Skinhead History, Identity, and Culture

Skinheads go beyond the societal stereotype of hate mongers, bigots, and neo-Nazis. The community of skins also includes traditional skins (those that adhere to the original philosophy of the British movement in 1969), Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice (SHARP), and gay skins, female skins, and neo-Nazi or racist/nationalist skins. Skinhead History, Identity, and Culture covers the history, identity, and culture of the skinhead movement in Europe and America, looking at the total culture of the skins through a cross-sectional analysis of skinheads in various countries. Authors Borgeson and Valeri provide original research data to cast new light into the skinhead community. Some of the data is ethnographic, drawing on face-to-face interviews with skins of all kinds, while other data is compiled from the Internet and social media about various skinhead groups within the United States, Europe, and Australia. The book covers the history of the subculture; explores the unique cultures of female, gay, and neo-Nazi skins; and explores manifestations of the culture as represented on the Internet and in music. The work discusses how skinheads derive their values and morals and how they fit into the larger social structure.

Kevin Borgeson Ph.D. is Associate Professor of Criminal Justice at Salem State University. He has published several articles on female skinheads, gay skinheads, skinheads and the Internet, and hate on the Internet. The data he used for his research was based on two years of qualitative interviewing and ethnographic data on skinhead culture. He is co-editor with Robin Valeri on Terrorism in America, co-editor with Kristen Kuehnle on Serial Offenders: In Theory and Practice, and co-editor with Robin Valeri on the book Hate Crime: Motivations and Typologies. Borgeson has appeared on various media outlets as an expert on the topic of hate, hate groups, and hate crimes.

Robin Maria Valeri Ph.D. is Professor of Psychology at St. Bonaventure University. Valeri earned a B.A. from Cornell University and an M.A. and Ph.D. from Syracuse University. She has published on a variety of topics including hate groups, skinheads, terrorism, Internet and social media, pets and laughter, and cigarette advertisements. Valeri’s work has appeared in the American Behavioral Scientist, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, Journal of Men’s Studies, and the Michigan Sociological Review. Valeri is co-editor of the book Terrorism in America and co-author of “Sticks and Stones: When the words of hatred become weapons” in Global Perspec- tives on Youth Gang Behavior, Violence, and Weapons, as well as co- author of “Masculine Identities within the Skinhead Movement” in Advances in Sociology Research (2016). Valeri has appeared on Time Warner Cable News Buffalo as an expert on terrorism. Routledge Studies in Crime and Society

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24 Regulation and Social 30 Cybercrime and its Victims Control of Incivilities Edited by Elena Martellozzo and Edited by Nina Peršak Emma A. Jane

25 Homicide, Gender and 31 Gender, Technology and Responsibility Violence Edited by Sandra Walklate and Edited by Marie Segrave and Kate Fitz-Gibbon Laura Vitis

26 Cybercrime Through an 32 Money and the Governance Interdisciplinary Lens of Punishment Edited by Thomas J. Holt A Genealogy of the Penal Fine Patricia Faraldo Cabana 27 Domestic Violence in International Context 33 Violence, Sex Offenders, Edited by Diana Scharff Peterson and Corrections and Julie A. Schroeder Rose Ricciardelli and Dale C. Spencer 28 Child Trafficking in the EU Policing and Protecting 34 Caribbean Crime and Europe’s Most Vulnerable Criminal Justice Pete Fussey and Paddy Rawlinson Impacts of Post-Colonialism and Gender 29 Resettlement of Sex Edited by Katharina J. Joosen and Offenders after Custody Corin Bailey Circles of Support and Accountability 35 Skinhead History, Identity, David Thompson and and Culture Terry Thomas with Kevin Borgeson and Susanne Karstedt Robin Maria Valeri

Skinhead History, Identity, and Culture

Kevin Borgeson and Robin Maria Valeri First published 2018 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Taylor & Francis The right of Kevin Borgeson and Robin Maria Valeri to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: Valeri, Robin Maria, author. | Borgeson, Kevin, author. Title: Skinhead history, identity, and culture / Robin Maria Valeri and Kevin Borgeson. Description: 1 Edition. | New York : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Routledge studies in crime and society | Includes index. Identifiers: LCCN 2017028316| ISBN 9781138202115 (hardback) | ISBN 9781315474816 (master ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Skinheads–History. | White supremacy movements–History. | Group identity. | Knowledge, Sociology of. Classification: LCC HV6437 .V35 2018 | DDC 306.1–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017028316

ISBN: 978-1-138-20211-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-47481-6 (ebk) Typeset in Sabon by Wearset Ltd, Boldon, Tyne and Wear This book is dedicated to Pam, Jade, Liam Chayse, and Logan. Without their support and feedback, this project never would have got off the ground. I would also like to dedicate this book to Michael E. Brown, an incredible mentor and friend. Kevin

To my husband Ray, for his love and support, and to my parents Bob and Nancy, for their unfailing confidence in me, my love and gratitude. Robin

Contents

Preface x

1 Skinhead History 1

2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins: An Analysis of Why They, Join, Stay, and Quit 19

3 Gay Skinheads: A Part of or Apart from the Skinhead Movement 39

4 Female Skinheads 66

5 Skinhead Music: The Beat Goes On 91

6 Exploring Skinhead Identity through an Analysis of Skinhead Websites, Social Networks, and Social Media 119

7 Conclusion: Who is a True Skinhead? 141

Index 145 Preface

Dear Reader, Thank you for your interest in our book. Skinheads are a fascinating group of individuals to talk with and it has been intriguing for us to explore and write about the skinhead movement. What makes this book unique is that much of the information presented is based on interviews with skinheads from the north-eastern United States, conducted over the past 20 years by the first author, Kevin Borgeson. As you read through the book you will note that some of their opinions about the movement differ from those presented in other accounts. These differences may stem, in part, from the nationality, gender, or sexual preference of those being interviewed and reflect, one of the reoccurring themes of the book, that identity, in this case the skinhead identity, is dynamic. For example, in Chapter 1 you will find that the views of the traditional skinheads interviewed, about the roots of the movement, are in some ways consistent with that of other researchers and writers. And that many of the differences between their versions of skinhead history and that of others, tend to stem from either the fact that they are American skinheads rather than English skinheads or skinheads from some other part of the world or that they joined the movement in the latter part of the 1980s or later, and so their perspective on the history of the movement and what is important to it, differs from that of someone who joined the movement when it first began or when it first came to the United States. The history of the skinhead movement, as presented by the racist/nationalist skinheads interviewed, diverges even further from the norm, for both of these reasons, but also because the racist/nationalist skinheads tend to trace their history through its racist/nationalist origins, emphasizing the events and person alities pertinent to it, more so than its skinhead origins. As you read through the book you will note that different groups proclaim that they are the “true” or “authentic skinheads” while decrying other groups’ claims to the skinhead identity. As will be discussed, identity is both created and dynamic. Identity is created and shaped from the individual’s own attributes, the attributes of the group, and even the attributes of Preface xi opposing groups. Because both individuals and situations change over time, identity is necessarily forced to change and evolve as the individual and groups grow and change with time and to meet the demands of the situation. The result is that no two individuals or groups, even though they espouse the same identity, will have the same identity or “do” identity in the same way. Evidence for this is seen in the contrary views about skinhead history mentioned above and discussed in Chapter 1. The difference in stories told by American skinheads versus those from other countries or the differences between American skinheads who are racist/nationalist skinheads versus traditional skinheads is a manifestation of the constructed, idiosyncratic, and dynamic nature of identity. In Chapter 2 we discuss why people join and leave the skinhead movement. An individual’s identity is central to both their reasons for joining and leaving the movement. According to the skinheads interviewed, all were drawn to the skinhead movement because what they saw in the movement was consistent with who they were. Rather than a skinhead group approaching them and recruiting them into the movement, the accounts of these skinheads suggest the reverse. These individuals sought out the groups and joined them because the group’s identity was consistent with their own identity. Additionally, many of the individuals interviewed recounted a similar tale of how, in mainstream society, they were not accepted for who they were, and had to pretend to be someone they weren’t in order to gain acceptance. But among skinheads they could be who they were, reveal their true identity, and gain acceptance. For this reason many skinheads refer to their skinhead friends as their true family, the people they turn to for support and help. Some of the skinheads interviewed were able to pinpoint a specific event that spurred a change in identity that either brought them into the movement or spurred them to leave it. Once part of the skinhead movement, whether a traditional skinhead or racist/nationalist, the group’s norms would further shape the individual’s identity. As noted throughout the book, an individual’s identity changes as they change and as they encounter and react to new situations. In the accounts of people who leave the skinhead movement you will see that what prompts someone to leave the movement is a change in identity, one that makes their new identity incompatible with the group’s identity. The second theme in the book has to do with masculinity. For the most part, the original skinheads espoused beliefs, values, and behaviors consistent with hegemonic masculinity. Therefore, in previous research and writ- ings about skinheads, especially that of traditional skinheads and Racist/ National skinheads, ultra-masculinity was often assumed and rarely discussed. However, the importance of masculinity to the skinhead identity becomes salient when discussing gay skinheads or female skinheads because stereotypes of each of these groups run counter to views about masculinity, challenging conceptions of masculinity and of skinheads. xii Preface

However, in Chapter 3 you will see that it is the ultra-masculinity of the movement that attracts gay men to the skinhead movement either because it is consistent with their own masculinity and/or because of its erotic appeal. In Chapter 4 you will see that some of the female skinheads embrace the toughness and violence associated with being a skinhead while others admit that they do not like the violence. The presence of these groups within the skinhead movement poses a challenge to the identity of a skinhead. Yet, in each of these chapters, you will hear members of the respective groups defend their right to be skinheads, often by stating that their particular group represents what it means to be a “true skin.” You will also hear other skinheads contend that gays, women, racists, or nationalists cannot be part of the skinhead movement because they do not represent what it means to be a “true skin.” For many skinheads, music is fundamental to the movement, and is credited with shaping skinhead culture and identity. Chapter 5, on skinhead music, discusses the importance of music to the history of skinheads. Because there are different niches within the skinhead movement, the type of music each group listens to differs. But regardless of the type of music a group listens to, music helps to shape and transmit their own brand of skinhead culture and identity, brings people into the movement by facilitating the formation of friendships, and helps keep people tied to the movement through the nostalgia it evokes. Technology, specifically the Internet, has also come to play a key role in keeping the skinhead movement alive and a global phenomenon. Like music, it too plays a key role in transmit- ting skinhead culture, attracting new members, and facilitating connections between and among skinhead groups. Finally, as is evident from the above discussion, this book underscores the diversity of individuals and groups who consider themselves to be skinheads. Taken together, the range of opinions among the skinheads interviewed sheds light on the diversity within the skinhead movement and dispels any notion that skinheads are a homogeneous group. We hope you enjoy the book. Warmest regards, Kevin Borgeson and Robin Valeri Chapter 1 Skinhead History

Overview In order to understand skinhead culture one must look at how skinheads construct their everyday definitions of situations, in which they are engaged, as well as the knowledge system they use to make sense of their daily lives within the subculture and in the outside world. Skinheads do not live in a bubble and are affected by outside social influences. The movement itself was constructed originally in the 1960s on the bases of the beliefs, morality, and values that went with English working class life. Like other historical subcultures, skins today have adapted to the changing political, social, and moral circumstances of their society. For example, some skinhead identities are opposed to animal cruelty. In order to understand this relationship of subculture to the inclusive culture, it is helpful to examine some aspects of the sociology of knowledge. This chapter will first explain social construction theory and then move to how skinheads develop a knowledge system, including the types of rationalization they use in going about their daily life, while constructing a history of the skinhead movement as they see it in regard to its relative autonomy.

Social Construction of Reality In 1966, Peter Berger and Thomas Luckmann published The Social Con struction of Reality, a work written from the point of view of the sociology of knowledge. They focus on the “process by which any body of knowledge comes to be socially accepted as reality” By reality construction they mean the process whereby people continuously create, through their actions and interactions, a shared reality that is experienced as objectively factual and subjectively meaningful” (Wallace & Wolf, 1999, p. 277). The main point is that the knowledge an individual gains from experience takes a form of a structure, which gives it its intelligibility and meaningfulness. When Berger and Luckmann refer to this structure, they 2 1 Skinhead History mean “the social order, or the institutional world, which they view as human products” (Wallace & Wolf, 1999, p. 277). For Berger and Luckmann, alienation from society plays an important part in the ways in which individuals, as members of groups, construct various versions of the knowledge system. They define “alienation” as a loss of meaning: there has been a disintegration of the socially constructed knowledge system (Wallace & Wolf, 1999, p. 277). Weaknesses of the knowledge system of society as a whole may indicate dysfunctions, which, in turn, can produce innovations in norms and ways of representing the social world in attempts to reconstitute a sense of meaning of what is happening and a way of distinguishing those who know properly from those who do not. For skinheads this is done by deciding “who is a real skin” and therefore who is not (this will be explored in the chapter on racist and non-racist skinheads). Who is a real skin depends on the understanding one has of the “true history” of the skinhead movement and the music and lifestyles in that history. Of course, there is not one history that all skins refer to. Whether one is a racist or non-racist skin depends on the culture from which they believe their subculture developed. Non-racists trace their origins to Jamaica, while racist skins believe that the “true” skinhead history did not start until the late punk movement—most specifically the Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan era of the 1980s (see below for a discussion). Berger and Luckman argue that understanding society and its subcultures requires an account of the process of externalization and objectification. Externalization has two dimensions. First, “it means that human beings can create a new social reality”; second, human beings can re-create social institutions by their ongoing externalization of them” (Wallace & Wolf, 1999, p. 278) as things produced by them and, as such, external realities on the order of what Emile Durkheim called “social facts” (Durkheim, 2014). This implies that the skinhead subculture, like many subcultures, is fluid and changes with the times. While skinheads (whether racist or non-racist) have a hard-core belief system, some values will change with the times. For instance, most racist skins do not believe in the political process and believe that the government is “run by Jews who are trying to take over the world.” But, during the election cycle of 2016, racist skinheads came out and supported Donald Trump. While some adhered to the belief of a Jewish conspiracy, others saw Trump as an “exception to the rule”: he “was not affected by Jewish influence.” What was important was that Trump was speaking the language of White Nationalism and therefore he was not influenced by the “Jews and their agenda of world domination.” The second part of Berger and Luckmann’s account of the reconstitu- tion of knowledge is objectivation, which means “society is an objective reality that has consequences for the individual because it acts back on its creator” (Wallace & Wolf, 1999, p. 280). This is the creation of a sense of we-ness. What is created as a “true skin” has consequences; if one does not 1 Skinhead History 3 believe in the norms and rules of the subculture they can be kicked out of the skinhead movement as is dramatically illustrated by groups such as the Aryan Brotherhood in prisons. If members believe that one of the members is a “race traitor” he is banished from the group; the consequence is that other gangs can make them a victim of violence because they no longer have the group’s protection of their original group. Berger and Luckmann’s (1967) approach also involves what they refer to as “internalization.” This means that “individuals internalize the objective social reality and there is no problem of identity, for everybody knows who everyone is and who he is himself (Berger & Luckman, p. 164). Those who accept the “normal behavior” of the group are iden tified as a “true skin.” The main reason for using social construction theory to analyze the skinhead movement is that it allows us to look at the paradigm that skins identify with and the complexity of the relationships between identity and interpretations of history and culture in regard to the moral ideas and values that constitute the core of the skinhead subculture. In this chapter, we refer to a history that not only refers to the experiences of male skins but female skins as well. What distinguished our research is that, in addition to recognizing and featuring women’s voices, we emphasize the different identities of men and women within the movement. Since the 1980s, skinheads and neo-Nazis have been treated as two sub- types of the same thing. Hollywood and the news media are perhaps most guilty of projecting this image. A study done on the coverage of skinheads by the Boston Globe reports that between 1980 and 2000 there were 436 articles about skins, with “79 from 1980–1989 and 359 during the decade of 1990–2000. All but three articles represented skins as Nazi’s and hate mongers” (Borgeson, 2002, p. 12). Social Scientists have added to the problem of clarifying the skinhead movement. In 1995 Praeger Press released a book entitled American Skinheads: The Criminology and Control of Hate Crime, by criminologist Mark Hamm, that many researchers in the field see as the ultimate in skinhead research. Hamm’s book was the first academic attempt to examine the skinhead phenomena. It focused exclusively on neo-Nazi skinheads, avoiding other identities. As will become evident in a later chapter, violence is an attribute common to all skinheads who join the movement, not just neo-Nazis. Gay skins assault other skins that they feel are effeminate, and such actions would be considered a hate crime under most state laws. Recent research has begun to show a complexity of identities, which exist with-in the skinhead subculture. (see Borgeson, 2002, 2003; Wood, 1999). For example, Robert Wood has challenged the prevailing image of racist skinhead culture by demonstrating a greater diversity of attitudes than hatred among skinheads and correspondingly greater degrees of moral complexity. In the course of research on skinhead culture, we have 4 1 Skinhead History found data consistent with Wood’s hypothesis that skinhead culture is not based primarily on hatred and anti-Semitism, and has a diversity of identities consistent with findings of other researchers (see Hamm, 1995; Marshall, 1994; and Healy, 1996). It is in regard to this that it is now possible to reconsider the origins of skinhead culture in punk. This requires rethinking the two major components of the culture: skinhead identity and skinhead history. Once this has been accomplished we can examine the current skinhead scene in order to see how the various identities, with their moral aspects fit into the larger American skinhead scene. The historiography of skinheads in America has traditionally been lax in representing the female voice within a skinhead culture. Our use of the term “skinhead” should be taken to refer to both males and females within the skinhead subculture, though we will discuss the issue of gender from both points of view.

Skinhead History and Identity Since the publication of Marshall’s Spirit of 69 (1994), Marshall—a former skinhead—the skin movement has been identified in England of working class youth. Since England places a high emphasis on class division, the movement was more about expressive cultural ideology in the outward appearance of nationalism and self-pride in being working-class and a sense of unity with others who are seen as working class. The ideology is similar to that described in the Cultural Studies classic, The Making of the Working Class, by E.P. Thompson: Take pride in being working class, even if the social structure discriminates against you. For skinheads, the use of swears, tattoos, violence, and expression of working class pride is in defiance of the larger social order negating the issue of “a problem with working class people.” For the British, class is an issue that is dealt with on a daily basis, and this type of defiance is needed in order to function cognitively in a biased social structure. It follows that skinhead history is as much a history of rebellion as it is a history of style and music. In his book, Skinhead, Nick Knight describes skin-style as a “counter-revolution” (1982, p. 8), and traces it to the mods of the 60s and an even earlier manifestation in the Caribbean as this skin described:

If you really want to understand the skinhead scene you have to trace you have to look back to the beginnings of reggae and ska in Jamaica to get a true picture of where the skins originated from. The whole rudeboy phenomena in England came from there and they aligned themselves with others who were fighting for working class rights.

Like the mods, skin style was smart and clean; however, it was always clearly linked to working-class backgrounds. Clothing needed to be affordable, practical, and identifiable. The look of skins, with Levi’s, 1 Skinhead History 5 t-shirts, short or shaved hair, and “braces” (suspenders) has changed little in the 50 plus years skins have been in existence. Even short hair was a statement in an era already used to longhaired hippies. Short hair was practical in a fight, easy to maintain, and had an immediate effect on observers. As Knight states, “short hair is associated in the public mind with convicts, prison camp inmates, and the military. It was exactly this mean look which the skins wished to cultivate” (1982, p. 13). Not all skins believe that their origin had to do fundamentally with style. Others, and many observers, tied it to economic reality:

The whole scene was based on class. The working class weren’t making the same kind of money as those who were in the upper middle class. So for them they adopted things that were affordable. One of the things they adopted was the short hair. The buzz cut was something that one could do at home and did not have to go to a barber for. Sure, it probably had something to do with fighting as well; but, I see it solely as a reaction to being working class.

When “skins” began to arrive on the scene in Britain in the late sixties, it began as a movement of working class youths. There are some who say, that skins were a reaction against the upper middle class hippy movement.

If you really want to understand the skinhead scene you have to trace you have to look back to the beginnings of reggae and ska in Jamaica to get a true picture of were the skins originated from. The whole rudeboy phenomena in England came from there and they aligned themselves with others who were fighting for working class rights. Although some would say that the scene started with the mods, I disagree because they didn’t really listen to the same music.

In contrast, the skinhead movement in America was an offshoot of the punk movement, imported from Great Britain.1 Punk came at a time when young Americans were trying to find their individuality and place in society. The women’s movement was starting to take shape and people began to lose faith in American political institutions in the aftermath of the Nixon administration and the Gas crises. The civil rights movement was affecting education, work, and the relationship between minorities and whites. Punk surfaced as a way for the youth of that period to express their opposition to the dominance of mainstream motivations (Lamy & Levin, 1985). Even though the defiance could be thought of as an essentially symbolic (Hebdidge, 1979), through music and dress, the power of the punk image attracted disenfranchised youth. Kids started putting pins in their cheeks, dressed in surplus army clothes, and in other respects pushed an apocalyptic dark side of defiance to its extreme. As one former skin put it: 6 1 Skinhead History

The people that were punks were very similar to me, except I chose the skins. A lot of us came from towns where we didn’t fit in. Becoming a punk or a skin kind of made you feel wanted. I always said that I walked tall and proud in my skinhead boots. Without the skins I just would have been a pencil headed geek who sat around all day and watched cartoon network.

Today, skinheads adhere to several identities, thus their community is more complex than previous research has suggested (see Borgeson, 2002). It is rare to find this even lip service to the need to situate the movement in the inclusive and often overlapping cultures within which it can be perceived as a movement. Although many books have focused on “American skinheads” (see Hamm, 1995), they lack placement of the community within the larger United States culture within which they operate. For example, Mark Hamm’s book, entitled American Skinheads: The Crim inology and Control of Hate Crime, focuses on skinhead history as it developed in Great Britain but not as it transpired in the complex multi- plicity of cultures and social movements in the U.S. Such a linear narrative too easily leads to the confusion that all skinheads think the same way, and that their culture is homogenous, undivided, and indifferent to everything but momentary objects of their defiance. Hamm’s emphasis on neo- Nazi skins, in particular, largely ignores the cultural formations that surround the other skin identities described more recently by other researchers. One of the main purposes of this chapter, and the book in general, is to examine these aspects of identity, content, and cultural complexity that bear on our understanding of the skin movement and its multiple manifestations, and of the differences social change in recent years seems to have made in the current state of the movement. No matter the identity, there are similarities in the value orientations of skins, which run through the skinhead culture. According to Marshall (1994) and Wood (1999) these comprise a working class ethos of pride, loyalty, and unity aggressively expressed a defense of an ideal of identity, loyalty to fellow skins, and a willingness to sacrifice for the sake of the community—in particular in defense of the ideal of racial purity among skins and throughout America. How these values are connected to the aspect of style is difficult to say (Marshall, 1997). It is clear, however, that music, clothes, and differential association play an enormous role in sub- stantiating the idea of a skin culture. The music is derivative of the trans- gressive versions of Jamaican reggae (ska) and punk (Oi!) and the clothes create a stereotype of working class identity (jeans, Doc Marten work boots, polo shirts, etc.). Skins also tend to associate with other skins, though not exclusively. The cultural bond seems to be sustained primarily through Internet communications about music and clothing, that is, through the informality of discourses on style. What might be called the 1 Skinhead History 7

Politian bond seems sustained through more formal expressions of pride, loyalty, and unity, and by explicit ideological statements with appropriate racialist and patriotic inflections. The motif of violence, although not all advocate it, and it is clear from the findings of my research on the Internet communication among skins that the referent of “skin identity” is much more contested, especially when gays participate in the culture (Borgeson, 2002).

