ina Hisayoshi, 184 action, 106, 128; as subordinated to Income-doubling plan, 46, 184 the US, 29, 48, 155, 157; as a Independence, 6, 10, 16, 25,28,31,49, Western country, 43, 51; 74, 101, 110, 122; as national goal, international position, 26; political 14f, 38, 48, 52, 163, 191; economic, system, 1, 4, 5; return to 15; Japan regaining, 6, 15, 17, 24; international society, 15, 34 political, 16 Japan, foreign policy, 1,2,6, 12, 22-6, Independent self-reliance, 38, 183 31,41,45,53,76,78,95,96,99,101, Indochina, 73, 97, 105 106, 109, 116, 129, 151, 152, 157-9, Indonesia, 52, 72 169,171,173,178,180,183,190;asa Instability, 30, 121 corollary of US relations, 25, 96, Institutionalization, degree of, 4 129; as dictated by the US, 23, 53, Interdependence,58,59, 72,81,86, 91, 78; as lacking grand strategy, 1; as 93, 97, 102, 108, 112, 115, 120, 133, one-dimensional, 2; independence 142, 143, 152, 157, 162, 188 of, 6, 28, 32, 139; pillars, 87, 98, 129, International system, 1, 10, 11, 27, 47, 139, 140, 147, 174 57, 69, 72, 81, 110--12, 119, 133, 154, Japan, official foreign policy doctrine, 159f, 160, 165, 174 6, 7, 45, 56, 68, 89, 131, 140, 159, Index 211

174, 177, 179; change, 45; continuity, Kagakll gijutsu rikkoku, 123 45, 99, 110, 150; defined, 3 Kaifu Toshiki, 141-50, 151, 152, 155-8, Japan, relations: Anglo-Saxon 160,162,171-4,178,190,191 countries, 22; ASEAN, 88, 98, 108, Kan, 109 117, 118, 138f, 169, 189; Asia, 23, Kantaiheiyo rentai koso, 109 25,69,84,96,98, 109; Asia-Pacific, Kantaiheiyo, 109 108, 152; Australia, 108; Canada, Kase Toshikazu, 182 108, 138; Central and South Katayama Tetsu, 8, 10, 13, 14, 15,22, America, 96, 108; China, 23, 32, 42, 63,64,96, 172, 173 43,54,55,66,67,69,71,73,74£ 75- Keiai, 124, 135 9, 85, 87, 96, 98, 99, 101, 105, 107, Keizai gaiko, 24, 33, 40, 173, 180 117£ 129, 138, 140, 148, 149, 155, Keizai masatsu, 86 169, 173, 186; Communist countries, Keizai taikoku, 82 11, 32, 54, 66; Europe, 25, 88, 96, Keizaiteki jiritsll, 15 116, 130, 139f, 140, 148; Great Ken, 109 Britain, 23, 54; EC, 148; Kennedy, John F,53, 86 Korea, 84, 105; Middle East, 78, 79, Kishi, 35-45, 46-57, 64, 67, 69, 70, 96, 118; Near East, 96; New 76, 78, 79, 90, 95, 106, 107, 112, Zealand, 108; non-Communist 120, 146, 148, 158, 160, 163, 169, Asian countries, 109; North Korea, 172, 173, 177, 178, 183, 184, 187, 87, 140, 149, 185; Oceania, 88, 96; 190 Pacific region, 108; South and Kissinger, Henry, 77 Central America, 118; South Korea, Kitaoka Shin'ichi, 118 55, 64, 67, 69, 96, 101, 108, 118, 130, Kokorozashi, 147, 190 138, 140, 149, 158; Southeast Asia, Kokorozashi am gaiko, 147 20, 33, 78, 79, 98, 117, 118, 173; Kokumin