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Huu7ii House 1 and Nuu-Chah-Nulth Household Archaeology

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Huu7ii House 1 and Nuu-Chah-Nulth Household Archaeology Chapter Four: Huu7ii HOuse 1 and Nuu-chah-Nulth HOusehold Archaeology The Archaeology of Plank Houses framework standing during times of residence else- where. Plank houses could be very large, sheltering The household was the fundamental economic, a household group that consisted of a number of social, and political unit on the Northwest Coast related families. Villages generally consisted of a (Ames 2005:15), essential to understanding the row of houses along the beach, all facing the sea; dynamics of past societies. Although households however, in locations where space was limited, sev- of the past were social units that cannot be stud- eral house rows might exist. Status was reflected in ied directly, they left physical traces through the house size, as the largest house in the village usu- remains of the dwellings they occupied and the ally belonged to the most highly ranked chief, and residues of their daily activities that survive within also in house position, as the large chiefly homes such structures. In a broad comparative study of were generally located toward the centre of the houses and households, Blanton (1994) states that house row (Ames and Maschner 1999:152). houses communicated rank and power, as well as These large plank houses present consider- other aspects of social and personal identity, and able challenges to archaeological research. All the that they served as mnemonic devices that guided structural components of these dwellings—the behaviour within the society. Living in the house posts, beams, rafters, and planks—decay over time structured daily life as the occupants were con- in the damp ground of the west coast, leaving little stantly provided with cues regarding appropriate for study but features such as post moulds and the behaviour. Blanton (1994:10) describes the house bounded traces of interior activities. In addition, as “a material frame that structures not only day- the huge size of many houses requires excavation to-day interactions, but also the more infrequent on a very large scale to reveal an adequate picture formal household rituals.” More specifically for the of construction details and activities. As remains Northwest Coast, Ames and Maschner (1999:147) of past houses often exist within extensive deep provide a similar view: shell midden deposits, often with no surface indi- cations, traditional excavation approaches tend to Houses … were the physical manifestation slice through house floors in the quest to obtain a of the household and its social rank; they representative sample of artifacts and faunal ele- were theatre and stage for social and spir- ments, as well as to understand the site stratigraphy itual rituals, but they were also shelter in the and chronology. The development of household ar- Northwest’s dank climate; they were food- chaeology on the Northwest Coast required a shift processing factories, in which food resources in strategy, one involving large-scale horizontal were butchered, roasted, smoked, rendered, clearance across a house floor. dried, boiled, stored, and consumed; and Despite the difficulties involved, household they were the objects of enormous effort archaeology has become a prominent aspect of and great skill. Their interior arrangements research on the Northwest Coast over the past were often a map of the relative status of the few decades (Ames 2005:15, 2006:16; Gahr et al. household’s members. 2006; Matson 2003a:7–9). Recent archaeologi- cal studies based on extensive exposure of house Although distinct regional styles are clearly evi- floors include R.G. Matson’s work at Shingle dent, Northwest Coast houses shared a basic pat- Point, which involved a Coast Salish shed-roof tern. All along the coast, split cedar planks served house (Matson 2003b), and the long-term studies as wall and roof boards that covered a framework of Ken Ames and his colleagues on several Chi- of wooden posts, beams, and rafters. Among the nookan houses along the Columbia River (Ames Salishan and Wakashan groups (including the 1996; Ames et al. 1992; Smith 2006; Sobel 2006). Nuu-chah-nulth) described historically, these Such studies have yielded detailed information planks were designed to be removable. Such an on house construction, maintenance, and repair, architectural scheme allowed the transport of as well as insights into the everyday life of the planks between seasonal villages, leaving only the people who lived in these structures. Perhaps the 70 most important demonstration of the insights to (2003) in 1984, indicate the position and approxi- be gained from a household approach to archaeol- mate dimensions of each house (Fig. 1-3). At least ogy, however, comes from the uniquely preserved 10, and perhaps 12, houses once stood in this area. dwellings at Ozette. A substantial back midden ridge, ranging up to Ozette, on the outer coast of the Olympic Pe- two meters in height, marks the rear position