Types of Skinheads It is customary to distinguish at least four main cultural types of skinheads: traditional, neo-Nazi, SHARP, and—as a result of Healy’s research—gay skins (Marshall, 1994; Healy, 1996; see also Wood, 1999; Hamm, 1995; and Moore, 1993). Traditional skins adhere to what they consider the original skin values of pride, loyalty, and unity. Identity is manifested in the choices of music, usually ska or Oi!, beer, violence, and displays of what Marshall believes is a variant of working class consciousness (Marshall, 1994). Traditional skins tend to exclude politics of any sort from their sense of the movement as this one skin expressed:

Trads embrace the original skinhead culture, pride, loyalty and heritage. It wasn’t until the Nazi’s came along that you started to see “heritage” change. For the Nazi’s heritage meant white pride. Unity was whites should stick together and exclude all other races. If it wasn’t for them the movement probably would have heritage as working class; instead, you had heritage’s meaning bastardized to mean race.

Over the years of doing ethnographic research on skinheads, the authors have often been given schemata of the skinhead “family tree” that commonly ascribe the origins of the movement to the English subcultures of the suedehead, smoothie, and bootboy. When asked why American skins do not refer to themselves as related any of those identities, one respondent stated:

That only really happened in England. Most of those people that dressed like a suedehead, smoothie or bootboy never made it to America. Those really only happened in England when the original skinhead movement began to die down and those types of skins only existed in small towns. When the skins came to America you only really had the punk/skins, trads, and neo-Nazis.

Neo-Nazi skins endorse racist ideology such as “white power” or “white pride.” Their public expressions (via Internet, ’zines, pamphlets, or tracts) 8 1 Skinhead History are xenophobic and invoke radical patriotism or nationalism (sometimes to the point of advocating an overthrow of the government). They usually attempt to appeal to alienated youth, and to discredit government by distorting liberal ways of thinking (see Borgeson, 2002, for an analysis of Internet skin sites). The fourth category—and the most controversial among skinheads—are gay skins (see Healy for an in depth discussion of the origins of this subculture). Maury Healy’s book, Gay Skins, argues that gay skinheads have always been part of the skinhead community, which raises questions about the common stereotype that community is homogenous and undivided. There are two prevailing identities among gay skins: those that put skin before being gay and those that put gay before being skin. Most of the controversy surrounding gays addresses the latter. Most skinheads—except the Nazi’s—can accept skins who displayed and express alternative identities—that is what the movement was built on. What some cannot accept are those skins who express pride in being gay, and, typical of the patriarchal ethos that per- vades the movement, reject “effeminate” versions of gay skin identity (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015). SHARPs were first noticed in 1987 in New York City. The acronym stands for Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice. At that time, the prevailing attitude in the press was that all skinheads were White-Power Nazis. SHARPs believe that they can teach the world about skinhead culture in a way that shows that not all skins are racists and that the culture itself is independent of racism and Nazism. To that end, members of SHARP began doing radio and television interviews, spreading a message of tolerance and pride at odds with what was emphasized in the media and with no neo-Nazi rhetoric: that all skinheads are not the same, that they represent different ideals and hold different beliefs, both personal and political. For the most part those members were received with courtesy even if their message was sometimes ignored. Closely related to the trads, SHARPs embrace certain aspects of the morality of the original movement. At times however, their beliefs are in conflict with other skins who see SHARPs as injecting politics intoa culture that is better off without it in so far as they reaffirm societal beliefs that all people deserve to be treated fairly and repudiate “hate.” Violence is allowed as a means of defending pride. It is important to note, parenthetically, that no set of categories or list of values can do justice to a movement no matter how explicit its ideology or ideologies. The four types discussed above should be understood not as a tourist map, but as a guide sheet that highlights only the most accessible and transparent of places and movements. What is important for this study is the fact that the four types identify differences in emphasis among skins. 1 Skinhead History 9

The Anti-Punk Movement Several books have been written about the punk movement that describe them as an anti-movement, against America’s growing conservatism, against parents some of whom are ex-hippies, and against the commercialization of music. Historically, most scholars associate punk with the arrival of the Sex Pistols, and music that is loud, angry, and violent. However, punk had a foothold in the United States before the arrival of the Sex Pistols. Bands such as Iggy and the Stooges, the MC5, the Velvet Underground, and the Ramones were part of an underground music movement that originated in New York. At the beginning, there was no name for this movement, nor was it initially thought of as a “movement.” Consequently, there were conflicting accounts of the meaning of this new scene. In their book, Please Kill Me, McNeil and McCain (2016) credit themselves with the term “punk music” and categorized it as “drunk, obnoxious, smart but not pretentious, absurd, funny, ironic, and things that appealed to the darker side” (McNeil & McCain, 2016, p. 204). What is clear, however, is that skins did emerge in the United State as an anti-establishment movement that embraced values, which were seen as distinctly “American”: everything, from clothing to music was an assertion of individualism (McNeil & McCain, 2016, p. 41). The rough edges, ripped clothing, and garage bands were means of asserting independence for many apparently alienated young people. According to Blush, hardcore was an American phenomenon fueled by British and homegrown punk scenes” (2010, p. 13). Blush credits Southern LA as the springboard for the scene because of its proximity to “The American Dream” (p. 13). To many, hardcore was eventually seen as opposed to the assimilationist tendency of punk to become an anti-punk movement. Punk was becoming fashionable and seen as “artsy.” Hardcore punks adopted a tough, working class, aggressively male attitude. If one were to put a time frame on the two related movements, 1976–1980 could be seen as the punk years and hardcore could be seen as emerging from 1980–1986 peaking during 1981–1982 (Blush, 2010, p. 13). It is not possible to point to a single event or person as responsible for the change. Much of the history is oral, and though interviews are available with various bands, the actual course of that history remains ambiguous. What is acknowledged by most writers is that punk, in its original form, had become more mainstream. The look was being copied as fashion and the music was starting to crossover with a radio-friendly version called “New Wave.” As one former skin pointed out:

If it wasn’t for punk music dying down and turning into new wave you probably wouldn’t have seen so many people joining the skinheads. Just like punk for some it was the look—they wanted to look a certain way so they shocked people—they wanted to make a statement. 10 1 Skinhead History

To retain the edginess of punk and to continue to rebel against what many punks perceived was the watering-down of the scene, bands began to appear which were loud, aggressive, and angry. Sham 69 is thought to be the first true hardcore band and others soon followed (Blush, 2010, p. 31). The names were shockingly mainstream: Agent Orange, Circle Jerks, Suicidal Tendencies, and the Dead Kennedys. The hard, aggressive style of the music appealed to youths who were feeling disenfranchised within the punk movement. It retained the homegrown feeling of the original punk movement which many saw as populated by art-school wannabes. McNeil and McCain claim that “the West Coast punks hated the New York scene’s artsy-poetry aspects, exemplified by the Patti Smith Group, Television, and Talking Heads” (McNeil & McCain, 2016, p. 52). Hardcore bands used their music to refer to issues in America that they felt were facing the country and its youth. Unlike mainstream bands, hardcore was immediately accessible to its fans. Band members would stage dive and become part of the show rather than remaining aloof as perform- ers for an audience These bands were in touch with their listeners and became a voice for the post-punk generation like these lyrics from the song “Guilty of being white” by Minor Threat (1981).

I’m sorry for something I didn’t do Lynched somebody but I didn’t know who You blame me for slavery A hundred years before I was born

Hardcore was also an outlet for white youth who felt discriminated against in post-civil rights America. Many white youth, growing up in an era where policies were designed to ensure equal rights under the law for all in America began to feel that they were objects of discrimination. As the American economy took a downward turn, many middle class families were experiencing the effects of layoffs and downsizing. The American dream seemed less and less achievable. Court decisions enforced policies aimed at promoting racial equality and few youth truly understood why such policies were necessary. Many simply thought of those policies as preferential to minorities. This belief still holds true in today’s scene. One skin expressed it this way:

All that affirmative action bullshit—and the feminists—ruined the working class. People started to discriminate against whites. It’s because of that that society is so screwed up. Way back it used to be that you got a job or into school because of your merit. Now it depends on whether you are a fucking minority, women or a Jew. 1 Skinhead History 11

It was from within this scene that the skinheads began to appear. Prior to a formation of distinct “skinhead” movement, some hardcore types shaved their heads and adopted the tough look of the skins. John Kezdy of the Effigies stated, “In California, the skinhead thing was a surfer thing. Ulti- mately, what bound all forms of skinheads … is a very male sense of rock” (Blush, 2010, p. 31). By the time the skins attracted the attention of the mainstream media, they had separated themselves from the hardcore movement (Moore, 1993, p. 44) and while skins and punks were still part of the “scene,” they began to emerge as a separate and distinct movement. Punks and skins were no longer united against society; they were now divided against one another. Consider the remarks of this skin regarding Punks:

I hate punks. The only thing they care about is looking good. They will spend hours on making sure that their hair looks good before they go out. But if you ever asked them what the punk movement is all about they can’t do it. Punks are shallow.

Punks who did not believe in diluting their movement also engaged in similar discourse:

Most skinheads are pussies. They walk around like there movement is the best. If you disagree with them they beat you up. But they won’t talk shit to you one on one, they come looking for you in a group, and then give you a boot party.

Oi! Oi! Music is “the music of the street” and anyone who has walked down a city street and been looked down upon by some elitist bastard can relate to Oi!, anyone who has worked all day long as a wage slave can relate to Oi!, everyone who has ever felt different can relate to Oi!. Your every day Joe thinks Oi! music is racist in nature, but nothing but nothing could be further from the truth. Oi! music transcends race, color, and creed. Oi! music is about having a laugh and having a say, plain and simple. (Oi! American Oi!)

As with UK skins of the late sixties, music became a means of identifying oneself as a skin. It was in the late seventies that “Oi” began to emerge as an identity marker in England. Even the term “Oi” has its roots in Cockney slang as a greeting—thus helping to solidify the identity of skinheads and their music with the working-class (Moore, 1993, p. 45). Dick Hebdidge identified Oi! as performing “a similar function to early punk— taking rock back to the basics … reviving the original rebel-delinquent 12 1 Skinhead History cluster—the myth of Elvis-as-a- hub-cap-thief, a poor white loser up against the law” (Knight, 1982, p. 29). When the punk movement began to die out in America, those that still liked the look, and most importantly the music, found in Oi! a means to separate themselves from what they thought of as a coopted punk sub culture. Oi! was apparently first used in the song, “Oi, Oi, Oi” bythe Cockney Rejects (released 1980, Greatest Hits Volume II). It came to refer to a style of music that is similar to punk in sound and is considered by most to be a remonstration style of music. The words are hard to understand and there is a lot of screaming associated with it. It is difficult to separate early Oi! and hardcore as many of the early bands were considered crossovers. Bands such as Sham 69, Cockney Rejects, and others are still considered punk though their main appeal is as “Oi” bands. Skins pro- claimed some bands as skin bands because of the anger of their lyrics and the hard, fast beat that made their rhythm irresistible, giving the music a decidedly aggressive male aspect. Oi! promoted a violent form of dancing called slam dancing or thrash- ing. Slam dancing involves simply running into other dancers as hard as possible. Typically, audiences were predominantly male and fights would break out over who was most masculine. It was also not uncommon for the bands themselves to become involved in fights, thus reinforcing the intimacy of the connection of Oi! with the people. Injuries became common and were usually sported. It was at this time (1980) that several self-designations began to be used by skins to distinguish themselves from the neo Nazi image that was prevalent in the mass media.

Racism within the Movement During the 80s, Ronald Reagan’s presidency “played to resurgent conservatism, to nationalism, and to fundamentalism- the emerging foundations of the New Right. But he also played to the fringes, taking the ground first held by Goldwater, and then by Wallace” (Ridgeway, 1995, p. 93). It was also during this time that liberalism, and the left began to be spoken of as forming a social movement rather than merely an ideological tendencies. The Reagan years were exemplified not only by conservatism but by “white backlash.” Many on the left felt that the country was headed in a direction that was reminiscent of Fascism. It was during this era that the American media began to capitalize on the neo-Nazi skin image and the undeniable violence, racism, and deviance. This set the tone for the 90s, during which the image was constantly used as a sufficient representation of the movement as a whole. Yet, there was some truth in the typical representation, if only because of the general belief among skins that violence was a virtue and because of the appearance of white supremacist 1 Skinhead History 13 messages on television and, eventually, the Internet, mistakenly identified with the skin movement. Many of this “new right” felt threatened by feminism and liberalism; the skinheads were no exception. The number of “gay bashings” and “immigrant bashings” began to rise, as neo Nazi skins became seen as the men on the front lines “combating the enemy.” Ethiopian Mulugeta Seraw was beaten to death in 1988 in Portland Oregon by neo-Nazi skinheads. After a court battle between the Southern Poverty Law Center and the White Aryan Resistance (WAR) and neo-Nazi skins, the groups were found to have collaborated and WAR was found guilty of instigating the violent attacks on the SPLC. As one skin explained, not all skins see the history of their culture in the same way—racist skins claim that it is false to say that their roots derived from the music and fashion of Jamaica:

The history for those who call themselves a “trad” is not the real beginnings. Some will say that it began in Jamaica—that is total bull shit. Skinheads came over with the punk movement from Britain. For some it was just some kind of fashion statement. For others it meant a way of life—and that way of life was about the possible extinction of the white race. That is why it planted itself in America, the shit that was going on in Britain was the same as was happening here. Minor- ities moving in and losing our jobs to them. There is only so long you can stand for that shit.

At the same time attention was focused on the various groups within the skin movement, traditional skinheads made their presence felt, largely at odds with both the SHARP and neo-Nazi subcultures. Trads’ politics and any identity (SHARP or neo-Nazi) which they felt detracted from the movement’s original focus—working-class British roots—were not relevant to the advancement of the skinhead movement. Although the trads made an attempt to fix the skinhead image its momentum was not as organized as other organized social movements like the “new left” or the hippies of the sixties. A third wave of skins began to surface in the mid to late 1990s. Like its predecessors, this wave accompanied a music movement: the resurrection of ska. Ska became mainstream when groups like the Mighty Mighty Bosstones, Rancid, and Blink 182 had top 40 hits. It was also at this time that such youth phenomena as rude boys, traditional skins, and Oi! boys began to be seen at local ska and Oi! shows. This was partly a reflection of the assimilation of skin elements into the dominant culture: Doc Martens, ska music, short buzz cuts all became mainstream. In reaction, some hardcore skins adopted images intended to distinguish themselves from the coopted aspects of the skin culture or began to reject the over emphasis on 14 1 Skinhead History outward appearance in favor of an emphasis on values: to be a “real skin” it requires accepting an ideology that prescribes loyalty, trust, brotherhood, and a belief in standing up for what you feel is right. Enter the new old look. As one former skin explained:

Once groups like the Bosstones made it big you began to see things that were predominately skin became part of the mainstream. I started dressing like a rudeboy when that happened. If you are a true skinhead you know the history, you know where skins originated from. To separate myself out I became a rudeboy. When I would go to the shows the real skins knew I was one of them and not just someone dressing the part.

By the end of the 1990s, the ska movement had begun to die down and the hardcore scene was left with a small cohort of skinheads (mostly trads and rude boys). The movement began to see punks and skinheads hanging out together. Some claim to be both a skin and a punk and began calling themselves punk skins. In this respect, the movement seemed to have come full circle. It originated within the punk movement and 25 years later returned to it. Although some skins still consider themselves both a punk and a skin, there are those who strongly believe in keeping the identities separate in order to preserve a sense of history that responded to what was going on in society at different times and to the ways in which the movement manifested itself over time without losing core values. As Judith Butler points out in her book, Excitable Speech, sometimes the history of a language, as well as a movement, becomes part of what participants feel themselves to be as individuals. A return to “roots” can be more than the recurrence of a style. It can be the preservation of self. Some skins reject the traditional skin look because it is a parody of something that they hold dear. The look (the bomber jacket, braces, Fred Perry, etc.) is easy to adopt and therefore easily conventionalized at the expense of core values. It is in this sense that the publically most visible skins can appear to be merely pseudo-skins and, as such, they become objects of resentment. This helps explain certain forms of humor that remark on or parody the pretense at a masculinity that is vacuous without the appropriate values. To most skins, there is nothing better to prove your masculinity than by becoming a skin. With the short hair, Levis, army jackets, violence, and loud music, how better to represent all that is seen as a “man” in society? When this became conventionalized and, as it were, neutered by cooptation to the mainstream, core values are threatened and, consequently, are expressed with decreasing tolerance and increasing revul- sion. For skins, the prefixes that are often placed in front of skinhead (gay, White Power, neo Nazi, traditional, etc.) are recent phenomena that are intended to dilute the core meaning of what they qualify, converting a life defined by ones values into a mere semblance of life. 1 Skinhead History 15

2000s–Present Skinheads are a loose affiliation and as a result of the lack of interest in the movement—and the dying ska and Oi! music scene—people began to join other subcultural youth movements; like, goths, skaters and emo during the 2000s. As Travis and Hardy (2012) point out in their book Skinheads: A Guide to an American Subculture,

many third wave ska and American Oi! bands broke up during this time; in turn, without music to bind them together, most scenes evapo- rated. Across the United States, skinheads began to trade in their boots and braces for other subcultures such as psychobilly or abandoned the scene altogether. (Travis & Hardy, 2012, p. xxxii)

The lines between skin identities had begun to blur and it was not uncommon to see several identities at skinhead events. The traditional skins hang with gays and Nazis, and, as Borgeson and Valeri (2015) have pointed out, it is not uncommon for some racist skins to hang with gay skins. While this may seem a contradiction, racist skins tend not to ask whether someone is gay or not because they do not want to have to change their perception of them as expressed by this one skin who was interviewed:

We kind of think that (he) is gay; but no one has ever said anything to him. I guess no one really wants to know. It is kind of like the Clinton years. Remember when they decided that they would allow gays in the military? Just don’t ask—don’t tell.

Most racist skins remain in the movement only for a short time, most lasting a year and then moving on to “something more focused” and organized. Quite a number become lifers in other organizations like the KKK or Aryan Nations. As a result, the number of neo-Nazis is dwindling. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, in 2016 there are currently 892 active hate groups in the United States. Of that, 95 are racist skinhead groups. This is a decline in the overall numbers from the past; in 2014 there were 784 active hate groups in the United States with 119 being racist skinhead groups. This is a huge growth since 2003, when there were only 39 racist skinhead affiliates—the highest year being 2012 with 108 racist skin organizations (SPLC, 2016). Currently, the largest representation of skinheads are those who identify with trads making up 36%, followed by gays at 33%, and racists constituting 25% of all skinhead sites on the net (Valeri & Borgeson, 2017). While the SPLC does keep track of racist skinheads, they do not follow the number of non-racist skinhead groups in the United States. Most 16 1 Skinhead History skinheads (regardless of affiliation) have taken to the Internet and social media to get their message out and fight for the rights they believe need to be defended. Part of the reason for the turn to the Internet is the confiden- tiality that the forum provides for users. One does not have to dress in skinhead gear and risk going to shows, hang out, or go to rallies in fear of being retaliated against by other skins. This is especially attractive to gay skins that use the Internet as a forum for sharing gay porn (see Borgeson & Valeri, 2005; Valeri & Borgeson, 2017) and otherwise risk being assaulted by other skins (see Borgeson & Valeri, 2015). Most recently, racist skins—and other like-minded Nazis—have turned to other movements, like the alt-right movement, which gained momentum during the 2016 election cycle. Generally, racists have three main ways of delivering their message (Borgeson & Valeri, 2004): in your face, subtle, or outright lie. For the past 30 years, neo-Nazi skins and their fellow racists have been promoting their message of white superiority in a format that is “in your face.” What Borgeson and Valeri (2004) showed in their research on hate sites was that when the message is sent to others to receive—and that message is subtle, or an outright lie—people are unable to recognize that what they are reading is a message of hate. Most of the subjects in the study saw those messages as coming from a legitimate research site and used them as such in what they subsequently wrote. The new language of the alt-right codes and disguises racism, anti- Semitism, and Islamophobia. Blacks are now referred to as “welfare recipients” in contrast with earlier references to “porch monkies” or “gigaboos.” Some in the alt.right have changed the symbols such as the swastika that they have used to represent themselves because “it is not sending the right message.” Although this change characterizes some of the racist skins, some who join the skinhead movement do so in order to use the old, more flagrant symbols in order to confront “the enemy” head on. For them, the Nazi salute and the swastika symbolize their identity as well as serve as a weapon in a war in which image count. Some of the skin alt-righters have also decided to join another tendency of the white identity movement to express themselves in the same language as blacks, Hispanics, Asians, gays, and others, though for a radically different purpose and with radically different meanings. Some also affiliate with other hate groups to form the “white lives matter” movement, which recently protested outside of the Anti Defamation League office in fall of 2016, in Houston, Texas. During the same month, at Texas A&M, neo-Nazi Richard Spencer spoke to a private audience of white supremacists, under the sponsorship of racist skinhead Preston Wiginton. Skinheads who had worn use to wear the typical outfit of self-identity—boots, braces, Levi’s, Dr. Martin boots and bomber jackets—turned them in for a new garb of hate—suits and ties. While this may seem trivial, and have not had much of an influence on the racist movement, it shows that there are people who do not believe in 1 Skinhead History 17 the values of multiculturalism and diversity. It also shows that the racist movement, as we had known it, has changed and that people are listening to the message. This repackaging of hate is not new—David Duke started it in the 1980s when he banned robes and hoods of his KKK members in favor of suit in an effort to gain respectability for the movement. It appears, then, that there has been a change in the context of racism. The right has gone mainstream at the very moment a large portion of the Amer- ican population is prepared to accept versions of xenophobia and bigotry in the name of national security and making “America great again.” American society’s current conditions are ripe with all the ingredients that brought the racist skinhead movement to America in the 1980s. The main thing that is different from the Reagan years is that the current administration used xenophobia and Islamophobia to ride all the way to the White House. This risks the danger of legitimizing bigotry even within the mainstream: tolerance as including the tolerance of xenophobia and racism. This undoubtedly contributed to the sharp rises in hate incidents against Muslims, Jews, and other minorities following the election. Never- theless, diversity is an inevitable feature of the aspect of accelerating globalization faced by the U.S., no less than other nations. It appears then, that the age cohort that usually joins the skinhead movement is becoming adjusted to a multicultural society in which skin color, the accident of descent, and prior victimization will cease to be identity markers and bases of status.

Note 1 Later these skins were given the title revival skin. The title is in reference to the entrance of the skinhead movement, which had died out in the early 70s in England. Hence the title revival.