gaiko, 31, 53, 76, 137 Soviet Union, 31-3, 42, 43, 44, 66, Kokuren clulshinshllgi, 41, 148, 174 67,69,78,87,96, 98f, 107, 117f, Kokuren gaiko, 183 130, 139, 147, 149, 150, 169, 177, Kokwyoku, 29 182; Taiwan, 23, 87, 99; United Kokusai kokka, 189 States, 1, 20, 22, 23, 25, 32, 42, 44, Kokllsai kokka Nippon, 121, 132 47,52,53,54,56,61,64,65,66,68, Kokusai shakai, 181 69, 78, 86, 87, 96, 97, 101, 107, Kokusaika, 58, 59, 72, 91, 102, 112, 133, 108-10,116,117,129,130,138,139, 142,143,152,162,185, 190;jidai, 58, 145, 146, 148, 152, 157, 158, 165, 102 172, 183, 188, 189, 190; Western Kokusaiteki yakuwari, 38, 154 Europe, 79, 97, 138, 157; Western Kokusei,29 countries, 53, 116 Komoto Toshio, 190 Japan-China Peace and Friendship Korea, 23, 87, 88, 99, 105, 181 Treaty, 98, 107 Korean peninsula, 105, 140, 149 , 149 Korean War, 11, 16, 20, 23, 68 lidai ninshiki, 102 Kosaka Zentaro, 55, 66, 184 lidai no nagare, 59, 120 Kusa no ne gaiko, 137 lin'ei, 11, 36, 47, 103, 111, 120, 160 Kusano Atsushi, 107, 188 liritsu, 15, 28, 38 Kuwait, 150; invasion of, 142, 144, 145, lishll dokllritsu, 28, 38, 183 147, 148, 155, 160 lishu gaiko, 64 Kyocho to rentai, 90, 95, 116, 128, lishll heiwa gaikO, 31 173 lishllsei, 38 Kyodotai, 102, 162 212 Index

Leader, 19, 63, 94, 95, 146, 155, 181, Military power, see Power 183 Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 98, 111 Leadership, 19, 29, 71, 78, 80, 95, 114, Mirror-image, 52 119,132,146,154,155,158,165,177 Mission, 17,31,38,80, 127, 130 League of Nations, 34 Miyazaki Yoshimasa, 190 Lessons of history, 22 Miyazawa Kiichi, 117, 151-8, 162, 163, Liao Chengzhi, 184 169, 171-4, 178, 185, 189, 191 Liberal Democratic Party, 6, 35, 57, 72, Miyazawa Rie, 151 80, 81, 85, 90, 98, 99, 101, 103, 111, Model, 63, 84, 94, 127 119,141,149,150,151,158,177, Modernization, 13 186, 188 Momoi Makoto, 19 Liberal Party, 26, 35 Money politics, 72, 80 Likemindedness, 54, 76, 116, 128, 130, Morito Tatsuo, 19 157, 171 Morrison, Charles, 109 Liturgy, 4, 19, 20, 135 Multipolarity, 81 Local politics, 132, 133 Multipolarization, 58, 72, 91, 95, 102, Lockheed, 80, 186 112, 133, 162, 185, 186 London summit, 146 Muraoka, Kunio, 1 Low politics, 127, 154, 155 Mutual understanding, 66, 87, 88, 97, Low posture, 46, 56 98, 106,107 L-T trade, 55, 184 Nakasone Yasuhiro, 119-31, 132-43, MacArthur, Douglas, 8, 9, 12, 163 145, 148, 153, 157, 158, 162, 163, Mahathir Mohamad, 191 165, 169, 171, 172, 177, 178, 189, 190 , 8 National character, 29, 96 Malaysia, 52 National goals, 12-17,27-9,37-8, Manchurian 'incident', 187 47-9, 59-61, 72-4, 82-4, 91-3, 99, Mansfield, Mike, 98 103-4, 112-14, 121-4, 134-5, 142-3, Masumi Junnosuke, 