of ninsula, was one of the major traditional villages of the houses along the length of the site. At several the Makah people. The Makah are closely related of the house locations, narrow side midden ridges to the Nuu-chah-nulth and Ozette is only about extend out at right angles from the back ridge, 90 km from Huu7ii by canoe, so the Ozette re- gradually tapering off toward the front. The fronts search is particularly relevant to the present study. of the houses are more difficult to discern, although Ozette’s unique context stems from an ancient some have a slight edge where the floor had been disaster: a mudslide that rushed down the steep built up. The level spaces mark the locations of slope behind the village, destroying the houses at house interiors, while the ridges indicate where its southern end. The slide, perhaps triggered by a refuse accumulated outside the house, against the seismic event, occurred not long prior to European rear and side planks. This process can be seen in arrival on the coast, perhaps at the beginning of an 1874 photograph of a house at Nootka Sound the 18th century. Although the force of the slide (Fig. 4-1); the planks have been removed, leaving flattened the houses, the thick wet mud also kept only the frame, so the flat interior living and activ- the remains water-saturated, preserving the struc- ity space is evident, as is the ridge that has built up tural elements and most of the house contents. around the outer edge. Excavation, using hydraulic techniques to expose The largest house at Huu7ii, labelled House 1 the delicate wood and bark objects, continued for by Mackie and Williamson (2003), was located over a decade, ultimately exposing the complete near the middle of the house row. It extended for a floors of three houses, plus portions of several length of about 35 m parallel to the beach and was others (Samuels and Daugherty 1991:23; Samuels about 17 m wide, based on surface indications and 1989:143; Huelsbeck and Wessen 1994:3). Ozette subsurface auger testing. Such a large house is as- provides an unprecedented opportunity to study sumed to correlate with high status, as ethnograph- the nearly complete material culture of a pre- ically it was the taayii hawilh (head chief ) who European Northwest Coast household at a single occupied the largest and most impressive dwelling moment in time. The house architecture can be in a Nuu-chah-nulth village (Barrett-Lennard reconstructed (Maugher 1991) and activities and 1862:128; Colnett in Galois 2004:115; Jewitt social distinctions within the house interpreted 1967:52; McMillan and St. Claire 2005:9; Walker through spatial patterns in the floor middens 1982:61). More generally for the Northwest Coast, (Samuels 1989, 1991, 2006). Insights into the Coupland and Banning (1996:3) note that “big social realm also emerged from detailed studies of houses often provide a material correlate of wealth faunal remains, which suggested differential ac- and complexity,” and that such structures “can also cess to resource areas between houses and status- be a symbol of affluence that may signal to others related differences in the distribution of preferred the relative success of its owner, a person who can resources within houses (Huelsbeck 1989, 1994a; regularly hold feasts and ceremonies within his Wessen 1988, 1994). Ozette provides many house.” Similarly, Sobel (2006:171) makes three important lessons for other projects involving points regarding highest-status households occu- household archaeology on the Northwest Coast. pying the largest houses: (1) as house construction However, the large-scale multi-year excavation at was costly, large houses reflected great wealth, thus Ozette is unparalleled on the Northwest Coast, conferring prestige on the household that occupied and the wealth of preserved architectural elements such a structure; (2) large dwellings could hold and house contents allowed studies that would be large households, which could be more produc- not be possible in areas without such exceptional tive and influential than smaller households and preservation. achieve greater prestige; and (3) households that Although research at Huu7ii was on a more could construct large residences could hold major modest level, this site also presented an oppor- social and ritual gatherings, thus maintaining or tunity to investigate past households. The village enhancing their prestige in the society (see also consisted of a row of houses extending parallel to Coupland 2006:80–82). House 1, therefore, of- the beach. Fairly distinct flat platforms, originally fered an opportunity to investigate past life within mapped by Al Mackie and Laurie Williamson a large residential structure that was presumably 71 Figure 4-1. House frames at yuquot, Nootka Sound, 1874. The wall planks have been removed, ex- posing details of the house form. Note the low gabled style of the framework, the decorated end of the gable beam (and carved rear support post), the flat house floor inside, and the midden ridges that have accumulated along the rear and sides of the house.
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