References Berger, P. & Luckmann, T. (1967). The social construction of reality: A treatise in the sociology of knowledge. New York: Anchor Press. Blush, S. (2010). American hardcore: A tribal history. Port Townsend, WA: Feral House Press. Borgeson, K. (2002). Skinheads on the Internet—culture, identity and language. Boston, MA: Northeastern University (Unpublished Dissertation). Borgeson, K. (2003). “Culture and identity among skinhead women.” Michigan Sociological Review, 17 (Fall), 2003. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (2004). “Faces of hate.” Journal of Applied Sociology, (Fall), 2004. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (March, 2015). “Gay Skins: Negotiating a gay identity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 23: 44–62. Butler, J. (1997). Excitable speech. London and New York: Routledge. 18 1 Skinhead History

Durkheim, E. (2014). The division of labour in society. New York: Free Press. Hamm, M. (1995). American skinheads: The criminology and control of hate crime. Westport CT: Praeger Press. Healy, M. (1996). Gay skins: Class, masculinity and queer appropriation. United Kingdom: Cassell Press. Hebdidge, D. (1979). Subculture: The meaning of style. New York: Routledge. Knight, M. (1982). Skinhead. United Kingdom: Omnibus Press. Lamy P. & Levin, J. (1985). “Punk and middle-class valued: A content analysis.” Youth & Society, 17(2): 157–170. Marshall, G. (1994). Spirit of 69. Scotland: S.T. Publishing. McNeil, L. & McCain, G. (2016). Please kill me: The uncensored oral history of punk. New York: Grove Press. Minor Threat (1981). Guilty of being white. Retrieved from https://teksciory. interia.pl/szukaj?q=Slayer+Guilty+Of+Being+White Oi! American Oi! (n.d.). Retrieved from www.oocities.org/SunsetStrip/7596/what isoi.html Moore, J.B. (1993). Skinhead shave for battle: A cultural history of American skin heads. Bowling Green: OH: Bowling Green University Press. Ridgeway, J. (1995). Blood in the face: The ku klux klan, Aryan nations, Nazi skinheads, and the rise of a new white culture. New York: T. Thunder’s Mouth Press. SPLC (2016). Racist skinheads. Intelligence report. Retrieved from www.splcenter. org/fighting-hate/extremist-files/ideology/racist-skinhead Thompson, E.P. (1966). The making of the working class. United Kingdom: Vintage Press. Travis, T.A. & Hardy, P. (2012). Skinheads: A guide to an American subculture. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press. Valeri, R. & Borgeson, K. (2017). “An analysis of skinhead websites and social networks, a decade later.” Michigan Sociological Review, 2017. Wallace, R. & Wolf, A. (1999). Contemporary sociological theory: Expanding the classical tradition, 5th edition. Santa Barbara, CA: Prentice Hall. Wood, R. (1999). “The indigenous, nonracist origins of the American skinhead subculture.” Youth and Society, 31(2): 131–151. Chapter 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins An Analysis of Why They Join, Stay, and Quit

The aim of this chapter is to look beyond just the skins that are recruited, because that describes only a small number of racist skins’—and practi- cally none of the non-racist skins’—motivations to join. What we found was that many skins had a tendency—like the women discussed in this book—to join because they were attracted to something about the movement. For most skins, (racist, non-racist, women, and men) it had more to do with attraction to power symbols, violence, fetishism, music, that domi- nates the scene as well as an increase in self-worth (this will be discussed in the chapters on skinhead music, gay skins and social media). Based on interviews with racist and non-racist skins, what was found was that there were several similarities as to why they joined regardless of where they fell on the political spectrum. For most skins, it wasn’t just a sense of helpless- ness that drove them to the skinhead movement, but a desire to find out who they were and increase their feelings of self-worth.

Why They Join

Theoretical Background Anomie theory was originally developed by Emile Durkheim in his study on religion and suicide. What Durkheim found was that countries that were predominantly Catholic had fewer suicides than those countries that had a more protestant background. Durkheim went on to explain that the reason Catholics have less suicides was because they have a tendency to be more attached to the communities in which they lived due to an expected conformity to rules. For those who lacked a connection with society, they were able to easily violate societal rules and expectations–and as a direct result would experience a lack of connection to those in society and experience anomie. The work of Merton, conducted in the mid-1900s, took a fresh look at anomie theory by applying it to the amount of strain an individual experiences. Merton theorized that strain was a result of the difference between 20 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins cultural goals and the institutional means an individual utilizes in order to attain them. What Merton found was a series of adaptations an individual makes in order to relieve the tension between the goals and means of attaining those goals in society. The first of the five adaptations he developed was what he referred to as conforming, this is when “the emphasis on goals and means is maintained even in the face of a realiza- tion that the means are restricted, and an individual will remain conforming” (Williams & McShane, 2004, p. 101). According to Merton this is the adaptation that most people will follow. Merton’s second mode of adaptation is what is referred to as “innovation.” This is described as the “emphasis on the approved goals of society is maintained while legitimate means are replaced by other non approved means” (Williams & McShane, 2004, p. 101). The third mode of adaptation is what is referred to as ritualism, which is “when the goals themselves are rejected and the focus is shifted to the means” (Williams & McShane, 2004, p. 101). The fourth adaptation is retreatism, that involves the “rejection of both the goals and means” (p. 101). The last adaptation is rebellion. While all the other modes have a tendency to reject the means or goals which society gives us, rebellion “focuses on the substitution of new goals and means for the original ones” (p. 101). While Merton is mainly considered an anomie theorist, his theories would later be built upon by Agnew, whose theories would evolve into what today is commonly referred to as strain theory. Strain theory, like anomie theory, forms the basis of today’s theory through which the recruitment strategies of hate groups such as skinheads are viewed. In its most basic form, strain theory looks at how stressors in an individual’s life create tension and as a result, individuals may go and commit crime or delinquency. Agnew’s examination of the social structures influencing individuals built upon the explanatory power of anomie theory by emphasizing the role of social class, future expectations and associations of those who engage in delinquent activity (Agnew et al., 1996, p. 683). In later work done by Agnew and Broidy (1997), further social structures were examined as influencing factors on behavior as understood under strain theory, including the different reactions that stressors have across genders to explain why women were less prone to committing crime than males (see Table 2.1). According to them, women lack the self- assurance and confidence to commit crime and engage in circumvention techniques when avoiding strain. Agnew and Broidy’s (1997) research is consistent with Carol Gilligan’s (1998) research which shows that women tend to care more about feelings and relationships, which helps them avoid the feeling of entrapment that males often manifest in the face of strain. Blazak (2001) looked at how individuals in the skinhead movement recruit those susceptible to the propaganda—as opposed to just looking at 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 21 the macro and micro social issues which make them susceptible to joining such a delinquent groups of individuals. According to Blazak, there are four main stressors which racist skins appeal to in their recruitment propaganda: Threats to ethnic or racial status:

• growth in the minority student population • minority student organizations or events • shifts to multicultural curricula

Threats to gender status:

• conflict over female participation in male activities • feminist activist groups • antisexual violence events or programs

Threats to heterosexual status:

• sexual minority organizations • gay pride events • inclusiveness movements or sponsored dialogue

Threats to economic status:

• factory layoffs • large employer downsizing • high competition for manual labor or service sector jobs

While Blazak’s stressors were shown to be evident in some of the skins interviewed for this research, most of those interviewed were not recruited, but, instead, searched for an outlet on their own to find justification for their fears and concerns about society, and the class, in which they belong. A vast majority of the skins mentioned how they found the skinhead movement as a proper outlet for their aggression. Most of the skinheads researched on their own—via the Internet, social media, and friends—the underpinnings for the skinhead movement. For racist and non-racist skins alike, the attraction to the movement is a response to their feelings of the working class loss of rights. While Blazak’s study shows that stressors—and the anomie that results from them—are important in understanding why some skins join; our study demonstrates that skins search out the movement to feel more in control of their lives, making decisions that are totally theirs. They finally get the power and respect that they have always wanted, never got in school, or in their family relations. 22 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Issues of Self-Control An alternative theoretical realm to view the skinhead movement through is that of control theory. Control theory focuses on the breakdown of society and how it liberates an individual to commit delinquency or crime and deviance. According to Reckless (1961, p. 42) there are “outer” and “inner” containments in which an individual is a part of. For Reckless, outer containment is the outside social influences that affect an individual. If those institutions are strong, then the individual may not turn to subcultures or deviance since the morals and rules that society teaches them will be influential enough to discourage engagement in such deviant behavior. Other control theorists, like Sykes and Matza (1957), believed that society had such a pull on the individual that individuals had to engage in “techniques of neutralization” in order to liberate themselves from societal norms. For Sykes and Matza these techniques were:

• denial of responsibility • denial of injury • denial of the victim • condemnation of the condemners • appeal to higher loyalties

When people used these techniques, they engaged what Sykes and Matza called “drift” (1957). Engaging in drift allowed people to rationalize their actions while still abiding by social rules—therefore not resulting in any cognitive dissonance. Inner containment is what reckless referred to as “self.” The self included such things as

self-control, good self concept, ego strength, well developed superego, high frustration tolerance, high resistance to diversions, high sense of responsibility, goal orientation, and the ability to find substitute satisfactions. (Williams & McShane, 2014, p. 197)

According to Reckless, the self is formed in adolescence with its main purpose providing the child with positive or negative images of themselves. In other words, the self is used as a way to protect individuals from “outside influences.” According to Reckless, there are pushes and pulls that draw someone into delinquency and that whether or not an individual commits deviance depends on the intensity of a person’s inner and outer containment. Skins often exhibit characteristics indicative of weak inner containment and a poor formulation of their self-conception. These 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 23 characteristics suggest that the attractiveness of the skinhead movement may lay in its ability to consolidate the self-concept of individuals that might otherwise be lacking.

I hated school. My parents made me go and I was a bit of a loser I guess. When I became a skin no one gave me shit. Most people stayed away from me, which was fine because I couldn’t stand them anyways. None of them wanted to hang with me and be my friend so fuck them.

Reckless believed that “if the self concept was bad, outer social controls would have little effect on the individual and delinquency would be more likely to result” (Williams & McShane, 2004, p. 197). For the individual quoted above, it wasn’t until he joined the skinhead movement that he began to get the respect that he felt that he never got from others. His participation in the movement simultaneously weakened the influence that outside influences—like family—held over him, submerging him deeper into the movement:

My parents hated the idea that I was a skin. They felt that all skins were Nazis—which they aren’t—and I started to hang around other skins and going to shows. My family kind of rejected me, but other skins could relate to where I was at. Most of them had never had any friends either. Once you are a skin you are a skin for life, they become family to you.

A former female skin summed it up this way:

I didn’t feel like I had any control in my life. But as a skinhead, people were afraid of me. I mean, I was all of 4-foot-9, and people were afraid of me. It made me feel like I was in control, like I had some power. (Alternet.org)

Later research by Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) extended Hirschi’s research by examining the characteristics of individuals with low self- control. Gottfredson and Hirschi’s research allowed social scientists to for- mally characterize and identify individuals with low self-control, including the identification of these characteristics among members of socially delinquent groups, and the role of low self-control in the recruitment process. These qualities included:

• impulsivity • adventure seeking • self-centeredness • minimal tolerance for frustration 24 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

• lack of diligence • inability to defer gratification

Most of the individuals interviewed for this research exhibited a tendency to embody the qualities that Gottfredson and Hirschi identified—regardless of gender, racist or non-racist identity. Strain theory, on the other hand, has a tendency to focus on societal force placed on an individual to commit delinquency or crime. For the vast majority of skins, societal force helped in their searching for answers via the skinhead movement; but, most liked the individual control they had in joining and the increase they felt in their self-worth. While Blazak’s results may be true for some skins, the vast majority of the skinheads involved in this study were not recruited, but willingly joined the skinhead movement. This was true for both racist and non-racist skinheads. Most racist skinheads know that the selling of the group is not attractive to everyone and settle for the image “speaking for itself,” attracting like- minded people who care about the shrinking working class:

I know that how we represent ourselves on the net, and in person, isn’t going to appeal to a lot of people. What is important is that we get out our beliefs. If I can change the mind of one person then I have done a good job. Those that believe will find us.

Authoritarian Traits Skinheads (both racist and non-racist), or other individuals who join White Power organizations, do not lend themselves to taking surveys. It was through questioning their beliefs that the researchers discovered that some skins adhere to features that make up Adorno’s f-scale—explaining why some of them are attracted to such a subculture. Racist skinheads, and some non-racist, also exhibit characteristics which align themselves with traits of what Theodor W. Adorno (1993) referred to as the authoritarian personality. For Adorno, the traits that make up this personality are: conventionalism, authoritarian submission, power/ toughness, projectivity, anti-intraception, superstition and stereotypy, destructiveness and cynicism, and sex. According to Adorno this type of personality is attracted to power symbols and strong personalities that exude conservative viewpoints about society. The racist skins—and some that considered themselves non-racist—joined the movements because they had conservative values, which they believed, were being eroded away by societal conditions beyond their control. Adorno looked at world viewpoints, especially ones, which made people susceptible to the right of the scale, and have fascist qualities. 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 25

Some skinheads exhibited signs of conventionalism; which is conformity to norms and values that are indicative of the middle class.

Most kids in school aren’t learning the correct stuff. Today schools want to jam down kid’s throats a liberal agenda that espouses political correctness. They learn that all races and religions are just as important and teach the kids such bullshit that they have gotten so far away from the things they should be getting an education on.

When skins are pressed for other issues that are “ruining our country,” they espouse to the “good old days” of Nazi Germany and how German society was much better in politically aligning themselves with ideology that falls into what Adorno referred to as authoritarian submission:

What we need to do is go back to the days of Nazi Germany. Hitler had the right idea when he ran the war. There was no poverty, everyone had a job, and most of the families weren’t as fucked up as today’s are. Hitler did a lot for his country.

An area which racist skins pay a great deal of attention to is homo sexuality. For these skins, sex should be heterosexual—anyone who engages in homosexuality should be dealt with aggressively.

Gays have more rights than we do. They are taking over the country and the politicians are dictating how we should think about them. If it was up to me I would just line them up and shoot them.

When pressed to explain why gays are disliked so much in the racist movement, statements that are reminiscent of Adorno’s power/toughness category and authoritarian aggression emerge:

Being gay is just wrong. What really pisses me off is the ones who prance around and act like women.

Responses like these suggest that gays do not show the masculinity that “real men” are supposed to demonstrate on a daily basis (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015; Valeri & Borgeson, 2016). Becoming gay is equated with being feminine and weaker among the sexes. One phenomenon that most racist skins concern themselves with are conspiracy theories in which they believe Jews control the government, media, and schools. These racist skins believe that Jews are striving for world domination, and because they are in “places of power” they will enact agendas “that will benefit the Jews in control for power.” Adorno 26 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins referred to this as projectivity. Projectivity can be seen in their views on gays and the spread of AIDS:

The gays were cursed with AIDS for a reason, what they do is wrong, and God wanted to wipe them off the planet because of this. AIDS is just a way for God to eliminate what isn’t normal.

The results from this qualitative analysis are directly in line with Adorno’s conclusion about those who score high on the F-scale, demonstrating the intense values many skins place on traditional forms of gender expression and conventionalism. Joining the skinhead movement was not just a direct result of their attraction to power symbols. Some skins liked the freedom that the skinhead movement allowed. The movement allowed for a variety of views to be shared amongst themselves and it was this freedom of expression that helped increase their self-worth. It was through this expression of fascism that they were able to feel that they finally belonged to something.

Learning from Personal Experiences One reason some skins joined the movement was because they were “confronted by the enemy.” For most, this meant they had bad interactions with someone from a minority group (Blacks, Hispanics, Jews, etc.) creating a bias against the group—as well as reaffirming stereotypes for which the group may be associated with.

The reason I got involved was a few years ago I got beat up by this big nigger. He was huge. He came up to me and wanted my wallet. When I said no he proceeded to kick the living shit out of me. I realized after that, that blacks were violent and that I needed to do something about it—I needed to get others to see this. I saw a flyer when I was walking around that had a local group of skinheads.

It is not just race that draws some of the skins in, it is also anti-Semitism:

I had skins that some of my friends knew and they always spouted this shit that I really didn’t believe. Well I was working for this Jew and one day he came in and said I have to let you go, the business isn’t doing that well. I was like what the fuck, you got to be shitting me. He was making money—he was just fucking cheap. It was then that I started to realize that maybe what these other guys were talking about had some truth behind it.

Skins didn’t just rely on bad interactions, they also used events, which appeared in the media or by word-of-mouth, to reconfirm not only the 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 27 prejudicial views they had about a certain race or group, but those of others whom they had a bad interaction with. As a matter of fact, one racist skin gave one of the authors a video they had of events on TV, which proves that “blacks are more prone to violence than whites are.” Most skins did not have a bias until they had a negative interaction. Mostly they held beliefs that supported more liberal thinking. Once a tragic event in their life happens, they begin to challenge beliefs and a sense of confusion takes over them. Festinger (1957) developed the theory—cognitive dissonance—to explain how individuals make choices. If people are presented with two types of information and both sides hold relatively equal weight, then one has to make a decision in protecting the decision made (Levin & Levin, 1982). For skins, this happens when they have had a bad interaction, which confirms stereotypes that they previously had dismissed as not being viable. Skins begin to play down a side of liberal thinking that believes all people are created equal; and begin to reaffirm the nasty pictures that society has created. This is what Mead referred to as taking the role of the “other” (Wallace & Wolf, 2006, p. 205). Stereotypes— such as blacks being lazy, violent, and living off of taxpayers money— start to develop in the mind of the skin and begin to take a life in which an “other” is created; something that is not entirely human and something that is opposite of that which they use to believe. When watching TV they begin to see that “blacks commit more crime” and that they “live in poverty” and do these things based on the representation that society has given us. The authors have observed two ways in which this type of mentality influences even the geographic preferences of skins in their selection of a home-base: skins traditionally choose to either confront the enemy or preserve a white community through their choice in chapter location (Borgeson, 2003). Groups of skinheads, or other groups like the KKK, often “confront the enemy” by moving to an area which has a large percentage of minorities to serve as a martyr for the “racial cause.” In these instances, they develop a chapter and begin to publicize that they are there, creating fear and panic in the community. Although the number of minorities outweigh the sum of skins—or other racists—they get lots of publicity which leads to bigger issues. Although the publicity does not usually lead to a larger enrollment of people in their group, it does bring sympathizers to “white rights” to their cause who may even donate money to help support their cause. The authors saw this in several former racists who left the skin movement and joined the ranks of the Aryan Nations. The other type is what the authors refer to as “preserving a white community.” This was observed in the early 2000s when the Aryan Nations and their skinhead followers moved to Ulysses, Pennsylvania “because the minority population was less than two percent.” In their mind, they are 28 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins creating a community that is predominantly white and hope that it will be an attraction to other white supremacists that believe in their cause and wish to live in a community which is minority free.

Why They Stay

Culture of Honor Richard E. Nisbett and Dov Cohen (1996) developed what has come to be known as the Culture of Honor theory, which described reasons in which violence traveled from the south to the north, by blacks. According to Nisbett and Cohen it was an economic situation in which blacks reacted to what they learned was a coping mechanism to defending their honor when threatened. As Nisbett and Cohen point out:

To maintain credible power of deterrence, the individual must project a stance of willingness to commit mayhem and to risk wounds or death for himself. Thus, he must constantly be on guard against the affronts that could be construed by others as disrespect. When someone allows himself to be insulted, he risks giving the impression that he lacks the strength to protect what is his. Thus the individual must respond with violence or the threat of violence to any affront. (Nisbett & Cohen as it appears in Latzer, 2016)

For most skins, this shows up in their discussions of the pride and honor of the skinhead culture as this one skin expressed:

Skinheads are all about pride and honor. That is what it’s built on. It started back in the late 60s when the whole thing started. Anyone who is a skin will tell you that working class pride, having pride in where you come from, is important. I would have to say it is the one thing that regardless of what you call yourself (racist or non-racist skin) you adhere to this.

Nisbett and Cohen’s theory is applicable to the skinhead movement, and the violence in which they embrace, because it looks at the cultural trans- ference of values that are important to a culture. For skins (racist and non- racist alike) toughness and violence are important parts of the culture. Living a lifestyle which adhered to the “spirit of 69” is important. Trans- porting the values that took place in the original movement is significant and must be obeyed. Violence is one of the most important characteristic. According to most of the skins interviewed for this research, they claim that the movement did not make it to the United States until the late 70s 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 29 and early 80s. During this time, in the States people began to adopt the lifestyle of skins, and the mores, norms and culture that went with the movement—this meant that they would adopt a way of life that involved the use of violence. Skins (regardless of their racist or non-racist beliefs or gender) will defend what they see as a threat to their honor. For example, take this quote from a female skin:

Sometimes people need the shit beat out of them to teach them a lesson—especially when they fuck up around me. I have gotten in many (fist) fights with both men and women. Some I have won, some I have lost. But at least the crew I hang with knows that if they fuck with me, they are gonna get hit.

Racist skins have an added extra to their defense—white supremacy. When people challenge their beliefs, they respond with violence to those “challenging them” and do not have a problem with committing assaults against those that wish to dispute the honor of “white rights.”

Doing Masculinity One important feature that all skinheads engage in, regardless of political affiliation or gender, is masculinities. Masculinities in recent years have gone beyond the male vs. female dichotomy of the 70s feminists era. Today, masculinities are something that transcends gender, class, race, identity, and sexuality. Even women who join the skinhead movement engage in a “female masculinity” (Halberstam, 1998), which allows them to challenge hegemonic masculinity which makes up society (see the chapter on female skins for a further discussion). Connell points out three main themes that run through the skinhead scene: hegemony, subordination, and marginalization.

Hegemony According to Connell (1995), hegemony is referred to as the “cultural dynamic by which a group claims and sustains a leading position in social life” (Connell, 1995, p. 77). Connell takes Gramsci’s definition and applies it to masculinity in society and defines it as “configuration of gender practices, which embodies the currently accepted answer to the problem of legitimacy of patriarchy. This guarantees (or is taken to guarantee) the “dominant position of men and the subordination of women” (p. 77). Hegemony shows up in discussions of who is a true skin by racist and non- racist skins—each stating that they have the claim to the true heir of the right to call themselves a skin. Take, for instance, this quote from a racist skin: 30 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Those that believe in white supremacy get the true meaning. For those other skins (trad) they don’t get it. They haven’t discovered the true identity of the superiority white Anglo Saxon race. It even says in the bible that whites are the chosen race.

This type of hegemony is also part of the non-racist culture as:

Nazis don’t belong in the scene. They give the whole term skinhead a bad image. They go around and they have to beat up blacks and other minorities, For what? To show you are a bully? That isn’t even close to the reasons skins started. It is about working class pride, not white supremacy.

Superiority over other skin identities is also exemplified by the toughness they project. For most, this is done through fighting, slam dancing, and dominance over women. Another common visible theme is the tattoos that they get. Tattoos are worn as a badge of toughness, showing how much pain they can endure. The more tattoos you have the more pain you endue. The more pain you endure the more of a man you really are. That projec- tion in recent years has taken a different direction by tattoos becoming popular among the young general population. By ‘the yuppies” taking over their look, it begins to diminish the strength, toughness and masculinity that it used to symbolize as explained by this non-racist skin.

I like getting tattoos. Most of the skins I hang with have them. It is just something that we all think is cool. It fucking sucks that a lot of college kids are getting them now, kind of spoils the whole image of what a skin represents. These kids think they are bad asses—but they are not. Our tattoos have meaning to them they stand for working class pride. Their tattoos are just a fad. Most of the kids getting them today are going to regret getting them. Theirs is about fashion—mine is not.

Another cultural hegemonic practice is drinking. While society’s view of drinking has changed over the past few decades—expressing people to be responsible—skins drink to excess and use this as a gauge of how much of a man they really are by how much they can consume.

I don’t know a skin who doesn’t drink. We go drinking every weekend. For those who can’t hold their liquor they give up on hanging with us. Not trying to say we are a bunch of alcoholics or something but you need to be able to keep up with us or you go hang with someone else. 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 31

Subordination Patriarchy is also a consistent theme among racist and non-racist skins. For male skins, they become the physical protector of the women they associate with. Take, for instance, this skin when asked about women and violence in the movement:

The women shouldn’t get into fights, but they do. I think that if they have a problem with someone they should tell one of us (males) and we will take care of it. Nothing worse than a girl who has gotten the shit beat out of her.

In order for males to maintain their dominance and superiority over women, they make the women that are part of the group adhere to societal expectations of some femininity:

We have lots of women that hang with us. I personally don’t like it when some girls shave their heads—makes them look too butch. I like them when they have a Chelsea cut or at least have some length to it.

Hegemonic masculinity isn’t just about male–female relations. Hegemonic masculinity also interplays with male gayness. For those who are effeminate, some skins (racist and non-racist) do not see them as a real skin—subordi- nating them to an inferior class and instituting their male dominance.