9, 25 152-4, 162-4; prescribed, 12; long• Materialism, 112, 134 term, 12 Matsuno Raiz6, 182 National interests, 26, 61, 74, 76, 79, May, Ernest, 22 82,83,92,93,124,128,143,152,163 Media, 130, 141 National reconstruction, 13, 14, 15 Mediator, 40, 51, 63, 156 National security, 15, 16 f, 48, 49, 92, Meiji period, 43, 171 104, 135, 138 Meiji Restoration, 18, 94 Nationalism, 44 Meiya,143 Nester, William R., 190 Meiya aru chii, 124, 153 Neutralism, 38, 48, 60 Meiya aru Nihon, 47,104 Neutrality, 16 Mendl, Wolf, 131 New Japan, 14, 35, 159 Middle East, 75, 80, 81, 86, 88, 89, 94, New Pacific Age, 68, 78 145, 150, 155, 156, 169 New Pacific Doctrine, 187 Miki Takeo, 68, 80-9, 90, 91-3, 95, 96, New Zealand, 107, 109, 116, 169 99, 102-4, 107, 108, 112-15, 118, Nichi-Bei shinjidai, 42 122, 124, 162, 163, 165, 169, 171, Nikaid6 Susumu, 188 173,174,178,186 Nikkan shinjidai, 149 Militarism, 16, 18, 39 Nishimura Kumao, 180 Military forces, 15 Nissa fukka, 33 Military great power, 94, 126, 145 Nixon, Richard, 65, 66, 77, 182, 186 Index 213

Nixon shocks, 66 Partnership, 86, 188; equal, 53, 86; Nobel Peace Prize, 70 global, 148, 157 North America, 24, 44, 53, 122, 184 Passivity, 1,75,93, 105f, 114, 130, 145 North Korea, 73, 88, 89, 99, 149, 150 Piitonii, 114, 129 Northern Territories, 55, 67, 78, 79, Piitoniishippu, 107 107, 139, 147, 149, 186 Peace, 20, 27,51,61-3, 68, 73,112, Nuclear weapons, 63, 84, 126, 185 114, 120, 122, 142, 145; as national Nygren, Bertil, 180 goal, 12,28,37,60,83,92, 103, 112, 122 f, 134, 135, 163 Occupation, 6, 8, 9, 10, 15, 22, 24, 26, Peace-loving countries, 16, 17, 31 41, 119 Peace treaty, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 23, Oceania, 88 29, 31, 46, 69, 163, 172 Oda Hideo, 186 Peaceful coexistence, 58, 66 Ohata Tokushir6, 183 People's diplomacy, 31, 53 Ohira Masayoshi, 56, 79, 101-10, People's Republic of China, see China 111-14, 116-18, 120, 124, 126, 134, Philippines, 52 136, 153, 162, 165, 169, 171-3, 185, Pilot study, 6 186, 188, 189 Poland, 116, 130 Oil, 77, 79-81, 88, 144, 145; 'crisis', 80, Policy of production first, 82 84,90,91,160,171,187; 'shock', 72, Policy speeches, 4, 6 76,144, 169;shokku, 81, 82 Post-Cold War era, 152, 155 Okinawa, 65, 69, 70, 172, 177, 185 Potsdam Declaration, 12 Okita Sabur6, 108, 187, 188 Power, economic, 49, 95; military, 17, Omnidirectionality, 96, 99, 116, 156, 19, 58, 91, 95, 151, 160, 185; 173, 187; omnidirectional national, 28, 29, 52, 94, 114, 154 diplomacy, 22, 64, 96, 106, 116, 128, Prestige, 61, 124, 189 173; omnidirectional foreign policy, Pride, 189 77, 98, 107, 186, 187, 190 Principles, 42, 45, 55, 66, 76, 91, 98, Opinion polls, 9, 72, 185 142, 156, 160, 173 Opposition parties, 9, 46, 90, 101, 119, Prior consultation, 42 158 Prisoners of war, 32, 182 Organization of Arab Petroleum Problems, 65, 69, 78, 80, 81, 86, 91, 95,

A Exporting Countries, 76 96, 97, 102, 106 f, 118, 120, 148, 155, Otake Hideo, 189 158, 171 Productionism, 12 Pacific Basin, 68, 186 Prosperity, 20, 30, 55, 56, 60, 61, 68, 74, Pacific Basin Cooperation Concept, 94, 120, 122, 145, 152; as national 56, 109, 109, 110 goal, 38, 48, 60, 61, 74, 83, 92, 103, Pacific region, 109, 188 113, 122f, 134, 135, 152, 158, 163 Pacific Rim, 109 Protectionism, 121, 142 Pacifism, 82, 145 f Public opinion, 35, 57, 67, 76, 141, 187 Palme, Olof, 191 Pyle, Kenneth 8., 2 Park Chung Hee, 183 Participation, 13, 14, 16,41,44,47,53, Ranking, 32, 163 64, 77, 85, 96, 106, 116, 128, 138, Reagan, Ronald, 117, 129, 138, 139, 146, 147, 156, 172, 174; as national 190 goal, 12-15,28, 163; popular, 53, Realism, 11, 32, 59, 72, 82, 112, 120, 76 160, 162, 174 Partner, 20, 96, 107 Realpolitik, 10 214 Index

Rearmament, 29, 38 Secrecy, 8, 180 Recognition, 122, 154, 163; as national Security, 16, 19, 61, 73, 82, 101, 112, goal, 47,56,61, 74, 92,104,112,124, 113, 114, 122, 143, 184; as national 135, 143, 153 goal, 15, 37, 38, 48, 59, 73, 83, 91, Reconstruction, as national goal, 12, 103, 112f, 123, 135, 143, 191; 14, 163 collective, 17; long-term, 17 Recruit scandal, 141, 150 Seiji gaiko, 180 Reischauer, Edwin 0., 2, 120 Seikatsu taikoku, 153, 171 Reliability, 5 f, 180 Seikei bunri, 23, 43, 66, 86, 147, 150, Rentai, 109, 172; rentai kankei, 56, 109 173, 185 Representativity, 4 f Seisan daiichishugi, 12, 82 Resource diplomacy, 77, 78, 82, 97 Sekai ni koken suru Nippon, 133 Resources, 76, 79,82,90,91,92,95,96, Sekai no Fukuda, 90 102, 187 Sekinin, 50 Resources, small-power, 82, 92, 94, 96, Sekkyokuteki, 125 171 Self-defence, 16, 48, 103, 123, 135 Respect, 47, 52, 112, 124, 143, 154 Self-Defence Forces, 145, 146 Respect and affection, 135 Self-reliance, 15, 28, 29; economic, 15 Reza Pahlavi, 183 Self-reliant foreign policy, 64 Rhetoric, 31, 55, 83, 109, 131, 148 Self-reliant independence, 28, 29, 32, Riidashippu, 71, 95 38 Role, 6, 25, 29-31, 38, 50, 52, 99, 126, Sendoteki, 95 165; change, 75, 79, 93, 105, 124 f, Sengo seiji no sokessan, 119 144; continuity, 61, 69, 144; diffuse, Separation of politics and economics, 20, 50, 61, 93, 104 f, 110, 114, 127, 23, 43, 55, 66, 147, 149, 173 135f, 137, 140, 154, 165; inventory, Set phrase, 13 6, 17; political, 125, 127, 136; proper, Shibusawa Masahida, 184 124; prospective, 62, 64, 136; Shidehara Kijfir6, 8, 19 specific, 93, 105; typology, 6 Shigemitsu Mamoru, 8, 51, 181, 184 