Marginalization Marginalization is a structure that runs rampant in the skinhead community. Not only do skinheads, who are mainly working class, feel marginalized, they project blame onto the larger social structure to make sense of the social problems they see as important. For racist skins, marginalization takes place against minorities, women, and Jews. This marginalization has its benefits because it keeps their self-worth up by labeling someone else as inferior. Connell points out:

race relations also becomes an integral part of the dynamic between masculinities. In a white supremacist context, black masculinities play symbolic roles for white gender construction … hegemonic masculinity among whites sustains the institutional oppression and physical terror that have framed the making of masculinities in black communities. (1995, p. 81)

Blacks are a constant group marginalized by racist skins. Most of the stereotypes they have revolve around the amount of crime that blacks commit and how they are a threat to white masculinity. 32 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Come on you are a criminologist. How many blacks are in jail? A lot. Why do you think that is? I will tell you—they are just born violent. Blacks commit a lot of rapes and most of those aren’t against other blacks—it is against white women. I think it is some kind of payback for whites putting them in slavery.

Jews are also to blame for some of societal ills:

The Jews run this country. How many times has the government— which is run by Jews—helped out the banks? Many times. That’s because they want to help one another. They want to control most of society’s major organizations so they can force their liberal Jewish agenda down everyone’s throats.

Marginalization serves a function for some skins. It allows them to be able to cast minorities in society as the other. As a direct result this increases their self-esteem allowing them to freely go about their daily lives.

Why They Quit

Understand Social Problems Sometimes racist skinheads outgrow the movement because it “doesn’t have the answers to social problems.” Newspapers, TV, and the Internet are full of examples of acts of violence, poverty, and corruption. Most skinhead gangs are loosely built on intellectual ideology. Some skins turn to other organizations that are based on religion or views of white racialist superiority over other groups. Some of them turn to the Christian Identity religion which they believe “explains what really is going on in America” and how it has “opened their eyes” to the real truth about society’s ills (Borgeson & Valeri, 2009). There are two main groups which do this; there are those who will dabble (Levin & Nolan, 2011) with a group and eventually move onto another group or quit because they do not believe that the current group they belong to “is doing enough to save the white race” or that “they aren’t radical enough and get nothing done.” These individuals are like fleas and jump from one racial group to the next never being satisfied and are on a quest for the real reasons “behind the world’s social problems.” On the other hand, you have those that the authors refer to as the “lifers.” These skins move onto other organizations looking for the causes of societal ills. It wasn’t uncommon for the authors when they interviewed skinhead members for them to have affiliations with the KKK, Aryan Nations, and World Church of the Creator. This type of individual gradu- ates from one organization to the next; on a lifetime quest for the solutions 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 33 behind society’s racial problems; as well as trying to come to an understanding of why the Jews have been given “special privileges.” For most, they hear the same information over and over again, using things that came out in the 50s and not tying it into current events that are taking place in the twenty-first century. “Nobody is adding to the field,” most state. For some, this does not mean they abandon the movement all together; but, will join another group hoping to find “new information” that they believe is behind a “Jewish conspiracy.” A large percentage of skins are what are referred to as stated above as dabblers (Levin & Nolan, 2011). These skins develop a fascination with symbols of power, most notably that of Nazi Germany and Hitler and they usually stay within the movement for a short duration of time, usually around six to 12 months and either move onto another subcultural group like Goths or they leave the scene altogether abandoning those they felt were their “family.”

I don’t know why I quit. One day someone started talking about that Jews were behind contrails and that it (contrails) were really a chemical that Jews put into the air so people would inhale the chemicals and become sick. Then they would have to go to the doctor—who are all Jews—and get a shot to make them forget that the Jews were the seed of the devil. Once they did this they would be controlled and they would not be able to figure out that the white race was really the chosen people of God. I mean who could really believe that shit.

The beliefs that some racist skins hold may no longer seem logical and they begin to question the movement like the skin quoted above. Their conspiracy theories no longer “explain” the social problems that are part of society and they begin to question whether they should leave the subculture or not. This is not an easy decision for skins to make, as stated above, for a large percentage of them, they increase their self-worth by joining the movement and leaving may mean returning to a former life they constructed where they no longer have the image of a power and toughness.

The Push and Pull of Violence Regardless of whether a skin is racist or not, one common feature which draws them into the movement is violence which they inflict upon others within the movement and those that they see as an enemy. For some, violence is what attracts them to the movement:

Once I got involved with others (skins) I started to realize that it (the movement) was fun. Going out and slam dancing with some of my friends was a good way for me to express how I was really feeling. 34 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Violence becomes a way of expressing who they are. Being involved in violent dancing and acts of intimidation upon others they wish to terrorize becomes a sort of sport. Sports like football are violent in nature and bring out aggression, which normally would stay suppressed. Sometimes skins don’t buy into the full racist philosophy. Some skins that are non-racist and racist will “hang with each other” regardless of what their politics are. The bond of societal rejection and low self-esteem strengthens their connection:

I didn’t get a lot of the ideology stuff, but we did get a lot of the violence. I’d hear, “Negroes cause all this crime, Mexicans are all coming over here to our country.” They’d say, “Jews are taking over the whole country,” and I’d think to myself, “But my parents are Jewish and they don’t act like that at all.” I was like, “I don’t understand,” but of course I was young, so I was like, “Okay. I get it, yeah. They didn’t really educate us as to why they felt that way. It was all about violence, “Let’s go see who we can beat up tonight.” (Alternet.org)

Other social scientists have shown that violence can attract people to a movement. In Bill Buford’s (1991) book Among the Thugs he showed that there is an exuberance which one gets from being involved in soccer hooli- gan’s attacks on rival soccer fans. In the stands, Buford found that watching others commit acts of violence on someone they deem a rival was fun. The acts the thugs he hung around would range from vandalism on property to damaging cities. To Buford, there was an allure, which, drew him to not only hang with these soccer hooligans but to befriend them and develop a camaraderie, which brings them closer together. Eventually, according to Buford, he got so involved with the soccer violence that he got mistaken for a rival soccer club and became a victim of the violence, which originally attracted him to the movement. Upon his victimization, he realized that the thing, which pulled him in, also became the thing which pushed him out. Festinger referred to this as cognitive dissonance, which is a result of stress, which is caused by holding two or more beliefs that are contradictory to one another (Levin & Levin, 1982). In order to decrease the uneasiness of the emotions individuals feel, they will circum- vent the people or ideas, which create the dissonance. For skins, this is when they decide to exit the group since they can’t reconcile their new beliefs with those that they used to adhere to. For skins, their definition of the situation, like that of Buford, changes and their reality is reconstructed to not see violence as a thing which is enjoyable, but to that in which violence is unattractive and has real consequences. Take, for instance, this quote by a female skin talking about her revelation when she began to see violence as something that is too destructive: 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 35

The worst thing happened there when we went to a 7-Eleven on a Sunday. We wanted some beer, and Mark smashed the case and we all grabbed beer and took off. We were drinking and, the next thing I know, there were these two Native American guys, and one had a gun. I don’t know what started the fight but the next thing I know one of our friends was on the back of a Native American man beating him in the head with a ball-peen hammer. Then they beat the guy with his own gun. We were all dragged down to the homicide unit, but they let us go. It was so bad, the violence was starting to get to me at that point. (Alternet.org)

She begins to recreate the identity in which she sees herself. For skins, this means that they begin to see themselves not as skins, but something that is non-skinhead. As Kathleen Blee (2003) points out, women often join because of domestic networks. The same family relationships that they have can also be a strong force in realizing that the movement is wrong and they need to get out.

They claim that “we love our race,” that it has nothing to do with hate. But it has everything to do with hate. I was realizing that I don’t want my children to grow up this way. I saw my friends teaching this to their children at age three. What does a child know about hate? Their parents think it’s okay to teach them that, and I don’t think it’s okay at all. (Alternet.org)

The ideology becomes so aversive to them that they do not see things the way that they used to and it becomes a breaking point:

white nationalists glorified it when Trayvon Martin was killed . It was huge. I actually went on Stormfront and said, “How dare you celebrate the death of a child? I said, “You know what, I don’t need this because I don’t believe in it any more.” That was the end of it and I was done. (Alternet.org)

For skins who leave the group, it no longer serves a function for them. Some researchers (Levin & Levin, 1982; Levin & Nolan, 2011) have shown that bigotry and the violence of hate have certain psychological advantages for an individual—individuals leave because they change their point of reference and no longer see them as an advantage. It begins to decrease their self-esteem instead of bolstering it. 36 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Another psychological disadvantage that propels them from the movement is that hate no longer reduces their uncertainty. Upon quitting, they are able to reconcile their past life and begin to project a new self:

Carrying around hate your whole life is just not healthy. It can make you sick. How can somebody claim to love themselves if they hate people? You need to just look at people as people. That took me a long time to figure out, but I’m pretty glad I did. (Alternet.org)

Once some skins define the situation differently, and see how their bigotry and hatred serves no purpose, they decide to leave the movement and try to live a normal life again.

Conclusion As this chapter has demonstrated, not all skins are recruited into the movement. Most of the skins interviewed joined the scene willingly because it served a function for them. Joining allowed for the person to be able to finally feel accepted into something, increasing their sense of self-worth. Cooley’s theory on the looking glass self states that the self developed in a person has three components: there is the self that you project; a self that you internalize; and some reaction to how others feel about your projected self. For most, they started out as someone who just blended in, never standing out from the crowd. The reflection they got back was depressing to them and they felt a sense of worthlessness. It wasn’t until they came onto the skinhead scene that their image of their true self changed. Once they accepted that they were a skinhead the image of their self became redefined and as a result increased their self-worth. The image that they use to have—one of no friends and weak—turned into one in which they have power over others. Usually that power is expressed in the form of fear. The fear that they gained from others is powerful. A person can one day go from being a zero to one who has power and control over others. This feeling of exuberance makes them not only want to join but stay in the movement. It isn’t until the image of power, toughness, and violence changes and they begin to see that what they use to think was important is not really important at all. This chapter looked at only a few of the reasons why people joined, stayed, and quit the skinhead movement. What was expressed in the chapter were those situations that were the most recurring over the years of doing interviews within this subculture. There are people who do not fit into the typologies described above. In describing these factors it is a way for social scientists to get a grasp on a few of the common characteristics of why they join, stay, and leave. 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins 37

Table 2.1 Reactions to strain by gender

Female Male

More likely to respond with More likely to respond with anger depression and anger Anger is accompanied by fear, guilt, Anger is followed by moral outrage and shame More likely to blame themselves and Quick to blame others and are less worry about the affect of their anger concerned about hurting others Depression and guilt may lead to self- Moral outrage may lead to property destructive behaviors (i.e., eating and violent crime disorders)

Source: Agnew and Broidy, 1997.

References Adorno, T., Frenkel-Brunswik, E., Levinson, D.L., & Sanford, R.N. (1993). The authoritarian personality. New York: W.W. Norton Company. Agnew, R., Cullen, F., Burton, V., Evans, T.F., & Dunaway, B.G. (1996). “A new test of classic strain theory.” Justice Quarterly, 13(4): 681–704. Agnew, R. & Broidy, L. (1997). “Gender and crime: a general strain theory perspective.” Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 34(3): 275–306. Blazak, R. (2001). “White boys to terrorist men: Target recruitment of Nazi skinheads.” American Behavioral Scientist, 44(6): 982–1000. Blee, K. (2003). Inside organized racism: Women in the hate movement. University of Berkley, CA: California Press. Borgeson, K. (2003). “Selling hate in western New York.” Buffalo News, 26. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (2009). Terrorism in America. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (2015). “Gay Skins: Negotiating a gay identity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 23: 44–62. Buford, B. (1991). Among the thugs. New York: Vintage Books. Connell, R.W. (1995). Masculinities. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Festinger, L. (1957). The theory of cognitive dissonance. New York: Harper and Row. Gilligan, C. (1998). In a different voice: psychological theory and women’s development. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gottfredson, M.R. & Hirschi, T. (1990) A general theory of crime. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Halberstam, J. (1998). Female masculinity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Hamm, M. (1994). American skinheads: The criminology and control of hate crimes. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger. Latzer, B. (2016). The rise and fall of violent crime in America. New York: Encounter Books. Levin, J. & Levin, W. (1982). The functions of discrimination and prejudice. New York: Harper and Row. 38 2 Racist and Non-Racist Skins

Levin, J. & Nolan, J. (2011). The violence of hate: Confronting racism, Anti- Semitism, and other forms of bigotry, 3rd edition. New York: Allyn & Bacon. Miller, J.M., Schreck, C.J., & Tewksbury R. (2010). Criminological theory: A brief introduction, 3rd edition. New York: Prentice Hall. Nisbett, R.E. & Cohen, D. (1996). Culture of honor: The psychology of violence in the south. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Reckless, W.C. (1961). “A new theory of delinquency and crime.” Federal Proba- tion, 25: 42–46. Sykes, G.M. & Matza, D. (1957). “Techniques of neutralization: A theory of delinquency.” American Sociological Review, 22: 664–670. Valeri, R. & Borgeson, K. (2016). “Masculine Identities within the Skinhead Movement: How straight men, gay men, and women embody and perform masculinity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” In J. Jaworski (ed.), Advances in sociology research, Vol. 19 (pp. 39–58). Nova Science Publishers. Wallace, R. & Wolf, A. (2006). Contemporary sociological theory, 6th edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. Williams, F. & McShane, M. (2004). Criminological theory, 4th edition. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Pearson Prentice Hall. Chapter 3 Gay Skinheads A Part of or Apart from the Skinhead Movement

Overview People who are relatively unfamiliar with skinhead culture are surprised to learn that there are gay skinheads. This is due, in part, to the fact that for many people, their conception of skinheads is consistent with the stereotype of the neo-Nazi skinhead. But even for people who are aware of traditional skinhead culture and view skinheads as tough, working class males it is difficult for them to imagine a gay man becoming a part of a movement that espouses traditional hegemonic masculinity. This is because stereotypes about gay identity are dissonant with stereotypes about skinheads. Yet, there are gay men within the skinhead movement. Their presence in the movement gives rise to discussions about masculinity, fetish aspects of skinhead dress and style, and debates about who can claim to be an authentic skinhead. The current chapter explores each of these issues through an examination of research, evidence from the web/social networks, and interviews to determine why gay men become skinheads, their acceptance within the skinhead community, and the extent to which gay skinheads challenge skinhead identity. Healy’s (1996) text Gay Skins: Class, Masculinity, and Queer Appropria- tions and Borgeson and Valeri’s (2015) article “Gay Skinheads: Negotiating a gay identity in a culture of traditional masculinity” will provide the basis for much of the discussion. Healy’s book, which was based on interviews with skinheads in England and an examination of skinzines, was one of the first, if not the first research project to focus on gay skinheads. Borgeson and Valeri’s article was based on more recent interviews with six gay skinheads in the United States. Together these works address each of the issues mentioned above and provide a basis for comparison between current skinheads and earlier skinheads.

Identity Formation Identity is a social construct (Alba, 1990; Howard, 2000; McCall & Simmons, 1978; Nagel, 1994; 2000; Spector & Kitsuse, 1987; Stryker 40 3 Gay Skinheads

& Serpe, 1981). Because identity is created from a combination of an individual’s own attributes, his or her roles or relationships, the various situations these are embedded in, as well as the reactions of others, identity is dynamic. Identity changes over time as well as across spaces or situations. Social identities stem from the social categories or groups to which we belong, categories such as race, ethnicity, gender, sexual preference, religious affiliation, or political party. The characteristics of these groups and its members are shaped by the group’s own norms and expectations. Iden- tity is also shaped or defined in opposition to some other social group. A Republican is not a Democrat, masculine is not feminine, heterosexual is not homosexual, and so forth. Therefore, social identity is not only determined by who we are but also by who we are not. This is why it is difficult for many people, including some skinheads, to imagine the tough masculinity associated with being a skinhead as also being associated with gay men because tough masculinity is seen as dissonant with being a gay man, or at least the stereotype of a gay man. Healy (1996), however, contends that gay men have been a part of the skinhead movement since its inception. Their involvement in the movement is due, in a large part, to the very ultra-masculine image of the skinhead that many people see as the antithesis of a gay man. Healy explains that gay men becoming a part of the skinhead movement was inevitable because the skinhead movement was occurring at the same time as gay liberation, a time when many gay men were adopting a more masculine or harder image. For that reason, at least some of these men would be drawn to the ultra-masculine image of the skinheads.

Skinhead Identity The skinhead movement was developing in England, at a time when attempts to erase economic and social class distinctions were being made and the dominance and control of heterosexual white men was being challenged by women and other minorities (Healy, 1966; Hebdidge, 1979; Marshall, 1994; Sarabia & Shriver, 2004; Zellner, 1995). Each of the minority groups, whether they were women, blacks, or gays and lesbians, took their minority status, and the resulting exclusion from the mainstream, and created something positive, an identity they could coalesce around and use as the basis for fomenting political action and fighting for equality. While these groups used their gender, race, ethnicity, or sexual preference as the basis for their identity. Skinheads, or the men who would become skinheads, were faced with the reality that neither being white nor being male was particularly distinctive nor was either as highly valued as they may once have been. These men were also confronted by efforts to erase class distinctions. But, because they did not believe that class boundaries could be so easily erased, nor were they willing to give up the values 3 Gay Skinheads 41 and beliefs they associated with being working class, they used their class, specifically their working class status, as the basis for their identity. Thus the skinhead movement began as a means of reclaiming identity. Skinhead became the identity of a group of youth, primarily white males, who took pride in their working class heritage and values. They valued hard work and self-reliance. In order to make themselves separate and distinct from other white males and to express pride in being working class, they adopted an exaggerated working class look of short hair, work boots, jeans, and braces. They engaged in typical working class behaviors, going to pubs, drinking beer, watching football, and engaging in aggression or violence, referred to as “aggro.” Skinheads looked and acted tough. This was in sharp contrast to the more androgynous or effeminate styles being promoted by the fashion industry and worn by hippies and middle class men. According to Healy “Skinheads were safeguarding conservative definitions of ‘Man’ by reasserting an ‘authentic’ working-class masculinity in the face of challenges to male identity from middle-class counter-culture and working class aspirations” (1996, p. 48). Thus being a skinhead was about being both working class and masculine. The ultra-masculine, strong, tough image of the skinhead appealed to many men who were dissatisfied with the more effeminate views of men being promulgated by middle class culture and the fashion industry. As Healy notes, the hardness associated with being a skinhead was “in direct opposition to the soft queer” (1996, p. 49) making it hard to envision gay skinheads. Further, because skinheads were known to engage in queerbashing, beating up gay men, it was hard to imagine either this same group permitting gay men a place in their movement or gay men wanting to be part of the movement. Marshall writes “Queers and anyone who looked remotely like one were usually easy and regular targets in most areas, especially when there was one of them and ten little aggro merchants eager to wade in” (1994, p. 35). Healy explains that “queerbashing safeguards the territory of masculinity by policing the boundaries of acceptable (i.e. ‘natural’) behavior at a time when masculinity was being interrogated, politically by feminism and, at the level of appearance, by mod and hippy fashions” (p. 49). As was noted by Marshall in the above quote queerbashing was not limited to queers. It extended to anyone “not hard enough to look like a real man, not faithful enough to the ‘naturalness’ of the gender” (p. 49). Note too, that aggression was considered, by both the working class and society at large, to be a component of male, working class identity. Because skinheads represented the extremes of this male, working-class identity, being aggressive and aggressing against any male who appeared weak or effeminate was an essential part of skinhead identity. Thus the basic elements of the skinhead identity were derived from being working class, masculine, and aggressive. Even in the face of queerbashing, gay men were drawn to the skinhead movement. For gay men, the working-class masculinity of the skinhead 42 3 Gay Skinheads appealed to them for two main reasons. For gay men who were dissatisfied with the stereotypic image of homosexual men as effeminate or “queens,” the strong masculinity asserted by skinheads was appealing. To this group of gay men, being a skinhead was about expressing their masculinity. For other gay men, the appeal stemmed from the erotic nature of the skinhead look, ultra-masculine, tight jeans, and shirtless. For both of these groups, being a skinhead also afforded them greater protection from harm by other tough or aggressive youth (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015).

Gay Identity With regard to the former reason for becoming a skinhead, that of expressing masculinity, the skinhead movement was occurring at the same time as the gay rights movement, a time when gays were not only fighting for their rights but also expanding the image or identity available to gay me. That expanded image included the masculine gay man. How one expresses a gay identity is largely a matter of choice (Clark- son, 2005, 2006, 2008; Valeri & Borgeson, 2016) as is how one expresses a masculine identity or a skinhead identity. This is because each of these identities is largely conveyed through clothing, manner, and attitude. Therefore, the extent to which any one of these identities is presented is largely up to the individual. Just as Nagel (1994) suggests that how an individual defines and expresses his/her ethnic identity will change both over time and across situations as the individual engages with his/her own ethnicity and also interacts with others who share that ethnicity so too will how an individual defines and expresses his gay identity and thus his gay skinhead identity, both of which will evolve and change over time and across situations. The notion that identity evolves and is a function of the interaction between the individual and the situation is consistent with aspects of both the Ecological Model of Gay Male Identity (Alderson, 2003; Borgeson & Valeri, 2015) and Brekhus’ (2003) model of gay identity. According to the Ecological Model of Gay Identity Development, there are three stages to gay identity development: the Before Coming-out, During Coming-out, and Beyond Coming-out. The extent to which an individual progresses through these stages of the Ecological Model of Gay Identity Development and adopts a gay male identity will depend on an individual’s own thoughts and feelings about homosexuality in general and about his being homosexual. It will also depend on both the anticipated and actual reactions of friends, family, and coworkers and the norms and laws of the individual’s religious, cultural, and political or national communities. The more positive the individual’s own reactions are and the more positive and supportive others’, including institutions, reactions are the more likely it is that the individual will progress through the stages and 3 Gay Skinheads 43 accept a gay male identity. In the Before Coming-out stage an individual will become aware of his homosexual feelings and explore these feelings. In the During Coming-out phase, the individual’s own identity will change from a heterosexual to a homosexual identity and the individual will learn how to express his gay identity. Finally, in the Beyond Coming-out stage the individual will integrate his new gay identity with other aspects of his self-identity, establish connections with the gay community, reintroduce himself as a gay man to his heterosexual community, and develop a positive gay identity. While the Ecological Model of Gay Identity Development focuses on the development of a gay identity and how it is impacted by the reactions of the individual and others, Brekhus’ (2003) model of gay identity assumes that an individual has a gay identity and instead focuses on the extent to which an individual reveals or emphasizes his gay identity. According to Brekhus, there are three gay identities: the gay lifestyler or peacock, the gay commuter or chameleon, and the gay integrator or centaur. For the gay lifestyler or peacock, being gay is always prominent and at the forefront of his identity. To achieve this, the gay lifestyler limits his family, work, and social situations to ones where being gay is acceptable and supported. Living in this niche, separate from larger society, he is able to express his gay identity completely and at all times. For the gay integrator, being gay is one facet of his identity and while it is not hidden it is also not dominant over other facets (educational, occupational, religious, political) of his identity. Finally the gay commuter tends to separate his gay identity and life space/friends from other aspects of identity, spaces, and friends and moves or commutes between these identities as he moves from one environment to the other. Thus his gay friends and identity are kept separate from his other identities and friends. As noted above, the 1960s were a time when gays and lesbians were becoming more politically active and fighting for equality. Healy contends that in Britain, up until the 1960s the only role model available for gay men was that of the effeminate man or nelly. This stereotype of gay men was not limited to England (Madon, 1997; Page & Yee, 1985). Nardi (2000) suggests that prior to the 1970s both scientists and the general public tended to link gender and sexual orientation together, in such a way that homosexual men were assumed to be effeminate in their emotions and behaviors while homosexual women were assumed to be masculine in their emotions and behaviors. Healy (1996, p. 55) states “for most of the twen- tieth century homosexual identity had been closed [limited] to the effeminate model, both in dominant heterosexual culture, and in the homosexual subculture.” But that the partial decriminalization of homosexuality in Britain in 1967 coupled with the rise of a gay political movement in both Britain and America, that stemmed in part from the Stonewall uprising in Greenwich Village, New York in June 1969, led to the development of new 44 3 Gay Skinheads identities for gay men including the “possibility of identifying oneself as both masculine and gay” (Healy, 1996, p. 58). This expanded identity for gay men also made it easier for men who had shunned a homosexual identity, because they were uncomfortable with the effeminate image of gay men, to now regard themselves as gay. For example, it may have made it easier for working class gay men to become part of the gay community because both the masculinity and dress of the skinhead were more consis tent with who they were than the effeminate stereotype of gay men. And because skinheads were working class, if gay men could find a place in the movement they could avoid the pitfalls of class related prejudice.

Working Class and Gay Identity Researchers (Barrett, 2000; Connell et al., 1993; Diaz, 1998; Raffo, 1997) who have examined issues of class, masculinity, and homosexuality suggest that it can be especially difficulty for working class men to accept their homosexuality because it is difficult for them to find a place either in the gay community or in their own working class community. In the former, the barrier to acceptance stems from class distinctions—working class gay men often find that they do not fit in because gay communities tend to be more middle to upper class (Barrett, 2000). While these higher class men might find having sex with a tough working class man to be erotic they are not necessarily seeking a relationship with someone from the working class. In contrast, the barrier to acceptance among the working class stems from issues related to masculinity (Barrett, 2000; Levant & Fischer, 2007). Especially amongst the working class, masculinity is equated with being physically strong, emotionally stoic, and definitely heterosexual. These attributes contribute to the male past-times of watching and playing sports, chasing women, and being promiscuous. Among the working class there are also strong prohibitions against affection and emotional displays between men. Given the strength of these traditional hegemonic masculinity norms among the working class it may be difficult for gay working class men to accept their own homosexuality and for other members of the working class to accept it. However, Healy’s research, as well as that of Borgeson and Valeri (2015), suggests that many working class gay men have found acceptance within the skinhead movement.

Gay, Masculine, and Working Class = Skinhead According to Healy, the skinhead look was perfect for appropriation by gay men because it “was concerned with maleness, working-classness, and youth, the three idealized aspects within gay subculture” (1996, p. 59). In fact, the skinhead movement provided these working class, masculine, gay men a place where major aspects of their identity could coalesce into one 3 Gay Skinheads 45 coherent identity, that of a skinhead. One gay skinhead interviewed by Borgeson (personal conversation) said:

I don’t think it is a contradiction to be gay and a skinhead. The scene stands for everything I represent. I am working class, work hard, and believe in friendship. Doesn’t matter what your sexual orientation is, it is all about fitting in and I think that I do that very well.

Furthermore, being a skinhead allowed gay men to “pass” as straight while at the same time “advertising an erotic interest in masculinity to informed readers (other gay men)” (Healy, 1996, p. 60). Consistent with this, many of the gay men interviewed by Healy recount that they were initially drawn to the movement because of the erotic nature of the look and because being a part of the skinhead movement provided “an access route to masculine homosexual sex” (Healy, 1996, p. 68). Michael Dover, one of the men interviewed by Healy, reported that he only became a skinhead after he met Peter on the underground and went home with him. At the time of their meeting, Michael described himself as “I had long hair, I was very … trendy” (Healy, 1996, p. 64). But after he became a part of Peter’s skinhead gang, Peter suggested he cut his hair, which Michael did, and Peter got him the boots, jeans, and other skinhead gear. Chris Clive, who, according to Healy, ran the Gay Skinhead Group from 1992–1995 and was also interviewed by Healy describes being drawn into the movement because he was attracted to the look

I was eighteen … sporting a Beatles mop. I was walking along the road and I saw two guys with short hair and boots…. I just liked the look of them. I just walked over and started to chat to them. From that day on, that was it. I got involved with them [the Skinhead movement]. (Healy, 1996, p. 67)

Similarly, Paul, who was interviewed by Borgeson states:

I guess like other gays, I was attracted to the short hair, tight clothes, and rough appearance of skinheads. I didn’t really like the music at first, but eventually it began to grow on me. It was the way that the guys looked that was the big thing. I guess I like the rough guy imagine. I guess I am attracted to the bad boys. (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 57)

Healy as well as Borgeson and Valeri point out that while it may have been the sexual appeal of the skinhead look that drew these men to the movement, being a skinhead became a part of who they were, and that their skinhead and gay identity were linked together. 46 3 Gay Skinheads

For most of the gay men … their attraction to the cult was initially motivated by erotic fascination. But it was more than a simple matter of dressing up: many belonged to predominantly straight skinhead gangs. But neither were they skinheads who just happened to be homosexual. Their sexuality and skinhead identity were in fact closely linked, allowing them to voice a dissatisfaction with contemporary ideas about homosexuality and articulate alternatives which made more sense. (Healy, 1996, p. 64)

Thus, while the sexual appeal of the look might first draw someone to begin associating with members of the movement, it also served as an entry point into becoming a skinhead. Michael Dover, who was mentioned above, recounts that through his partner Peter he was accepted into a group of skinheads, the Clapham Mob and that

[w]e spent our whole time with this crew, going to all the straight places. It was a very strange group because they weren’t homophobic at all … they were very accepting. After a while it did dawn on us that they actually knew about me and Peter…. But they didn’t care about it at all, it was really good. It didn’t matter to them. (Healy, 1996, p. 65)

Another gay skinhead, David Scoular, interviewed by Healy talks about becoming a skinhead. David had moved to East London in autumn 1967 and recounts:

The whole skinhead thing started with these straight guys…. In October, I got to know the family who ran Sunny Stores near my flat in Dalston. They had a son of seventeen, Barry…. He had cropped hair, mohair suits, brogues; he knew I was gay, the whole family did, I made it quite clear to them I was gay…. Barry was very protective of me and introduced me to all of his friends, who were all skinheads…. He [Barry] said, “you must come out with my mates some time,” so I did. We went down the pub and on the way home his mate said, “Why don’t you get your hair cropped short? Just ’cause you’re gay, so what? It doesn’t matter, we don’t care; why don’t you join us?” So I did. I got my hair cut short…. I was the only gay person in the whole group. (Healy, 1996, p. 66)

Many of the gay skinheads interviewed by Healy recount similar stories of finding a place within the skinhead movement and of being accepted as a skinhead regardless of the fact that they were gay. Similar stories were told by each of the six gay skinheads interviewed by Borgeson (Borgeson & 3 Gay Skinheads 47

Valeri, 2015). Each of the men stated that their skinhead associates knew they were gay and that they felt accepted by them, although the extent to which they made salient their gay identity varied. One of the men, Ken, talks about the fact that while he did not fit in with his high school class- mates, that he felt accepted by other skinheads who were “like brothers to him” (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 52). What is interesting is that while Ken’s skinhead friends know he is gay, he and Paul, another one of the interviewees, have not told their families this. Both describe their families as homophobic and state that their families would not be understanding or accepting. This would suggest that Ken and Paul are in the During Coming-out state of Gay Identity Development and perhaps, commute between identities, revealing it to their skinhead associates but hiding it from their families. While the men discussed above may have been part of predominantly straight skinhead groups, a gay skinhead scene, composed of all gay men, also developed. Healy points out that with so many gay men being attracted to the skinhead look it was inevitable for this to happen. Healy also notes that within the gay skinhead scene, class and being working class, was not as important as it was among straight skinheads. Although, initially when the gay skinhead scene was developing, many gay skinheads felt a stronger allegiance to the skinhead movement and, in terms of identity hierarchies, put being a skinhead before being gay. This was because the harder masculine gay identity of the skinhead had not yet been accepted in the gay community. But as gay identity expanded and became more accepting of this strong, masculine image, gay skinheads began hanging out exclusively with other gay skinheads. In fact, after one pub had great success with a skinhead night that was attended by all gay skinheads other pubs tried doing the same. One gay skinhead, Mike Dow, who was interviewed by Healy said:

I used to drive all the way to London just to go to that skinhead night at the Union Tavern … then I’d have to drive all the way back again, but it was worth it because it was such a brilliant night, the whole club was full of skinheads, gay skinheads. The atmosphere was magic. (Healy, 1996, p. 72).

While the gay skinhead scene became established, by the early 1970s the numbers of straight skinheads were declining. This decline did not occur or was not as prevalent among gay skinheads.

Many gay men still had enough erotic investment in the most masculine youth cult to keep faithful to their skinhead identity. “In the early seventies, there was a time when virtually all the skinheads you used to see were gay; you didn’t see that many straight skinheads for a long, 48 3 Gay Skinheads

long time.” However with macho queens still a subcultural secret, and the dominant expectation that queers were effeminate, this still did not signal to straights. This made the skinhead look all the more attractive to gay men; not only was it sexy, it publicly advertised one’s sexuality to other gay men without alerting the interest … of straights … [and] protected the wearer from accusations of homosexuality. (Healy, 1996, p. 85)

As one skinhead, Mike, who was interviewed by Healy, said about being a gay skinhead:

You were pushing the boundaries on two levels, a) because you were gay, coming out and being yourself, and b) because you were address- ing the world in a uniform that was uniformly despised. So you were challenging the world on two levels, on your gayness and on your role in society.

The original skinhead movement which started out by providing an identity for white, working-class men to rally around, also came to provide gay men, who were dissatisfied with the effeminate image of gays, a place where they could express both their gay and masculine identities and helped to transform the gay scene, expanding the identities available to gay men. Healy concludes that:

The gay skinheads represented a convergence of masculine identification and desire … this was more than simply asserting that masculinity was not at odds with male homosexuality; men were adopting a more masculine identity as part of the process of identifying as gay. (Healy, 1996, p. 86)

This quote from Healy is significant because it reflects the notion that identity is created. In the quote above individuals are creating both a masculine identity and a gay identity. It is also significant because it makes clear that identifying as gay is a process. As was noted above, the gay skinheads interviewed by Borgeson (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015) differ in the extent to which they have shared their gay identity with their families and also differ in the extent to which they emphasized their gay identity with their skinhead friends. For example Ken said that he did not make a habit of talking to his skinhead friends about his sexuality because he did “not want to constantly remind people of his gayness” (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 53). On the other hand, Ed, who is open about his sexuality, says that his skinhead friends worry that he might become “too gay,” meaning too effeminate, because he has developed a network of non-skinhead gay friends in the gay community. 3 Gay Skinheads 49

In terms of identity development, given that the six men interviewed self-identity as being gay and that their skinhead friends know they are gay, all of these men have definitely progressed past the Before Coming- out stage of gay identity development. However, given that all of the men, except one, downplay their gay identity when with their skinhead friends, have not developed ties to the larger gay community, and at least two reported that their family members did not know they were gay, it would suggest that five of these men are in the During Coming- out stage of gay identity development. Only Ed, who is open with his skinhead friends about his gay identity and has developed a network of friends in the gay community, seems to be in the Beyond Coming-out stage of gay identity development. In fact, Ed seems to have developed a lifestyle that puts him closest to being a gay lifestyler because his gay identity, even when he is amongst skinheads, is always prominent. However, Ed would not be considered a true gay lifestyler because he has not created the identity niche associated with it. Four of the men interviewed—Sean, Ken, Peter, and Dave—seem to commute between their gay and skinhead identities, but for different reasons. One of them, Sean, who puts being gay before being a skinhead, seems to don a skinhead identity for the purpose of fitting in with his partner’s skinhead friends. Sean realized that he will be more accepted by Ken’s friends if he is a skinhead. Ken, Peter, and Dave all downplay being gay in order to fit in better with the skinhead community. Peter and Dave take this a step further by emphasizing their strong masculinity when with other skinheads. Paul is best described as a gay integrator because he seems to balance his gay identity with both his skinhead and occupational identities. Given that Healy’s interviews focus on his participants’ lives within the skinhead movement and provide little information on their relationships with family or people outside the movement it is difficult to determine their stage of identity development. However, for those gay skinheads who limit their involvement in the skinhead movement to the gay skinhead scene, it suggests that they have created more of an identity niche and are more likely to be gay lifestylers than those gay skinheads who hang out with predominantly heterosexual skinheads. Healy’s research and that of Borgeson and Valeri dispel any doubt that gay skinheads are a part of the skinhead movement. Their research also reveals that some gay skinheads choose to be a part of predominantly heterosexual skinhead groups while others choose to be part of the gay skinhead community. While research on identity helps to explain why some men would choose to be part of a predominantly heterosexual community and others a gay community, research on men’s friendships provides some additional insights. 50 3 Gay Skinheads

Gay Skinhead Identity on the Internet and Social Networks Before discussing the friendships between these men, a discussion of gay skinheads would not be complete without an examination of their presence on the Internet. A search of the Internet and social networks, such as Facebook and VK, one of the largest European Social Network Sites, confirms that gay skinheads continue to have a significant presence in the skinhead movement. In a 2017 review of skinhead websites, Valeri, Sweazy and Borgeson found that gay skinheads were the second most prevalent skinhead group on the web and compose approximately 30% of the skinhead webpages. However, only a minority (17%) of the gay skinhead webpages examined presented a skinhead philosophy or specifically stated that politics or prejudice were not allowed, 8% and 17% respectively. However, references to clothing (100%) and tattoos (50%) were quite prevalent on the gay skinhead webpages examined. One example of a skinhead webpage is FENIX Global Skin Movement which has both a webpage and a Facebook page. While its Facebook page is a closed group, it reports having 147 members. However, anyone can visit their webpage which includes sections on Skinhead Gear (Dresscode), links to articles and videos, and an extensive photo gallery. According to the About Us section of the webpage, FENIX is “A gay-skinhead organization based in the United Kingdom, previously in Antwerp (Belgium). FENIX seeks to promote the skin-culture/lifestyle at the gay-scene” (fenix- gsm.net). FENIX accomplishes this by promoting “international Gay Skin Events in order to bring Gay Skins together from all over Europe and develops communication/co-operation with several other gay groups/ organizations.” Until 2013 they organized a Gay Skin Weekend in Antwerp. FENIX is also adamant about being non-political and non-racist, clearly stating that indifference, tolerance, or compassion toward racist skinheads is not acceptable. Based on FENIX’s description of itself and its goals, FENIX seems to offer a place for all gay skinheads regardless of where they fall in terms of identity development or identity construction. Because it supports and promotes the gay lifestyle, it could just as easily provide a safe place for anyone who is either in the Before or During Coming-out stages of identity development to explore their homosexual feeling, accept their homosexuality, and learn to express their gay identity just as easily as it could provide a place for those in the Beyond Coming- out Stage of Identity Development to further develop a network of gay friends. From an identity construction perspective, it also seems that FENIX would be equally accepting of the Gay Lifestyler, the Gay Com- muter, or the Gay Integrator. On Facebook there is also the Gay Skinhead Group, which is based in the United Kingdom but is open to gay men (over 18) across the globe. 3 Gay Skinheads 51

The Gay Skinhead Group organizes the annual Blackpool Skinhead Weekend. There is also the Irish Gay Skinheads, a public group, for both gays and lesbians and the Non-Fetish Queer Skinheads group which provides a “haven for queer skinheads around the world who are into skinhead culture, style and music.” On VK, someone who is searching for a gay skinhead group would find the closed groups Gay Moscow Skins with 104 members, Gay Skinheads Unite with 40 members, and Gay Skinheads Movement with 30 members as well as the open group GaY skins tula cru with 13 members. These groups provide evidence that not only do gay skinheads exist but also that there is a strong and global gay skinhead community.

Friendships between Gay and Straight Skinheads From the above discussion it is evident that heterosexual skinheads not only allow, but accept gay men into their groups. The question is what motivates these friendships between gay and straight men. There are at least three possible explanations. First, the gay-straight friendships may allow each party to explore part of the intimate-instrumental friendship continuum not typically available to them. Second, the predominantly male groups or gangs constructed by skinheads may not be all that different from the “family” networks constructed by many gay men. And third, given that identifying as a gay man is a process, friendships between skinheads may allow “straight” men to explore their sexuality. For gay skinhead men who confine themselves to the gay skinhead movement, as discussed above, doing so allows them to express their masculinity and associate with other masculine gay skinheads. As will be discussed in the fetish section below, it also allows them to experience more masculine homosexual sex.

Friendships Research suggests that friendships between men tend to be less intimate, in terms of self-disclosure and emotions, than friendships between women (Davidson & Duberman, 1982; Nardi, 1992; Price, 1999; Reid & Fine, 1992). When examining friendships between men, friendships between gay men tend to involve greater self-disclosure, emotional intimacy, and greater (non-sexual) physical contact, than those between straight men (Fee, 2000; Nardi, 1999). From a gay man’s perspective, in contrast to the intimacy that occurs between gay male friends, friendships between gay and straight men tend to be more instrumental, centered on doing things together (Fee, 2000). Gay men report enjoying the break from the intimacy often associated with gay friends. For example, Fee writes: 52 3 Gay Skinheads

Gay men want what anyone wants from friendship-trust, devotion, support, understanding, fun-and straight men often fit the bill without qualification. “Moving” [implying instrumental] friendships, after all, can demonstrate a kind of loyalty that few persons trivialize, and straight men know how to express a certain devotion and “duty” to their friends. (2000, p. 51)

This thought is echoed by a gay skinhead who describes being a skinhead as “The whole thing is supposed to be about pride, loyalty, and brotherhood. We all believe in those things … the things we believe in align themselves with what others [skinheads] have been saying for a long time” (Borgeson, personal conversation). Fee (2000) suggests that gay men feel that their friendships with straight men “give [them] a break from ‘being intimate,’ or at least the kind of intimacy that is—as they perceive it— wrapped up with being gay” (p. 52). Instead friendships with straight men are based more on gender, being male, and this allows them to be “one of the guys” or engage in “male bonding” while their friendships with gay men are more centered on being gay. In friendships with straight men “ ‘Gayness’ or sexual differences become less salient when gender affinity becomes accentuated” (p. 53). For gay skinheads, being a part of a predominantly heterosexual skinhead groups allows them to be one of the guys. These men enjoy the comradery of drinking, listening to music, watching sports, and socializing with other skinheads. The sentiment of this is captured in a statement made by one of the gay men interviewed by Fee (2000) who said “ ‘Shooting the shit with a bunch of guys and just being one of them is something that is really important to me…. That kind of stuff keeps me going…. It’s more about maleness than about being straight or gay’ ” (p. 53). For straight men, friendship with a gay man provides them with the opportunity for greater intimacy with a male friend and the opportunity to engage in greater self-disclosure and emotional sharing than is typically afforded in friendships between two straight men (Fee, 2000; Nardi, 1992). Nardi (1992) writes that “gay men appear to be at the forefront … of men overcoming their male socialization stereotypes and restructuring their friendships in terms of … emotional intimacy” (p. 118). One of the gay men interviewed by Fee stated “ ‘There are those [straight men] who just like their [gay men’s] company because they are usually more ‘real’ … they don’t have that masculine, asshole front.’ ” Thus friendships between gay and straight men free gay men from the emotional intimacy that occurs in friendships with other gay men and at the same time allow straight men to experience greater emotional intimacy than they share with their straight friends. 3 Gay Skinheads 53

Constructing Families Because the skinhead movement is largely comprised of men, there is a homosocial nature to the group. For example, Pilkington, Omel’chenko and Garifzianova (2010) note that “the group of [Russian] skinheads at the centre of this study … [are a] predominantly male community aspiring to the creation of a closed space separate from women” (p. 166). As a consequence much of the activity among skinheads is centered around men hanging out almost exclusively with other men and forming close bonds with them. Ian Phillips (2016) notes that many of the skinheads he interviewed said that being a skinhead “Wasn’t about the violence, but more the sense of belonging and brotherhood” (p. 32). One of the men, Paul Bond, who contributed a story to Phillip’s book, wrote:

The best part of being a skinhead was the tight knit group you belonged to, nothing was too much trouble. If you were skint, your mate would buy you a pint, if you were in trouble everyone was behind you, you were never alone. (Phillips, 2016, p. 183)

Just as the above quote suggests, many skinheads viewed their skinhead group, as well as the entire skinhead movement, as a family and relied upon them for support. For that reason, skinheads, similar to many gay men, constructed families that they relied upon for support. Nimmons (2002) suggests that not only do gay men tend to maintain more friendships than straight men, but that they do so differently from straight men, by creating families composed of gay friends, lovers, and ex- lovers. Specifically, because gay men often remain friends with ex-lovers and friends often become lovers, they are able to construct families from these relationships. One of the gay men interviewed by Nimmons describes the gay community as “ ‘this big family or big fraternity of men’ ” (p. 120). Gay men report finding more support among their gay family members than their biological family members. Nimmons (2002) writes:

Among queer teens, it has been found that “Non-family members were found to be more supportive than family members,” a pattern which continues in our adult lives … gay men look to each other for emotional, practical, even financial support, weaving webs of interdepend- ency with those in our loosely confederated circles. (Phillips, 2016, p. 121)

Similar sentiments are common among skinheads, both straight and gay, when discussing what it means to be a skinhead. They view their skinhead friends as family and often turn to them for emotional, financial, and practical support. For example one skinhead, Jake Jones, wrote: 54 3 Gay Skinheads

Being a skinhead to me has always been about the music, culture, drinking and belonging to something where you’re accepted and loved instantly by many generations and from people from all walks of life…. Around 2014 I went away to get recovery in a rehabilitation unit. There were so-called friends I didn’t even hear from unless they wanted a favour. My skinhead friends, however, were always there. I was always getting letters and phone calls, even from a skinhead who had never met me before was giving me encouragement and support. (Phillips, 2016, p. 159)

Another skinhead wrote:

It gives me great pleasure in describing being a skinhead as being part of a family. I really cannot put it any clearer than that. This is the ultimate accolade I can pay to this culture.… I felt for the first time in my life I was amongst friends, proper friends that would literally put their lives on the line for me, as I would them. (Phillips, 2016, p. 200)

One of the reasons that both gay men and straight men may be drawn to the skinhead movement is because they are constructing families and are searching for acceptance, a place where they belong. The skinhead movement provides them such a place. And the acceptance of these created families can be unconditional, regardless of whether you are straight or gay.