Role-sharing, 31, 115, 145 Shigen gaiko, 77, 82 Ron-Yasu, 129, 190 Shigen shOkoku, 82, 94, 96, 171 Russia, 157 Shigen yugen jidai, 90 Ryudoteki, 112 Shiina Etsusabur6, 80, 185 Shimei,38 Saimu,50 Shin no heiwa, 153 Sait6 Shizuo, 183 Shinnihon, 35 Salazar, Antonio de Oliveira, 183 Shinrai, 47, 101, 124, 143, 184 Sankin kotai, 117, 189 Shinsei Nihon, 14 Sat6 Eisaku, 57-70, 71-4, 76, 78, 79, Shisei hOshin enzetsu, 4 81, 83, 84, 86, 88, 90, 92, 99, 102, Shoshin hyomei enzetsu, 4 104, 112, 113, 115, 120, 124, 127, ShUdoteki, 154 132, 133, 150, 151, 153, 157, 160, Shuno gaiko, 78 162,163,165,171,172,173,174, Shutaisei, 135 177,178,185,188,190 Shutaiteki, 106 Sat6 Seizabur6, 1 Sogo anzen hosho, 92 Scalapino, Robert A., 1, 25 Sago anzen hoshO seisaku, 73 Scandals, 8, 80, 90, 133, 141, 151 Solidarity, 56, 67, 76, 86, 95, 97, 105, Schmidt, Helmut, 2 109, 116, 130, 138, 142, 156, 172, 173 Seclusion, national, 12 Sonkei,47, 124, 143, 184 Index 215

Sonoda Sunao, 98, 187 Takasaki Tatsunosuke, 184 South Korea, 33, 55, 67, 73, 99, 108, Takeshita Noboru, 69, 132-40, 141, 140, 149, 158, 187, 190 142, 143, 148, 150, 152, 157, 158, Southeast Asia, 23, 24, 33, 37, 38, 40, 162, 172, 173, 178, 190 44,51,78, 79, 98, 109, 117, 140, 169, Takumashii bunka to fukushi no kuni 183, 190, 191 Nippon, 119 Sovereignty, 6, 10, 14, 15, 160; Japan Tanaka Akihiko, 181 regaining, 22 Tanaka Kakuei, 71-9, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, Soviet Union, 16, 27, 31, 32, 33,45,55, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 95, 97, 101, 58,67,99, 101, 107f, 110, 111, 126, 102, 104, 106, 109, 110, 114, 119, 157 f, 169, 182, 188; collapse of, 142, 120, 125, 132, 133, 137, 153, 154, 152 162, 163, 165, 169, 171, 172, 173, Spokesman, 4,5, 17,24, 125 177, 185, 186 Stability, 20, 50, 55, 56, 63, 84, 85, 94, Targeting, 79, 86, 128, 131, 150, 165 105, 137, 141, 142, 145 Tawara Soichiro, 191 Stabilizer, 20, 50, 63, 75, 84, 94, 115, Teishisei, 46 126, 137, 155, 165 Tension-easer, 30, 31, 51, 62, 105, 165 Standard of living, great-power, 153, Thayer, Nathanael, 189 171 Threat, 11, 92, 142, 145, 191 Status, 95, 153 Three non-nuclear principles, 37, 70, Stockwin, J. A. A., 130, 165, 187 76,84 Style, 9, 119, 132, 177 Tienanmen Square, 148 Sub-role, 39 Toil in one's sweat, 136, 143 Summit diplomacy, 78 Tokyo Summit, 127 Superpowers, 58, 91, 99, 120 Trade, 12,23,24,26,27,43,55,65,67, Supraparty foreign policy, 52, 53 171 Supraparty policies, 85 Trading nation, 22, 77, 80, 82, 92, 123, Supreme Commander of the Allied 145, 169, 171, 173, 188 Powers, (SCAP), 8, 10, 11, 22, 26, Trends of the times, 59, 120 183 Trilateralism, 128 Survival, 19,80,91,92, 