I think that we (skins) have a lot in common and I feel a little bit more relaxed around them. We are all kind of working class and were kind of freaks in school. Here, we just kind of accept each other as we are and it doesn’t matter whether you are straight or not. (Borgeson, personal conversation with a gay skinhead)

Exploring Sexuality As was noted in the discussion of gay identity development, identifying as a gay man is a process. Individuals first become aware of their homosexual feelings and begin to explore those feelings in the Before Coming-out stage prior to coming to identify as homosexual and integrating their gay identity into other aspects of their identity. Ken, one of the gay skinheads presented by Borgeson and Valeri (2015), as part of his life story, discussed becoming aware of his homosexual feelings. Ken notes that it was only after he became a skinhead that he became aware of his homosexual feelings. Ken described himself as not having had many friends or girl friends in high school but that it was not until he became a skinhead “that he realized ‘he like to be around men and began 3 Gay Skinheads 55 to view them in a sexual nature’ ” (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 53). Ken’s growing awareness of his homosexual feelings is apparent in his description of his first Oi! show “I was shocked. There was this loud music playing, and all these bodies slamming into each other on the dance floor. Although I was kind of afraid, I was also excited by it’ ” (p. 57). Because skinheads are predominantly male, and many of the groups, like the one described by Pilkington and colleagues (2010) are, in part, about creating a space for men, being a skinhead may allow some men to explore their sexuality and feelings, both physical and emotional, toward other men. For example Pilkington and colleagues describe the space created by the men in their study, the zal, or basement gym, as providing a place where these men can be away from women and society at large to

relax and contravene the rules of etiquette that inhibited them and have the space to vent aggressive feelings and emotions…. [But that] the zal was a place regulated by codes of normative masculinity circulating within the fraternity: aspirations to the physically perfect male body (as defined by muscularity, reactive speed, beauty and hygiene), the demon- stration of physical and spiritual strength, and heterosexuality. (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 167)

According to Pilkington and colleagues, the zal has two areas, a gym and a common room, and thus two functions, the former for physical training and the later for hanging out. According to Pilkington and colleagues (2010) in the common room

[p]eople just hung out-listening to music, messed around, drank, and sometimes slept, and this everyday life of the group was punctuated with intimate (routine and demonstrative) bodily relations. The lads carried each other in their arms, lay down beside each other, embraced, bared their backsides to each other, imitated homosexual intimacy, and showered together. This physical closeness—embracing, kissing, touching—was distanced from “real” homosexuality, and thus legiti- mized, through the employment of critical, ironic commentaries which protected both participants in, and “witnesses” of, these practices from accusations of excessive softness, femininity, and homosexuality. (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 168)

While the attitude of these men was explicitly heterosexual and the presence of any homosexual feelings are denied, life in the zal and the behaviors that were permitted within its walls, provide these men with the opportunity to explore their feelings toward other men without the threat of being labeled “homosexual.” As was previously discussed, identifying as homosexual is a process and depends on the individual’s own acceptance 56 3 Gay Skinheads of these feelings as well as the acceptance of others. According to Pilking- ton and colleagues, provided that a participant could present the right tone of irony and criticism, he could “safely” explore and express his feelings toward other men. As part of this process, some of these men may come to identity as homosexual. The activities in the zal indicate that the boundaries between heterosexual and homosexual may not be clear. Another example which suggests that being a part of a skinhead group may provide youth with the opportunity to explore their sexuality is provided by Chris Clive, one of the gay skinheads interviewed by Healy and previously mentioned. Clive suggests that skinheads who self-identified as straight might, when they were with him “Did play around a bit. They probably wouldn’t admit it, but get one of them on their own, and a few beers, and it’s surprising what they’d do” (Healy, 1996, p. 69). Although skinheads present an ultra-masculine image that is consistent with hegemonic masculinity, their friendships belie this image. Friendships between skinheads afford the opportunity for greater emotional and physical intimacy with other men than is normally allowed in male friendships. Doing so may help to push the boundaries of masculinity. It also may provide some men with the space they need to explore their homosexual feelings and identify as gay.

Skinhead as Fashion and Fetish Gay skinheads were not only changing views about gay male identity, they were, with the help of the media and advertising industries, also reshaping the sexual landscape for gay men by making the skinhead a fashion image and fetish. For example, the clothing designer Ben Sherman ran an advertising campaign in Attitude, an English gay magazine, which helped to transform the skinhead from a working class tough into a gay fashion statement (Da Silva, 2004). Healy notes that in 1970 the gay men’s magazine Jeremy featured photographs of skinheads dressed in their gear. Prior to that, in 1969, Volume 3 of The Young Londoners featured images of three gay skinheads. As Healy notes:

Any gay man who has adopted a skinhead identity since 1980 is con- sciously eroticizing an already doubly fetishized hard-manliness. “The look is so obvious a queer thing” agrees gay skin Jamie Crofts, “a thing that gay men got into, because everything about the look originally was sexy, and then got more so.” (Healy, 1996, p. 106)

Because of these images, gay men, with no ties to the skinhead movement began dressing in skinhead gear. Da Silva (2004) discusses the “Queer 3 Gay Skinheads 57 appropriation” of the skinhead look as “constructing a more exaggerated phallic figure” (p. 33).

The size and visibility of the skinhead’s Doc Marten boots become greater, denim jeans become tighter so as to pornographically reveal the male body, and the bomber jacket is incorporated so as to exagger- ate the subject’s shoulder and thus body scale. Hair is also often totally shaved off to render the subject more masculine. (Da Silva, 2004, p. 33)

Men who dressed in the skinhead gear but had no ties to the movement were often referred to by skinheads, both straight and gay, as fashion skins. Their appropriation of the skinhead look led to debates as to who was an authentic skinhead. The skinhead look and gear, the short hair, boots, denim, braces, also became a fetish for many gay men. “Fetishes are what makes the skinhead simultaneously sexy and powerful” (Healy, 1996, p. 108). Gay skinheads, because of their look, quickly became associated with sadomasochistic sex (S&M), bondage and discipline, and corporal punishment. For example, Healy notes that:

The DM boot at some level signifies the masculinity of the worker, but its fetishistic function more likely derives from its usefulness on the football terrace as an effective weapon…. Posing a physical threat, it has a specifically sadomasochistic significance…. The reverence with which the DM boot is treated … can be witnessed at skinhead venues where boot-shining services are available. This ritual echoes the popular gay skin SM practice of boot-licking, the prone skin demonstrating his subservience before his booted master, whose dominance is secured by the phallic power of his boots. (Healy, 1996, p. 110)

Nardi (2000) also discussed the advent of the hyper-masculine clone and gay men butching it up. While not all gay skinheads were into S &M, certainly many of them were. Nimmons writes that

queer kinkers have a far better time of it [S&M]…. Comparing gay and straight S/M players, several observers have suggested that gay subjects report having more fun in S/M; enjoyed more cultural opportunities to pursue it, more frequent and enjoyable play…. We seem better adjusted, hold less negative self-image about S/M play, and have higher levels of self-acceptance about our activities than do compar- able straights. (1978, p. 108) 58 3 Gay Skinheads

Evidence for the fetish appeal of the skinhead look is plainly evident on the web and social media. The prevalence of pornography on gay skinhead webpages, at 91%, suggests a strong fetish aspect to the gay skinhead scene (Valeri et al., 2017). Note that the percentage of gay skinhead websites with pornography has increased sharply from 2005 when only 22% included pornography (Borgeson & Valeri, 2005). Further evidence for a skinhead fetish comes from events that are centered on leather, uniform, or skinhead fetishes. For example a Uniform and Skins night took place at the Eagle Cardiff on December 17, 2016. This event was promoted as:

Another night that is about guys into skinheads and their gear. Boots, braces, shaved heads … am sure you will want to get an eyeful of all those horny skin lads in their boots, and maybe you will be able to run into them in a dark corner of the Eagle 50 Sauna later on in the night. (ACTU-GAY.com)

Similarly, GEAR Ireland organizes a monthly social described as:

GEAR Ireland aims to ensure that our Irish gay fetish community can take its place in a colourful and fun international family. It is a monthly social night held in Dublin for gay men interested in fetish gear such as leather, rubber, skinhead, military and sportswear. It was established in May 2013…. Each month between 60 and 120 men come and enjoy each other’s company all the while attired in whatever fetish gear. (OutMost, 2014)

While many found the strong ultra-masculine look of the gay skinhead and the sadomasochistic sex associated with it a turn-on, others in the gay community, including the Gay Liberation Front, condemned it for repro- ducing and reinforcing the very conceptualization of masculinity they were trying to escape. These more radically left members of the gay community saw the macho gay as a “capitulation to the dominant: it was a symptom of self-oppression and desire for assimilation … [and] a real chance to radically redefine masculinity was being given up for a reassertion of conservative definitions” (Healy, 1996, p. 104). Those who criticized the macho gay image accused gay skinheads of trying to pass as heterosexuals and of colluding with society in their condemnation of more effeminate gay men (Nardi, 2000). Sadomasochism was condemned for being oppres- sive, reinforcing the primacy of hetero over homo, and “inhibiting the challenge to dominant patriarchy which such marginalized sexualities should provide” (Healy, 1996, p. 111). Even more alarming to the radical left gay community were the Nazi symbols in the SM scene. 3 Gay Skinheads 59

Thus, the skinhead movement, which had started out as an identity for white, working-class youth, that then grew into a means for gay men to express their masculinity, finally morphed into a costume, donned by gay men, to attract men searching for masculine gay sex. These transform ations in skinhead identity—working class, to gay masculine, to costume— have led to debates as to who is an authentic skinhead.

Anti-Gay Skinhead: Anti-Gay vs. Inauthentic Skinhead While much of the above discussion focuses on gay men successfully identifying as gay and creating a place for themselves within the skinhead movement, acceptance of gay skinheads is not universal. For some of these men, they themselves are unwilling to admit being gay to their skinhead peers because they feel they will not be accepted. For other gay skinheads, the lack of acceptance comes from other skinheads. An extreme example of one skinhead who was unwilling to admit his homosexuality to his skinhead friends was Nicky Crane. In an interview with the BBC News Magazine (Kelly, 2013), Crane discussed his dual life as a neo- Nazi skinhead and gay man. As a neo-Nazi skinhead, Crane was a leader in the movement, was jailed a number of times for his involvement in attacks against minority groups, and had strong ties to the neo-Nazi skinhead band Skrewdriver. But Crane was also gay. In fact, in 1985 Searchlight, an anti- fascist magazine, reported that Crane was a regular at a gay disco, Heaven. Even with this information available, Crane, at least for a short time, was able to keep his two identities separate. He was able to accomplish this because many people were unwilling to challenge Crane about his sexuality and others could not accept that someone who was a neo-Nazi skinhead could also be gay. Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, while the neo-Nazi skinheads were willing to ignore Crane’s homosexuality, the gay community could not tolerate his racist/nationalist views and ostracized him from their community. Over time Crane began to distance himself from the racist/nationalist community. In July, 1992, in an interview entitled “Out” with Channel 4, Crane ended any pretense at being heterosexual and admitted to the world that he was gay. Crane also disavowed his neo-Nazi political beliefs. In addition to some men being reluctant to admit to their skinhead peers that they are gay, many gay skinheads realize that not all skinheads are accepting of gay men being part of the movement. As Borgeson and Valeri (2015) note, the skinheads who were part of their study were aware that there are skinheads who are homophobic. Some of the men interviewed (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015), had been targets of homophobic motivated hate crimes. For example, Paul reported having been beaten up by other Skinheads because he is gay and as a result now avoids certain bars. 60 3 Gay Skinheads

In the past I use to get beat up, and thrown out of skin bars I would go to. Now my friends and I limit ourselves in going out to these places. Mostly we only go out looking like skins to see bands where the Nazis don’t frequent. Sometimes we even throw our own parties to avoid trouble. (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 57)

Avoiding homophobic skinheads was a strategy common to the gay skinheads interviewed. As was noted by one of the men:

Skins that are homophobic tell you upfront; get out of my face or I will beat the shit out of you. You don’t get that honesty in society. I have to guess who wants to gay bash, here there is no guessing, just stay away from the homophobes. (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 53)

Skinheads who claim that gays cannot be skinheads give four main reasons. The first reason, as to why gays cannot be skinheads, is notso much that gays cannot be a part of the skinhead movement but there is no such thing as a gay skinhead. Skinheads who espouse this view do so because they see politics, including sexual politics, as having no place in the skinhead movement. Most skinheads who express this believe tend to identify with what this book refers to as traditional skinhead. One skinhead who is gay but who describes himself as a skinhead and not a gay skinhead said, “What is important is being a skin. It doesn’t matter whether you are gay or not, as long as you believe in what skins was founded for. When you start to add all those other titles you start to bring in politics to the movement. I hate fucking politics.” A similar sentiment, that someone was either a skinhead or not a skinhead, was expressed by a racist skinhead who commented:

There is no such thing as a gay skin. Being a skin was really not about politics like that, no one wanted to know if you were gay or not. You never had to express something like that. It is only because of the women’s rights and gay rights shit did you start having people claim to being a gay skin.

(Borgeson, personal communication)

The second reason given as to why gays cannot be skinheads is outright prejudice toward gays. For example, one racist skinhead, when asked whether someone who was gay could be a skinhead replied:

If a gay wanted to join and be a skin [racist] we would beat the shit out of him. Skins are about white pride and loyalty to your race, not 3 Gay Skinheads 61

about screwing some other guy. Hitler use to kill the gays, along with the Jews, because he felt they were inferior—and they are. I still believe in what Hitler dedicated his life to. (Borgeson, personal communication)

Another traditional skinhead commented:

Gays don’t deserve to be a skin. It takes pride, loyalty, and brotherhood down. I guess the best analogy I can give you is that it use to be that gays were not allowed in the military, right? Why? Because they didn’t want all the soldiers fucking one another in the trenches. You were supposed to get along with the other soldiers you served with … not screwing them. A bunch of soldiers are supposed to be a unit, like a family, and if you are doing the members of your family that is incest—and that is just wrong. (Borgeson, personal communication)

The third reason some skinheads say that gays cannot be skinheads is that they equate being gay with being effeminate. As with the first reason, it is not so much that gay men cannot be skinheads but that effeminate men, straight or gay, cannot be skinheads. This position is held by many skinheads who are gay. For example, the skinheads presented in Borgeson and Valeri (2015) used derogatory terms such as “Queens” and “Bitches” when referring to effeminate men, regardless of whether they were gay. Dave, one gay skinhead featured in Borgeson and Valeri’s research, suggests that men who look and act like women deserve to be beaten up, stating “In my opinion they had it coming to them, no one should walk around looking like a stereotypical faggot. If you do, then I guess you have to face the consequences and get your ass kicked” (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 55). The fourth reason given is that gays cannot be skinheads because they equate gay skinheads with fashion skins or people who have a skinhead fetish. For example, one traditional skinhead said that gays were not real skins because he equated gay skinheads with fashion skins, people who dressed like skinheads but did not believe in the movement.

If you look at stuff on the net about skins and you put in “gay skin” all you get is a bunch of pictures where guys are sucking each other dicks. Sure, they dress like skins in the pictures, but sucking a guy’s dick is not being a skin. Real skins care about the people they hang with like a brother. The only thing they care about is “gay pride” not “working class pride.” (Borgeson, personal communication) 62 3 Gay Skinheads

Another traditional skinhead equated gay skins with people having a skinhead fetish.

Being a “gay skin” is just a sexual thing—a fetish I guess. You go to any of the clubs where most of us skins hang and they are there to pick up other guys, I guess they assume everyone is in it for the same reason they are—to suck someone’s dick. I sure the hell ain’t there for that, that’s why we beat some of these shit heads up, because they are ruining the scene. We try and drive them out and for the most part it has worked. They have their own places where most of them hang now. They just give skins a bad name and they just don’t represent what we are trying to do. (Borgeson, personal communication)

While the above quotes suggest that for a variety of reasons gay men cannot be skinheads, gay skinheads see themselves as being true skinheads and true to the original skinhead movement.

The way I look at this movement is that the Nazis aren’t the real skins. The real skins that formed this movement in England based it on expression of individuality: being gay and looking this way is who I am. (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 56)

The above quote suggests that being a skinhead is about being true to who you are. For the man quoted above, part of his identity is being gay and therefore being true to himself includes acceptance of his gay identity. For others who are gay and are also skinheads, it is more about being true to the original skinhead movement.

In my opinion neo-Nazi’s are not skins—they don’t even care about the traditions and history in which skins were founded on. They only care about white pride and stomping the shit out of gays and minorities. I got into this because I liked the music. If you talk with enough skins you will realize that music and the sense of pride you get about your working class roots is what really drives the whole thing, … not because you want to bring politics into the scene and beat up all the people that disagree with you. (Borgeson, personal communication)

The story of Nicky Crane and these quotes reveal that acceptance of gay skinheads is not universal within the skinhead movement. For that reason, some skinheads, like Nicky Crane, may feel that it is necessary to hide their gay identity from their skinhead peers. While other gay skinheads, aware that there is homophobia in the movement, purposefully try to limit their 3 Gay Skinheads 63 association to skinheads who are accepting of gays. The above quotes also demonstrate that there are multiple reasons why skinheads are prejudice toward gay skinheads.

Concluding Comments Taken together the research of Healy and Borgeson and Valeri suggest that gay men have always been and will continue to be a part of the skinhead movement. More importantly the research on skinheads and the interviews with these men suggests that it is not necessarily being gay, in and of itself, that runs counter to the skinhead image but that it is being either effeminate or a fashion skin, that are anathema to the hyper-masculine image of skinheads. Therefore masculine gay skinheads can be a part of, and find acceptance within, the skinhead movement. This chapter also discussed the fetish appeal of the skinhead look to gay men and how it can draw gay men into the skinhead movement. At the same time, the fetish nature of the skinhead look has contributed to the creation of fashion skins. Gay skinheads, by their presence in the skinhead movement, challenge the hegemonic masculinity associated with being a skinhead and raise questions as to what makes someone an authentic skinhead.

References ACTU-GAY.com Retrieved from www.actu-gay.com/en/agenda/cardiff/clubbing/ 77880-uniform-and-skins-night Alba, R. (1990). Ethnic identity: The transformation of White America. Yale Uni- versity Press. Alderson, K.G. (2003). “The ecological model of gay male identity.” The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 12: 75–85. Barrett, D.C. (2000). Masculinity among working-class gay males. In P.M. Nardi (ed.), Gay masculinities (pp. 176–205). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (2005). “Examining differences in skinhead ideology and culture through an analysis of skinhead websites.” Michigan Sociological Review, 19: 45–62. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (March, 2015). “Gay Skinheads: Negotiating a gay identity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 23: 44–62. Brekhus, W. (2003). Peacocks, chameleons, centaurs: Gay suburbia and the grammar of social identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Clarkson, J. (2005). “Contesting masculinity’s makeover: Queer eye, consumer masculinity, and ‘straight-acting’ gays.” Journal of Communication Inquiry, 29(3): 235–255. Clarkson, J. (2006). “ ‘Everyday joe’ versus ‘pissy, bitchy, queens’: Gay masculinity on straightacting.com.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 14(2): 191–207. Clarkson, J. (2008). “The limitations of the discourse of norms: Gay visibility and degrees of transgression.” Journal of Communication Inquiry, 32(4): 368–382. 64 3 Gay Skinheads

Connell, R.W., Davis, M.D., & Dowsett, G.W. (1993). “A bastard of a life: Homo- sexual desire and practice among men in working-class mileux.” Australia New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 29: 112–135. Da Silva, J. (2004). Fault lines: Queer skinheads and gay male subjectivity in the film praxis of Bruce LaBruce. Master of Arts Thesis. Creative Industries Research and Application Centre, Queensland University of Technology. Davidson, L. & Duberman, L. (1982). “Friendship: Communication and interaction patterns in same-sex dyads.” Sex Roles, 8: 809–822. Diaz, R., (1998). Latino gay men and HIV: Culture, sexuality & risk behavior. New York: Routledge. Fee, D. (2000). One of the guys: Instrumentality and intimacy in gay men’s friendships with straight men. In Peter M. Nardi (ed.), Gay masculinities (pp. 44–65). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publishing. FENIX Global Skin Movement. Retrieved from www.fenix-gsm.net/ or www.face book.com/groups/255679464522269/ Gay Moscow Skins at https://vk.com/club49008504 Gay Skinhead Group (GSG) at www.sewellandmarbury.co.uk/gsg1.html Gay Skinheads Movement at https://vk.com/club4573930 Gay Skinheads Unite at http://vk.com/club8261749 GaY skins tula cru at https://vk.com/clubgayskins Healy, M. (1996). Gay skins: Class, masculinity, and queer appropriations. New York: Cassell. Hebdidge, D. (1979). Subculture: The meaning of style. London: Methuen. Howard, J. (2000). “Social psychology of identities.” Annual Review of Sociology, 26: 367–393. Irish Gay Skinheads at www.facebook.com/groups/399228193516802/ Kelly, J. (December 6, 2013). “Nicky Crane: The secret double life of a gay neo- Nazi.” BBC News Magazine. Retrieved from www.bbc.com/news/magazine- 25142557 Levant, R.F. & Fischer, J. (2007). “A review of research on masculinity ideologies using the Male Role Norms Inventory.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 15: 130–146. Madon, S. (1997). “What do people believe about gay males? A study of stereotype content and strength.” Sex Roles, 37: 663–685. Marshall, G. (1994). Spirit of 69: A skinhead bible. Scotland: S.T. Publishing. McCall, G., J., & Simmons, J.L. (1978). Identities and interactions. New York: Free Press. Nagel, J. (1994). “Constructing ethnicity: Creating and recreating ethnic identity and culture.” Social Problems, 41: 152–176. Nagel, J. (2000). “Ethnicity and sexuality.” Annual Review of Sociology, 26: 107–133. Nardi, P.M. (1992). That’s what friends are for: Friends as family in the gay and lesbian community. In K. Plummer (ed.), Modern homosexualities (pp. 108–120). London: Routledge. Nardi, P.M. (1999). Gay men’s friendships: Invincible communities. Chicago: Uni- versity of Chicago Press. Nardi, P.M. (2000). “Anything for a Sis, Mary”: An introduction to Gay masculinities. In P.M. Nardi (ed.), Gay masculinities (pp. 1–11). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. 3 Gay Skinheads 65

Nimmons, D. (2002). Soul beneath the skin: The unseen hearts and habits of gay men. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Non-Fetish Queer Skinheads at www.facebook.com/groups/nonfetishgayskineads/ Outmost (October 20, 2014). “The gay fetish scene in Ireland.” Gay Ireland News and Entertainment: The Outmost.com. Retrieved from http://theoutmost.com/ opinion/gayfetishsceneireland/ Page, S. & Yee, M. (1985). “Conception of male and female homosexual stereotypes among university undergraduates.” Journal of Homosexuality, 12: 109–118. Phillips, I. (2016). Skins: Oxblood, sweat, and beers. United Kingdom: New Haven Publishing Ltd. Pilkington, H., Omel’chenko, E., & Garifzianova, A. (2010). Russia’s skinheads: Exploring and rethinking subcultural lives. London: Routledge. Price, J. (1999). Navigating differences: Friendships between gay and straight men. New York: Haworth. Raffo, S. (1997). Queer classes. Boston: South End Press. Reid, H. & Fine, G.A. (1992). Self-disclosure in men’s friendships. In P.M. Nardi (ed.), Men’s friendships (pp. 132–152). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Sarabia, D. & Shriver, T.E. (2004). “Maintaining collective identity in a hostile environment: Confronting negative public perception and factional divisions within the skinhead subculture.” Sociological Spectrum, 24: 267–294. doi: 10.1080/02732170390258614 Spector, M. & Kitsuse, J.I. (1987). Constructionist social problems. New York: Aldin de Gruyter. Stryker, S. & Serpe, R. (1981). Commitment, identity salience and role behavior: Theory and research example. In W. Ickes & E. Knowles (eds), Personality, roles, and social behavior. New York: Springer Verlag. Valeri, R. & Borgeson, K. (2016). “Masculine identities within the skinhead movement: How straight men, gay men, and women embody and perform masculinity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” In J. Jaworski (ed.), Advances in sociology research, Vol. 19 (pp. 39–58). Nova Science Publishers. Valeri, R.M., Sweazy, N. & Borgeson, K. (2017). “An analysis of Skinhead websites and social networks, a decade later.” Michigan Sociological Review. Zellner, W.W. 1995. Countercultures: A sociological analysis. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Chapter 4 Female Skinheads

Overview The present chapter examines the role of women in the skinhead movement. There is limited research and writing on female skinheads. However, the available information, which includes biographies of British female skinheads and ethnographic research on Australian skinheads and Russian skinheads, all of which include an examination of the women involved, is explored to determine the role female skinheads play in the movement. The issues these women face are discussed. Then, based on a series of interviews with 13 women, six neo-Nazi skinheads, five traditional skinheads, and two former skinheads, the chapter focuses on the role these women play in the movement. All of the women who were interviewed were Amer- ican, white, and ranged in age from their late teens to their early- to mid- twenties. How these women became involved in the movement, their ideology and beliefs, and the reasons that some of them choose to leave the movement are explored.

Skinheads: A Masculine Culture The skinhead movement dates back to late 1960s Britain, when a group of predominately male youth decided to embrace their working class heritage and values as a reaction to the growing middle class aspirations of many. At its inception, the skinhead movement was predominately male, espousing the values of hard work and self-reliance, embracing the clean-cut working class look of short or shorn hair, braces (suspenders), work boots, and jeans, and engaging in the working class past times of drinking beer, football, slam dancing, riding scooters, and brawling with other groups of male youth. These values and activities are consistent with the attributes of traditional hegemonic masculinity which include aggressiveness, competit- iveness, restricted emotions, and sexual promiscuity (Cohn & Zeichner, 2006; Connell, 1995; Connell & Messerschmidt, 2005; David & Brannon, 1976; Fitzpatrick et al., 2004; Franklin, 1984). 4 Female Skinheads 67

Because traditional hegemonic masculinity tends to be anti-female (Harry, 1995; Kilanski, 2003) this attitude, coupled with restricted emotions and sexual promiscuity can lead male skinheads to view women as sexual objects to be exploited. This is one obstacle facing women who wish to join the skinhead movement. They have to make themselves be seen as people rather than sexual objects. The second obstacle is that traditional hegemonic masculinity is also viewed as the opposite of traditional femininity and male is typically viewed as the opposite of female. Given that the skinhead movement is predominantly male and centered around values and attributes consistent with traditional hegemonic masculinity it is hard to imagine females or femininity gaining acceptance in the movement. This might suggest that women in the movement are restricted to auxiliary/help mate roles that are consistent with gender stereotypes or that the skinhead movement is restricted to tougher more masculine women, referred to by Halberstam (1998) as female masculinity. Because male and masculinity are often confused it is difficult for people to separate the biology of male from the social construction of masculinity and think of females “doing masculinity.” For this reason it can be difficult for masculine women to find acceptance in the mainstream culture. As will be discussed, masculine women tend to find greater acceptance within the skinhead movement, especially in the neo-Nazi skinhead movement. This is not to suggest that all female skinheads are masculine women. Skinhead women reflect the range of masculinity-to-femininity found in the world. Even within the skinhead culture, there are still some boundaries for women (Valeri & Borgeson, 2016). Yet there are female skinheads and the women have found ways to address these issues and create a place for themselves within the skinhead movement.

Female Skinheads: Finding Their Place and Style Obviously, in the late 1960s there were working class women and some of these women were drawn to and became a part of the skinhead movement. The question is what role would these women play in the movement? Would these women adopt the same values, look, and behaviors of their male counterparts or would they develop their own niche within the skinhead movement? Travis and Hardy (2012) suggest that women have always been a part of the skinhead movement, drawn into it either because they found the culture, its music, style and violence, appealing or because they started dating a skinhead. Initially these women adopted the standard uniform of skinheads, that of boots and braces. To capture the full effect of the look they would purchase the appropriate styles and brands of shirts in boy’s or men’s sizes and even wear their hair cut short. This look is captured in the 68 4 Female Skinheads lyrics of Skinhead Girl (Symarip or cover album by the Specials, 2000) in which they describe a skinhead girl as having short hair, “wearing boots and jeans” and being “my height my weight my size.” While the women’s hair was short, it was typically cut in more feminine styles known as the Chelsea, the fringe, or the feathercut. Images of these can be found on the tumblr site skinbyrds. As Travis and Hardy note, many of these women stayed in the movement for only a few years. One of the challenges they faced was that while the skinhead look might be acceptable for young women still in school or for men in blue collar or working class jobs, this tough look is considered inappropriate for most working women. These women were forced to either leave the skinhead movement or adopt more feminine styles “growing out their hair to soften their appearance and subsequently moving toward more feminine styles of dress” (Travis & Hardy, 2012, p. 76). For dress, mini-skirts were a popular choice. For as long as women have been a part of the skinhead movement their place in it has been controversial. This is due in a large part to the violent culture of the movement. Female skins need to determine how to behave, what level of aggression, violence, promiscuity, and drinking are acceptable for them. The lyrics to the song Skinhead Girl Warrior by Warzone present female skins as tough fighters who “never run … never hide” suggesting that aggression and fighting are both accepted and expected of female skinheads. However, the research exploring skinhead culture suggests that the extent to which women should be involved in aggression and violence, and therefore in the movement, is mixed. Travis and Hardy note that, because of the violence, many skinheads believe that the role of women in the movement should be limited to girlfriend or wife and that this view is especially common among racist skinheads who view women as “breeders” for the white race. On the other hand there are skinheads, both traditional and racist, who view women as equal partners in the movement.

Female Skinheads in Britain That women have been a part of the skinhead movement, at least that of traditional skinheads in Britain, is evident from the biographies of four women included in Ian Phillips (2016) book Skins: Oxblood, Sweat, and Beers. One woman, Kim Keanie, recounts that she became a skinhead at the age of 14 and that still today, as a woman in her 50s, is “still a proud Skinhead girl … [and] in 2017 shall be getting married in skinhead style” (p. 134). Keanie explains the important role the skinhead movement player in her life, recounting how, because she was brought up in care, joining the skinheads provided her with a real family. In fact she “eventually ran away from care and went to live in Brighton with my skinhead family” (p. 134). 4 Female Skinheads 69

Keanie sums up the skinhead movement as belonging to a universal family and about respect for others. Debbie Jones, who in 1978, at the age of 14, became a skinhead, discussed the importance of music to the movement and to brining her into the movement. Jones recounts:

I became a skinhead and it was because I was already into the music … we had a Jamaican family at the end of our street. I used to hang out there with a boy from my year and his parents always had music playing—all original ska—so I was already into it before the 2 Tone movement started. (Phillips, 2016, p. 186)

Like Keanie, Jones describes the skinhead movement as a family. Cat Lyons recalls being introduced to the skinhead scene in the 80s when she was 11 or 12 but not fully embracing it until the 90s, after she had her kids, and was missing the rallies and ska gigs. She too, sees the movement about family:

We are like a big family and have each other’s backs … we all get together and look great, dance to brilliant music and have a fabulous time. I don’t see me ever changing from this now: I have finally found my little niche in the world. (Phillips, 2016; p. 164)

Finally, showing that the skinhead movement is still alive and well, Lizz Handley, whose boyfriend was a skinhead, describes becoming a skinhead at the age of 13 in 2012. As she recounts her story about becoming a skinhead, the appeal of the look, the happiness at getting her first feather cut, “being escorted to my ‘prom’ by a load of scooters” (Phillips, 2016, p. 162), and then finally getting her own scooter on the road, it is evident that the skinhead movement continues to appeal to youth, in large part, because of the attractiveness of its culture. According to Handley:

Being a skinhead to me means independence as I’m the girl that stands out from all the other girls…. But it also means my identity: I couldn’t imagine myself without a feather cut, fishnets and Doctor Marten boots. The skinhead culture has really become a homely community for me, and somewhere I feel accepted, after so many years of strug- gling to find my place I find the skinhead scene is my home. Putting on my fishnets and Crombie has got to be the best thing out there. (Phillips, 2016, p. 162) 70 4 Female Skinheads

The stories of these British women reveal that women have been in the skinhead movement from its early days. Their stories also demonstrate that women join the skinhead movement for the same reasons as their male or gay male counterparts, because they are drawn to the music or culture of the movement, or because they are looking for a place to be accepted. One reason for joining the movement that is more common among female than male skinheads is that, like Lizz, they are drawn into the movement through their relationships with skinheads. More importantly these stories reveal the important role being a skinhead has played in the lives of these women. A theme that is repeated by each of them is that the skinhead movement provides them with a home or family, a place where they feel accepted. This is a common theme repeated by many skinheads, for both men and women and regardless of whether they are skins from the right or left of the political spectrum. However, research by Moore (1994) examining skinheads in Australia and that of Pilkington, Omel’chenko, and Garifzianova (2010), examining Russian skinheads, suggests that acceptance of women in the skinhead movement may not be universal.

Female Skinheads in Australia Moore (1994) was a participant observer of a group of skinheads in Western Australia for a nine-month period during 1984–1985. During that time, Moore’s observations centered on a set of ten male skinheads as they went out drinking, played pool, went to night clubs, and visited people. As a participant observer of this group Moore was able to also get to know the eight women who regularly mixed with these men as well as some of the women who would join the group while dating one of the skinheads and then leave the group when the relationship ended. Although the research is more than three decades old, many of the insights Moore garners are still applicable to skinheads today and provide a strong basis for comparison. As mentioned previously, traditional hegemonic masculinity includes limited affection and encourages male promiscuity. Based on his observations, Moore notes that the skinhead men publicly presented a persona consistent with this. Publicly they presented themselves as “exploiters of young women, primarily for sex” (Moore, 1994, p. 104) and indicated that the ultimate goal of encounters with women was sex. However, in contrast to their public image as seekers of casual sex with no emotional attachment, Moore reports witnessing several instances when male skinheads expressed emotional attachments to women and hurt feelings over the ending of relationships. Thus the public persona, while consistent with traditional hegemonic masculinity, did not match up with private feelings and behaviors witnessed by Moore. 4 Female Skinheads 71

Moore states that the male skinheads he observed divided women into two groups, the ones who were treated with respect and the ones who were not treated with respect. The latter group of women were those “considered sexually available or who have already provided themselves as sexual partners for several of the skinheads” (p. 111). These women were often referred to as “tarts” or “slags.” There was no name or label for the women who were treated with respect. The eight women who spent much of their leisure time with the male skinheads were respected and granted special status in the group because each of them was known by the group and had a history with them. While these women might, at times, be involved in relationships with the men, compared to the casual sexual relationships previously described relationships with these women tended to be for a longer duration and included emotional attachments. Moore also notes that while the men might seek out casual sex with a woman outside the skinhead group, the eight women who were part of the set only dated skinheads. Moore recounts how one woman who had been a regular part of the group was forced out of the group after breaking up with one member of the group and then having casual sex with several other members of the group over the course of a few weeks. The woman was “subject to the most incredible derision and abuse from both skinheads and the other young women” (Moore, 1994, p. 111). The women condemned her actions because she was guilty of casual sex or sex outside of the traditional boyfriend/girlfriend relationship which they considered inappropriate. So while promiscuity and casual sex are considered acceptable and even praised among the male members it is considered unacceptable for female members associated with the group. Moore also notes that the role of women is generally marginal or subordinate in the group for two reasons, both of which have to do with fighting. First, because fighting is central to being a skinhead and serves as a

means for expression of subcultural attributes and loyalty. It is the essence of legend-making. Skinheads regard women as physically weak and their fights, while they may be discussed (and evaluated and represented as proof of special status) are not the stuff of legends. (Moore, 1994, p. 113)

Second, while fights between males are considered battles about loyalty and group honor that quickly escalate to group fights, the fights of women are considered to be personal ones, based on slights or attacks on an individual’s integrity. Consequently these fights rarely escalate from the individual to group level fights. Therefore these fights and the women involved in them will never become legends. Put succinctly “there is no archetypal ‘skinhead girl’ to complement the ideal loyal, hard skinhead male” (Moore, 1994, p. 113). According to Moore, while women may 72 4 Female Skinheads spend significant time associating with skinheads and even earn special status with the group, a women’s role, at most, will be as a subordinate or auxiliary member of the group rather than a full member with status equal to that of a male skinhead.

Female Skinheads in Russia Research by Pilkington and colleagues (2010), although conducted almost 30 years later and about a Russian racist/nationalist skinhead brigade, yields similar findings. Here too, the role of women in the skinhead movement is limited by the skinhead culture of violence, beliefs about women’s ability to be violent, and for some of the women, their own unwillingness or inability to be violent. As with the Australian skinheads, to be a part of the racist/nationalist skinhead group you have to prove yourself through physical acts of violence. Doing so involved violence that came in the form of slam dancing, fighting within your own skinhead group, which serves to confirm the hierarchies within the group, keeps members in shape, and relieves boredom, and street fighting against targeted individuals or groups (Pilkington et al., 2010). Many of the men interviewed thought that women should not fight and therefore could not be skinheads. One of the male skinheads said “we don’t take them [on direct actions] because they are not capable of executing this role, because they will crack at the first opportunity” (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 70). The view that women cannot fight and therefore be considered a skinhead causes disagreement amongst the men and the women because some women as well as some men believe that women can be violent. The man who made the above statement, because of this belief, considered only men to be skinheads, while one of the woman, Lera, who thought that women could fight reported that there were five female skinheads in the area. Lera, who actually ran her own brigade but was seeking a place in the brigade being observed, reported that the reason she was not allowed in was that one of the members, Vorkuta, did not like her and thought that women should not fight. According to Lera, Vorkuta thinks

“How can a girl be in the movement, let alone have her own brigade? You, you are a girl, you should stay at home, have children.” And I [Lera] go, “I’m still a bit young for that.” And he goes, “No, it’s not right, there shouldn’t be any girls.” (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 158)

Another one of the men in the brigade, Zhenia, said that he would not let his girlfriend fight stating “Personally, I didn’t let my girl go anywhere. Because I was genuinely worried about her. What if something suddenly 4 Female Skinheads 73 went wrong?” (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 158). While Zhenia is protective of his own girlfriend he also said:

I am positively inclined toward it [skingirls]…. Being a skinhead doesn’t come just like that. You’re not a skinhead by calling yourself a skinhead and sitting on the sofa. You have to prove yourself on the street. (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 70)

This suggests that a woman would need to fight and prove herself in order to become a skinhead. Zhenia even went with two women, Masha and another girl, when they went out to prove themselves. Their goal was to find an ethnic minority woman and beat her up. In the end thetwo women, although they found an ethnic minority woman, were unwilling to start a fight with her. From this incident, Masha, although she failed to get in a fight and prove herself, now had special status in the group and was “referred to by a nickname derived from the male form of her patronymic and definitively declared to be ‘not a woman’ ” (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 72). However, even with her special status she is not considered a central member. After her failed attempt to prove herself, Masha now says:

I have never got particularly involved in the actions because a girl is an extra burden for the lads. I can understand that completely—in case I run away, in case I say something I shouldn’t.… I would be a burden for the lads because they would worry about me. (Pilkington et al., 2010; pp. 71–72)

Other women limited their actions with the group to non-violent ones such as the production and distribution of racist and anti-Semitic literature and the taunting and intimidation of people from ethnic minorities and other groups who were perceived as weaker or softer, such as punk and rappers. An example of an intimidation tactic instigated by one of the women, Lida, and her boyfriend against an ethnic minority man and his son who had moved in with the boyfriend’s mother was making it appear that the boy had wet the bed and putting chili pepper in a bottle of water used for hand washing. Lera is perhaps the most interesting of the woman observed. She runs her own racist/nationalist skinhead brigade. Although she thinks that women can be violent and therefore be skinheads, and she has been involved in violent actions, including the killing of a police officer, Lera’s brigade is composed only of male youths. As Lera explains it, this is because there is no place to recruit girls and because it is “simpler with boys.” Lera thinks that the girls lack the seriousness and devotion to the cause, that many girls would join the group simply because it would 74 4 Female Skinheads provide them with an opportunity to hang out with the boys. Lera also jokes that girls are more problematic because in the middle of a fight they might worry that they had broken a nail or ripped their tights. When challenged that these statements were contradictory to her belief that women should be a part of the movement Lera explains:

I know myself. I know I won’t have those problems.… I’ve already seen so much that I’m not going to faint at the sight of blood…. If I get hassle. I’ll fight back. It’s one thing to be afraid yourself, but another to be afraid for someone else. In that sense it’s more difficult [with girls]. (Pilkington et al., 2010, p. 71)

In one story about an action, Lera recounted how she had organized the intimidation of new Korean neighbors. Lera got a group of skins together outside of the Korean family’s flat and they would yell “Glory to Russia” every time the Koreans opened their door. Even with Lera’s actual participation in violent actions, her credibility in the group is challenged because she once recruited and dated a male member of her brigade who then left to join the anti-fascists. In Russia, authentic skinheads are considered to be people who can not only fight but also understand and explain their racist/nationalist views. Consequently, brigade leaders often encourage the reading and discussion of literature such as Hitler’s Mein Kampf or Nesterov’s Skins: Rus’ awake. Lera, as a brigade leader, emphasized educational work, getting all of her brigade members to read Skins: Rus’ awake and discussing it with them. She also encourages all of her brigade members to suggest readings for the group and to read history as well as to read about other ethnic groups and religions. Part of the difficulty facing women wanting to become racist/nationalist skinheads is that the men in these groups believe that Russian women need protection from the ethnic minorities and Jews who are portrayed as wanting to rape Russian women. Even a group of skingirls who tried to make their own propaganda video accused immigrants of “taking girls.” As part of the video these women also “set out their own mission as skingirls … not drinking, not using drugs and making sure that the children they will bear in the future will be not only white but also healthy” (Pilkington, et al., 2010, p. 141). The difficulty facing these racist/nationalist skinheads, when con- sidering whether women can join the movement, is trying to reconcile how women can be viewed as both needing protection while at the same time being the protectors. Lastly, both the men and women of this group believed that only men can have real friendships with other men. Both the men and women interviewed thought that women, because of their gossiping and jealousy, could 4 Female Skinheads 75 not be real friends with each other. While this might suggest an overall negative attitude toward women, the men observed were very caring toward their girlfriends and valued having close, trusting relationships. Thus within the Russian racist/nationalist skinhead group observed, there was disagreement over whether women could be part of the group. As with the Australian group, the reason for this controversy centered on violence and whether women could be violent or sufficiently violent to be a part of the movement. While some of the men and women who were observed and interviewed believed that women could be skinheads, other believed that women could not be violent and that taking women on an “action” could result in problems for the group. This view is consistent with the paternalistic or chivalrous attitudes toward women that are part of traditional hegemonic masculinity. Women are seen, in general, as needing to be protected and cared for. This is especially true for men associated with racist/nationalist skinhead who see themselves as protecting their countries and their race against ethnic minority groups, immigrants, and Jews who are taking their jobs, taking their food, and raping their women. Allowing women to be a part of the skinheads and engage in fighting, thus in the business of protection, contradicts the notion that women need to be protected. As will be discussed in the next section on American neo-Nazi skinhead women, women do believe they have a place in the movement and can fight. But as with the Australian and Russian skinheads discussed above, not everyone agrees with this position. Before leaving this section it should be noted that there have been all female right wing skinhead groups, including the Skingirlfront Deutsch- lands and the Unione Skinhead Girl Italia (Fangen, 2014). Fangen notes that the women in these organizations had previously been members of mixed gender right wing groups. However, dissatisfied with being limited to subordinate roles in these groups, the women decided to form their own groups. McGowan (2014) reports that in 1996, 4% of the violent activities associated with the right wing were attributed to female skins and neo- Nazis.

The Female Neo-Nazi Skinhead Movement in the United States

Joining the Movement: Belonging and Acceptance As was discussed above, women who join the skinhead movement are often drawn to it because they are seeking a place where they belong and can be accepted for who they are. These individuals express feelings of not belonging or not fitting in at school, in their social class, or even among their family members. For these individuals, the skinhead movement 76 4 Female Skinheads provides a place where they feel accepted for themselves. Similarly, searching for a place to belong was a common theme in the stories of these neo- Nazi skinhead women. While the stereotype of skinheads, especially racist skinheads, is that of individuals who come from poor or working class backgrounds and have little education, some of the women interviewed for this chapter came from middle class families, and choose to become involved in the racist skinhead movement rather than pursue educational and career opportunities more consistent with their middle class backgrounds. They chose to join the movement because it offered them acceptance. However, by choosing this neo-Nazi skinhead lifestyles these women were also choosing to alienate themselves from their families and friends. As is typical of many skinheads, the woman in this first series of quotes chose to join the neo-Nazi skinhead subculture because she was not suc- ceeding educationally or socially in school. She was earning below average grades and failing to establish strong friendships with peers. Joining the skinhead movement allowed her to establish ties and feel accepted by a new group of people. Her transition into the neo-Nazi skinhead movement was facilitated by growing acceptance among this group and increased rejection from her family. She recalls:

All of my [neo-Nazi] friends hated school. Why should we like it? Most of the time we got lectures from our teachers about Nazism being bad. It isn’t bad. I didn’t like the shit they were preaching either, but I kept my mouth shut.

The woman recounted that the harassment she received from mainstream students helped push her to embrace the neo-Nazi skinhead movement. The result was that she came to see students in the mainstream as being duped or brainwashed.

I began to realize that all of the kids at school, except those that I hung around with, were brain washed. They couldn’t see that the school system was run by a bunch of liberal Jews who wanted us to subscribe to their agenda.

For many of these women entry into the neo-Nazi skinhead movement was facilitated by their regular, and often weekly, attendance at racist Oi! concerts or neo-Nazi rallies which helped them to build ties to this new community while at the same time further isolating them from their families.

No one understood why I became fascinated with Hitler. I guess they thought it was a phase. When they realized it wasn’t, not many people 4 Female Skinheads 77

treated me the same. So, I began wearing the Nazi SS and other stuff, which eventually got me in trouble.

As is shown in the quote below and further discussed in the chapter on skinhead music, for many individuals music is an avenue into the skinhead movement. Racist/nationalist skinheads use music and concerts as a way to draw youth into the movement and to encourage and promote their ideology. For this reason racist/nationalist skins make a conscious effort to make their music readily available, often distributing free copies of it at concerts and schools. The appeal of music and access to it is evident in the following quote:

A lot of people were pretty disillusioned with the system and we had no way to express that disillusionment. Most of us came from family backgrounds that were mid to upper-middle class, but fractured. Most of the parents were left over hippies. There seemed to be no real way to “come of age” except through the [racist] music. It was always accessible, there were bootleg tapes, everyone knew someone in a band and there were all ages’ shows almost every weekend. So, there was a chance to be among people with the same ideals.

The concerts and rallies, in addition to promoting and nurturing the developing of racist beliefs also provide opportunities for friendships and romances to develop. One woman confessed, “I don’t see them [family] much because my family does not agree with the Nazi [male] I am living with, and had children with.” As these women become more involved with people in the neo-Nazi skinhead movement they adopt their values, culture and the resulting lifestyle choices. For example, joining the neo-Nazi movement meant for one woman that she would not pursue college, a choice common among her middle class peers. Her rationale for this decision was consistent with her new beliefs “that the Jews have brainwashed” those within the current educational system. The woman recounted that from “studying” books and tracts on race and the Jews, “I learned” that higher education was not for her since all colleges and universities are “run by the Jews.” She con- cluded that attending college for a degree, “you become ‘jewdified’ and ‘brainwashed’ into the liberal pc world.” The skinhead movement espouses and embraces working class ideals and culture. These values and attitudes appeal not only to people growing up in the working class who want to take pride in who they are but also to people from other socio-economic classes who find the values of their own class to be hollow. It is common for skinheads from middle class background to report that they “never felt comfortable being middle class” because they could never “be the real me.” For people in the skinhead 78 4 Female Skinheads movement, working class values mean being self-reliant, standing on your own two feet, and taking pride in yourself and your ability to take care of yourself. Women who came from the middle class often saw joining the skinhead movement as a way to connect with these working class values.

I think as I got into it [movement] I began to connect with my working class roots. That is what the whole thing is based on, working class. I think that once I realized that I became really close with a lot of the other skins I hang with—especially the women.

This quote reflects the importance placed on working class values, rather than the actual financial standing or economic class of the individual. Skin- heads value being financially self-reliant. They disparage anyone who is on welfare or government support referring to them as “niggers” regardless of the person’s actual race. Furthermore, some women who came from the middle class, identified with the poor or working class because they believe the middle class is dis- appearing and that they were being pushed down economically and pushed aside or disadvantaged because of their race.

I guess I would consider myself poor. There are only the rich and the poor in society and the only ones getting rich are the Jews. As they keep making money, the only race [whites] with a fucking brain is being put out of work. All the niggers and spicks are getting jobs thanks to affirmative action, and the whites are sliding down the food chain. How come none of the Asians get jobs through affirmative action? Because they actually study and don’t have to be given special privileges on a test. Today, whites are getting fucked left and right and if we don’t do something about it, all of us [whites] are going to be in a heap of shit.