143; as national Trust, 13, 14, 15, 16, 47, 52, 61, 65, 74, goal, 14, 37, 61, 91, 113, 123, 143, 78, 99, 101, 106, 112, 124, 129, 135, 181 143, 172, 184 Suzuki Kantaro, 10 Tsuneishi, Warren, 17 Suzuki Zenko, 111-18, 119, 120, 121, Tsurutani, Taketsugu, 1, 189 123, 124, 126, 129, 132, 135, 139, 144, 150, 162, 165, 171, 178, 188, 189 Uchimura Kanzo, 51 Ukemi de taiD, 106 Tagawa Seiichi, 66 UN-centrism, 41, 174 Taigai kankei, 180 UN-centred foreign policy, 148 Taigai seisaku, 180 Unequal treaties, 13 Taiheiy6, 109 United Nations, 15, 16, 28, 32, 33, Taiheiy6ken, 109 36,38,39,40,41,48,49, 101, 115, Taiheiy6 shinjidai, 68 137,145-8,154,156,172,174, Taihen, 186; taihen na koto, 83, 91 181-5 Taiwa to kaikaku, 141 United States, 1, 9, 12, 16, 22-5, 32, Taiwa to ky6chO, 81 33,41,43,46,49,53,58,60-2,65, Taiwan, 23, 45, 55, 67, 87, 99, 185; 68, 74, 76, 77, 86-8, 99, 103, 107, lobby, 67, 99, 187 109 f, 114, 116, 117, 119, 126, 128, 216 Index

United States, (contd.) 129, 138, 139, Western Europe, 53, 107, 116, 123, 150, 155, 158, 160, 169, 172-4, 181, 130, 138, 157, 184 182, 186-9, 191 Western Pacific, 56, 109, 173 Unmei kyOdotai, 97, 98, 102, 129, 162 Western values, 142, 152 Uno Sosuke, 141-4, 146, 150 Will, 29, 68, 91, 93, 115, 147, 155, 171, US-Japan Security Treaty, 9,11,17, 178 35, 36, 42, 44, 45, 48, 50, 53, 59, 59 f, Williams, David, 189 66, 70, 73, 87, 92, 96, 103, 104, 112, Williamsburg summit, 125, 126 113, 123, 135, 159, 177, 180, 181, 183 Wolferen, Karel van, 118 World, as a given, 11, 47, 59, 112, 160, Vagueness, 20, 137 as fluid, 36, 47, 152 Values, societal, 20 World peace, 17,36,50,52,58,60,82, Value judgements, 156 112, 145, 146, 151, 154, 160 Vietnam, 63, 68, 75, 185 Vietnam War, 63, 64 Yahuda, Michael, 187 Vision, 57, 71, 155 Yakuwari, 50 Visit diplomacy, 44, 79, 139 Yakuwari to saimu, 50 Visits, 24, 42, 44, 62, 65, 67, 86, 97, 107, Yano Toru, 188 109, 117, 130, 139, 149, 158, 183, Yoshida Shigeru, 6, 8-25, 26-8, 30-3, 184, 186, 189, 190, 191 35,38-40,43-8,52,53,55,57,59, Vulnerability, 171 62-4, 67-9, 74, 77, 79, 80, 82, 92, 93,96, 102, 106, 112, 117, 119, 123, Wa, 111, 116 124, 143, 145, 151-8, 160, 162, War, renunciation of, 14, 15, 17 f, 19 163,169,171-4,177,179,181-3, War instigator, 17, 18, 19, 30, 181 185, 187, 188, 191; legacy, 45, 130 War potential, 17, 19 Yoshida doctrine, 131 Warsaw Pact, 103 Yoshida letter, 23, 43, 181 Watanabe Akio, 177 Yoshida Masanobu, 188 Welfare, 60, 63, 68, 74, 122, 123; Yoshida school, 9, 46, 57 society 103, 127; society, Yugoslavia, 130 Japanese-type, 123; state, 38, 83, 171 Welfield, John, 186 Zenhoi gaiko, 22, 64, 187 Westerlund, Ulf, 6 ZenhOi heiwa gaiko, 96, 173