Unlike their traditional skinhead counterparts who are against racism and politics, the neo-Nazi skinheads blame economic and social problems on minorities and the “advantages” offered to them. They feel that the “blacks and minorities are taking all the fucking jobs” as a result of minorities “getting all the breaks” while the whites “keep getting fucked.” Finally, for some women the skinhead movement provides a place where they can be themselves and be accepted:

I guess if I had to describe the scene it is about being you. I think most of the people in my life treated me like shit. The skins don’t do that. They may not believe in everything that I do, but at least they let me talk about it. You see that is the whole hang-up with the middle class, 4 Female Skinheads 79

they do not give a shit about expression, they only give a shit about what the Jones are doing and if their fucking boat is bigger.

Another woman expresses similar sentiments:

The good thing about the skinhead scene is that nobody is up my ass to be something that I am not. When I was in [high] school my coun- selor was all over me about deciding what I want to do with my life. Who the hell ever really knows? My friends let me be me. That was the whole reason that the skinheads scene formed. If you don’t believe me just read Marshall’s book The Spirit of 69. Then you will understand what a true skin is all about.

While being a part of the skinhead movement provides these individuals a place where they can be themselves, as shown in the next quote, the skinhead movement might not be the first group they explore:

When I was in high school I hung around with a bunch of kids who hated school, smoked, skipped classes, you name it. I got into the Goth scene, but after a while, couldn’t stand the fucking music. One day at a Goth show some Nazi’s showed up, I eventually met them, and started hanging with them, after a while I started to see that, that is where I belong; I mean they believe in unity, pride, and most importantly working class. The people I was associating with prior to that didn’t believe in much. It was all about fashion for Goths and Punks.

For the women interviewed, joining the neo-Nazi skinhead movement was, in a large part, finding a place where they felt accepted for who they were.

Female Masculinity Judith Halberstam (1988) in her book Female Masculinity describes the difficulties faced by women who conform more to the ideals and behaviors associated with traditional masculinity rather than traditional femininity. She described masculine behaviors by young girls, tomboyism, as

an extended childhood period of female masculinity … associated with a “natural” desire for the greater freedoms and mobilities enjoyed by boys. Very often it is read as a sign of independence and self-motivation, and tomboyism may even be encouraged to the extent that it remains comfortably linked to a stable sense of a girl identity. Tomboyism is pun- ished, however, when it appears to be the sign of extreme male identification … and when it threatens to extend beyond childhood. (Halberstam, 1988, pp. 5–6) 80 4 Female Skinheads

The women interviewed were all past puberty and thus past the age when tomboyism or female masculinity was considered acceptable by the mainstream public. Furthermore, the willingness to engage in violence pushed the masculinity of these women too far from the boundaries of femininity to be “comfortably linked” to a girl identity. These women were finding that their lack of conformity to female gender role norms was hampering their acceptance into mainstream culture. Many of the women interviewed were simply looking for the equality they were promised as children but could only find in the skinhead movement. A former skin describes this:

Many of us were young women who were told we could be exactly the same as men, and many of the men were young men who had been emasculated by the system and told that being male was wrong. For women skins, the image became a way to assert one’s identity as an equal in terms of music, loyalty, and solidarity with other people.

Thus, as part of the skinhead movement, women could find equality and men could find a place where expressions of traditional hegemonic masculinity were accepted. Women found people in the neo-Nazi skinhead movement to be especially accepting of female masculinity. One of the women interviewed, who drove a truck, had an excessive number of tattoos, participated in martial arts, and liked WWE wrestling, discussed the fact that her behaviors were not consistent with traditional feminine ideals. While this led her to feel like she did not fit in with mainstream society she was accepted in the neo-Nazi skinhead movement. In one conversation she mentioned that her brother constantly told her she should have been a “dyke” because she was not feminine. Her reaction to this characterization by her brother was to deny that she cared about what other people think while at the same time revealing that she did care by saying that her friends do not think she is gay.

I don’t give a shit what others think. No one that I hang out with thinks that I am a dyke. As a matter of fact if you ask any of the other people that I hang with, you will see that most of the shit I do is pretty normal.

Within the neo-Nazi skinhead movement, female masculinity, the expression of characteristics or traits associated with masculinity, is not only acceptable but gains these women respect for “being a skin.” Both men and women interviewed in the skinhead culture respect women who engage in violence, use rude language, and express right wing ideological beliefs. 4 Female Skinheads 81

Sometimes people need the shit beat out of them to teach them a lesson—especially when they fuck up around me. I have gotten in many [fist] fights with both men and women. Some I have won, some I have lost. But at least the crew I hang with knows that if they fuck with me, they are gonna get hit.

Another women stated:

Is the skinhead scene violent? Fuck yeah. I don’t know a skin who hasn’t got into a fight. Most of the fights are over our beliefs. Being a Nazi isn’t easy. I get into fights all the time, especially with some of the girls at the shows. Most of the fights have been with Chelsea’s [female skins]. Some of the skins who do not believe in our beliefs [white supremacy] give me a hard time and I just beat the shit out of them. I mean fucking annihilate them. They learn a valuable lesson—they don’t fuck with me anymore.

Women in this movement also found that the “trappings” associated with the neo-Nazi skinhead movement—of shaved or shorn hair, boots, and braces—gave them a sense of strength and power.

Being a skin it was outwardly obvious who you affiliated with. People would say shit to you as you walked down the street. But for some reason when I was in that persona I could yell back. But two years prior to that when I had the long brown straight hair carrying my violin, I wasn’t going to yell back at anyone.

In her garb of a neo-Nazi skinhead, this woman could transform herself into someone who was powerful and fearless, someone who could threaten rather than be threatened. While mainstream culture may have been unaccepting of these women for their lack of conformity to gender role norms, these women are equally disparaging toward the women who conformed to traditional gender role norms. One of the woman interviewed expressed her disdain for what she feels is the life a “typical” woman while at the same time revealing her acceptance and adherence to the skinhead value of self- sufficiency.

I would never like to be the “typical housewife” chained to the stove, staying home all day to watch the kids. Fuck That. That’s for someone else. For me, I just want to get a job, be on my own, see my family. And on the weekends, I want to be able to hang out with my friends and see a lot of shows. 82 4 Female Skinheads

The reference to hanging out with friends and going to shows is representative of skinhead culture. Skinheads are loyal to their friends and demonstrate this loyalty by hanging out with them after work and on weekends, drinking, socializing, and going to shows, rather than staying at home. Going out is also an expression of the freedom and mobility associated with tomboyism referred to by Halberstam. Many of the men find women who adopt the traditional skinhead look to be attractive. One male skinhead stated, “I actually find a girl with shave bangs sexy.” While women are valued for being tough and expressing attitudes and behaviors associated with traditional hegemonic masculinity, because the men in the movement tend to be hyper-masculine there are still elements of patriarchy and protectiveness toward the women and many of the women understand and appreciate these demonstrations of chivalry.

For a lot of guys, it [the skinhead movement] was one way to assert “maleness” and develop a hyper-masculine image. The image of the guys as being “male” lent a sense of protection. When I look at that, I am aware of the paradox, being equal, yet still wanting to have a sense of protection. There was also a lot of respect for being a “girl” who didn’t take shit from anyone, but there was a lot of respect for having a guy stand up for you, if for no other reason than you were skin.

Furthermore, some of the female skinheads realize that their male counterparts find women fighting to be unacceptable. “I’ve never been involved in a boot party—always wanted to though. The guys think it is too violent for women. That is bullshit though because I am tougher than half those pussies who we hang with.” Women are also valued for their reproductive capabilities. Women who give birth to multiple children are held in high esteem within the neo-Nazi skinhead movement because they have given birth to white babies, further- ing the white race.

Neo-Nazi Culture and Ideology As discussed by Hamm (1995) the racist/nationalist skinhead movement tends to very violent. The hatred spawning this violence stems from a dis- trust of the government and societal institutions. Racist/nationalist skinheads believe that society favors blacks and other minorities. Many also believe that there is a world-wide Jewish conspiracy to gain control of the world by taking over the major financial, educational, religious, and government institutions. 4 Female Skinheads 83

For some of us, we had been told that being white was something to be ashamed of, many of us [especially the Harvard Square group] saw the annual influx of students to Harvard. Often, these were students of color and diverse backgrounds. Already being on the fringe of society and not knowing how to breach the division, people began to see the diversity as the reason some of us were on the fringe. They were also the reason that we got stares, were getting thrown out of public places and as we saw it, they were the ones who complained to the cops about us. I can even remember one night where a Hispanic man said something incredibly crass to me and there was a bit of a fight. When the cops came, I was told that if I didn’t want the attention I shouldn’t look the way I did and that if I didn’t leave, I was going to be pulled in for the night. For me and the others involved, this was another example of someone [the Hispanic man in the incident] getting what he wanted based on his ethnicity and not his behavior. Though this is one example from personal experience, things like that incident helped solidify the idea that “they” [anyone of color or different ethnic backgrounds] were the reason there was trouble. A very adolescent solution to any problem is to simply eliminate the people that were the source of the problem.

The women involved in this research despised traditional social institutions. Although some of the women blamed “everything” on the Jews and minorities, in the end they were ultimately dissatisfied with mainstream society. This dissatisfaction served as a catalyst for further entrenching themselves in the neo-Nazi skinhead movement. Schur developed “role engulfment,” theory whereby “individuals (who) engage in deviant activities become increasingly centered around the deviant role through the effects of labeling, leading to changes in self-concept and to activities of secondary deviance” (Schur quoted in Adler and Adler, 1991). Consistent with role engulfment, once these women became engaged in the neo-Nazi skinhead culture they began to extract themselves from their former lives and engage themselves fully in their new situation. With the combination of external pressures and internal pressures, these women began to merge their neo-Nazi skinhead role into what Adler and Adler (1991) call an engulfed self which is “self guided by a single, rather than multiple set of interests and foci” (p. 227). Evidence for this comes from the fact that some interviewees, at first, did not believe in racist politics. However, due to role engulfment, the increased self-worth from being a part of the group, and other positive associations tied to being a neo-Nazi skinhead these women adopted racist politics.

I didn’t begin as a neo-Nazi, I started as a punk. But it eventually got too fashionable. Skins were always at the shows, so I began hanging 84 4 Female Skinheads

around. Eventually one of the girls took me under her wing. And the next thing I knew, I was knee deep in the movement. It was once I was with the skins for a while that I began to think like a Nazi. I hated everybody; even myself.

Most of the women interviewed expressed the belief that blacks have an advantage in employment because affirmative action “hurts whites” and favors minorities. One woman noted:

Blacks take jobs away from whites. Plain and simple. Affirmative action has fucked up everything. I can’t even get a job; but when I look around I see blacks in jobs. How did they get there? Affirmative action. Society is so fucked now that whites do not stand a chance to get ahead.

Because these women try to explain all of society’s problems as well as their own issues as being the result of racial issues, contradictions in their justification for hating non-whites become evident. For example, even though these women share the view that blacks and minorities are getting all of the jobs, they also explain that the high rate of violent crime stems from the high unemployment rates among these same groups.

Just take a look at crime. Who commits most of the murders and rob- beries that you see on TV and in the newspapers? Blacks. Most of them don’t even work and they steal just so they can go out and buy their crack or whatever they are putting into their bodies.

Over the years of interviewing both skinhead men and women it became apparent that they did not always believe what they were saying but that they loved the attention and feeling of power they got from those who were in the movement and looked to them for advice. Not all of their hatred centers on race. Neo-Nazi skinheads believe that Jews are the biggest threat. As mentioned above, these women believe in a Jewish conspiracy to take over the world and control society. For “proof ” of this, many neo-Nazi skinheads and other white supremacist turn to religion, specifically Christian Identity (Borgeson & Valeri, 2009). Christian Identity is a reinterpretation of the book of Genesis in which they “prove through the word of God that Jews are the offspring of the devil and that they control social institutions because they want to receive all the promises that God made to the true house of Israel.” 4 Female Skinheads 85

Leaving the Movement An important aspect missing from research on the neo-Nazi skin movement is an examination of why and how people leave the movement. Like women in the KKK (Blee, 1996; 2002), skinhead women are often drawn into the movement through friends, boyfriends, family, or acquaintances. Once the women become a part of the movement they develop friendships with other women. It is these friendships that can at times cause them to temporarily distance themselves from the movement and then return to it. One woman notes that as people leave the movement, the dynamic between those remaining changes and can lead to in-fighting. She deals with this by stepping back from the movement and then returning when the fighting has died down.

There are a lot of people who leave while you’re there; I guess they don’t like it or whatever. But, sometimes that constant leaving thing has a tendency to change the environment of those you hang out with. Sometimes you get tons of in-fighting, I don’t care for that shit, so I just leave and come back when I feel that the group has got its shit together and doesn’t bitch about shit that I do not agree with.

Permanently leaving the movement causes rifts in friendships so that the woman who leaves becomes alienated from other members of the neo-Nazi skinheads. Thus the women who leave lose friendships that have been forged over years and lose the camaraderie of those closest to them. Because the movement values, and is built on, loyalty and brotherhood, those that leave the movement are viewed as traitors and redefined as “not true skins.” As one skinhead put it:

Skins stay together. If you leave you leave it all behind. You lose not only your friends but also the scene. That means you are not welcome at shows, you are not welcome at parties and you definitely aren’t welcome at my house.

When pressed on why this is such an issue the same skin responded:

The scene is about loyalty. If you can’t be loyal to those that are considered your friends, then you can’t be trusted. When you are a skin trust is one of the most sacred parts to the movement. When you break that you’re out. We share all kinds of things with those we hang out with. When someone leaves we don’t know who the fuck they are gonna go talking to. Most of the groups like the KKK and Aryan Nations get people who join as informants for certain groups. Some- times when someone comes into our group we just assume that it 86 4 Female Skinheads

could be someone just checking up to make sure we are not going to be doing anything illegal.

Most of the time the same components that brought the women into the movement, friends, family, boyfriends or acquaintances, also help in pulling them out of the movement. For many of the women interviewed, how they viewed the movement and what they thought it represented changed and this caused them to reconsider their involvement. For example, one woman who viewed the movement as being about loyalty and protecting “white rights” came to see the neo-Nazi skinhead movement as being about violence for the sake of violence. As she described it, the change came about when another skinhead threatened a friend of her brother. It was then that she realized that there was no truth to the movement’s claim that they used violence to protect “white rights” rather the group acted violently for the sake of violence. Other women talked about the emotional intensity necessary for maintaining the hate necessary for being part of the neo-Nazi skinhead movement and how the intensity was draining.

Hanging around others who hold neo-Nazi beliefs can be really draining. I mean every day is the f=same thing … nigger this, nigger that. Let’s kick the shit out this gay or that gay. After a while that negativity just wears on you and you feel like you are going to snap. In the end you realize, is this all there is. If it is, I don’t want to be like them.

As the above quote demonstrates, white supremacy movements have a tendency to burn people out. The women expressed that being in the movement is not a “part time job,” but is a way of life. It is a way of looking at and understanding events in the world. For example, murder is not simply one person killing another but is seen as “blacks attacking whites” and an indication that “crime rates are out of hand because blacks are naturally more violent than whites.” As a result, some women end up leaving the movement because they burn out from the very intensity and negativity that is at the heart of the movement. While some women leave voluntarily, some women get pushed out by being marginalized or shunned. As discussed earlier, the neo-Nazi skinhead movement and beliefs engulf the self-identity of these women. If they start to take on values outside of the skinhead movement, this “engulfed self ” begins to dissipate (Adler & Adler, 1991). Because loyalty to the group and its values is central to the movement, any indication that one’s loyalty or beliefs in the values of the group is waning can lead to the member’s commitment being challenged. People in the group will start to label the individual as a “poser” or a “wannabe” and convince other to “see” that 4 Female Skinheads 87 the person “has never been dedicated to the cause,” thus marginalizing the person even further. Sometimes, one member will simply state that the individual in question “has been talking shit.” Once an accusation about someone’s commitment or loyalty to the group is made, it is hard to dis- prove the challenge and wipe away the doubt. As one female skin stated, “Once you’re out, you are out, and there is no getting back in.” The threat of being pushed out or marginalization can be used by one member to control or kick out a member they disagree with. If a member is able to level this charge and force another out, it gives the victorious member more status and power in the group and also helps to solidify the group. Because many of these neo-Nazi skinhead women have severed all of their connections to people outside the movement, the threat of being pushed out can become a major source of concern.

One day it just dawned in me. When is my day coming? I mean shit we did it to so many people [got them kicked out]. Being a skin is a youth thing, I began to think, shit I’m getting old and my ass is going to be on the street soon, and I ain’t going to have anyone.

Because the people in the movement are seen as “family,” and the movement is central to their identity and self-worth, being pushed out of the movement can be devastating. If forced out these women fear being alone in a society they no longer feel a part of or understand. One ex-skin explained that at one point she realize that if she did not increase her involvement in the movement and “toe the line” she would be thrown out and “that the alternative was worse to me than the situation I was in, so I toed the line.” Some women, to avoid the isolation resulting from being pushed out choose to join another like-minded group such as the KKK or the Aryan Nations. Women who have left the neo-Nazi skinheads for other racist/ nationalist groups often find these new groups to be more patriarchal, believing that women’s involvement should be limited to supportive roles. These interviews suggest that the neo-Nazi skinhead scene provides an environment for women to be with peers who truly understood them and understand the socialization problems they experienced with mainstream society. The neo-Nazi skinhead culture, because of its acceptance of female aggression, coupled with its agenda of protecting the white race, allowed these women to engage in and justify violence and criminal activities in the name of protecting their race. It allows these women to take pride in their aggression and violent behavior. Thus being a part of the neo-Nazi skinhead movement allowed these women to adopt an identity that, although it contradicts mainstream gender stereotypes, allowed these women to be themselves and feel pride and honor in who they are and what they do. As is reflected in the quotes, being a part of the movement allowed these 88 4 Female Skinheads women to feel strong and confident and to be the intimidator and aggres- sor rather than being the intimidated or victim. While being a part of the movement gave these women a sense of belonging and a place they felt accepted it also served to separate them from their families. As a result, leaving the movement or the thought of leaving the movement can produce high levels of fear and anxiety because the movement had become who they are, their identity, and their family. Leaving the neo-Nazi skinhead movement would mean having to construct a new identity, a new set of beliefs, and new relationships.

Concluding Comments This chapter, although it focuses on female skinheads, echoes themes presented throughout the book. First it suggests that the same avenues that bring men, both gay and straight, to the skinhead movement bring women to the movement. These avenues are music and acceptance. For traditional skinheads the music might be ska or reggae while for the racist/nationalist skins it might be racist Oi! or White Power rock. The concerts and shows not only provide a place to listen to the music they also provide a venue for becoming acquainted with and forming ties to skinheads. The stories of many skinheads involve finding acceptance within the movement. Prior to becoming a skinhead, many members report feeling like they do not fit in with their peers. And that being a part of the skinhead movement provides them with a place where they feel accepted. The stories of the neo-Nazi women are reminiscent of this. The accounts of these women also reflect the values associated with being a skinhead. Specifically that being a skinhead is about pride in oneself and loyalty to the movement. Loyalty to the group means looking out for and defending one another. It also means accepting each other. Just as many men, both heterosexual and gay, are drawn to the skinhead movement because it is a place where they can find acceptance and be themselves, so too are women drawn to the movement. As reflected in the stories from Britain to the United States, women in the skinhead movement—whether traditional skinheads or racist/nationalist skinheads—by joining the skinhead movement find a family, a place where they can be themselves, and build friendships. Especially in the quotes from the neo-Nazi women interviewed it is evident that by sharing values with other women, the interviewees achieved a sense of solidarity within the movement. Being a part of the skinhead movement also allowed many of these women to feel strong and independent. It gives them the confidence to be who they are, including being aggressive and violent, without having to adopt the gender role norms of mainstream society. 4 Female Skinheads 89

The fact that there are women in the skinhead movement and the diversity of beliefs and behaviors of these women dispels the notion that skinheads are a homogeneous group (Moore 1993; Christensen 1994; Hamm 1995; Hebdidge 1981). Instead, the stories of these women help to reveal the diversity and richness of the skinhead movement.

References Adler, P. & Adler, P. (1991). Backboards and blackboards. New York: Columbia University Press. Blee, K. (1996). “Becoming a racist: Women in contemporary Ku Klux Klan and Neo-Nazi groups.” Gender and Society 10(6): 680–702. Blee, K. (2002). Inside organized racism: Women in the hate movement. Berkeley: University of California Press. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (2009). Terrorism in America. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Press. Christensen, L. (1994). Skinhead street gangs. Boulder, CO: Paladin Press. Cohn, A., & Zeichner, A. (2006). “Effects of masculine identity and gender role stress on aggression in men.” Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 7: 179–190. Connell, R.W. (1995). Masculinities. Cambridge: Polity Press. Connell, R.W., & Messerschmidt, J.W. (2005). “Hegemonic masculinity: Rethinking the concept.” Gender & Society, 19, 829–859. David, D. & Brannon, R. (1976). The forty-nine percent majority: The male sex role. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Ezekiel, R. (1996). The racist mind: Portraits of American neo-Nazis and klansmen. New York: Penguin Books. Fangen, K. (2007). “Separate or equal? The emergence of an all-female group in Norway’s rightist underground.” Terrorism and Political Violence, 9(3): 122–164. doi: 10.1080/09546559708427419 Fitzpatrick, M.K., Salgado, D.M., Suvak, M.K., King, L.A., & King, D.W. (2004). “Associations of gender and gender-role ideology with behavioral and attitudinal features of intimate partner aggression.” Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 5: 91–102. Franklin, C. (1984). The changing definition of masculinity. New York: Plenum. Freud, A. (1979). Ego and the mechanisms of defense. USA: International Univer sities Press. Gilligan, C. (1991). “Women’s psychological development: Implications for psychotherapy.” Women & Therapy 11(3–4): 5–31. Goffman, E. (1963). Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. New York: Simon & Schuster. Halberstam, J. (1998). Female masculinity. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Hamm, M. (1995). American skinheads: The criminology and control of hate crime. New York: Praeger Press. Harry, J. (1995). “Sports ideology, attitudes toward women, and anti-homosexual attitudes.” Sex Roles, 3: 109–116. Hebdidge, D. (1981). Subculture: The meaning of style. New York: Routledge. Kilanski, S.E. (2003). “Explaining heterosexual men’s attitudes toward women and gay men: The theory of exclusively masculine identity.” Psychology of Men & Masculinity, 4: 37–56. 90 4 Female Skinheads

McGowan, L. (2014). The radical right in Germany: 1870 to the present. New York: Routledge. Moore, D. (1994). The lads in action: Social process in an urban youth subculture. Hants, England: Arena Ashgate Publishing Limited. Moore, J.B. (1993). Skinheads shaved for battle. Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University Popular Press. Phillips, I. (2016). Skins: Oxblood, sweat and beers. New Haven Publishing. Pilkington, H., Omel’chenko, E., & Garifzianova, A. (2010). Russia’s skinheads: Exploring and rethinking subcultural lives. London: Routledge. Skinbyrds, (n.d.). Retrieved from www.tumblr.com/tagged/skinbyrds Travis, T.A. & Hardy, P. (2012). Skinheads: A guide to an American subculture. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood. Valeri, R. & Boregson, K. (2016). Masculine identities within the skinhead movement: How straight men, gay men, and women embody and perform masculinity in a culture of traditional masculinity. In J. Jaworski (ed.), Advances in sociology research, Vol. 19, (pp. 39–58). Nova Science Publishers. Chapter 5 Skinhead Music The Beat Goes On

Overview This chapter discusses the role music played in the creation of the skinhead movement and examines the role it plays today in keeping skinhead culture alive. If you read any book about skinheads (Marshall, 1994, 1996; Phil- lips, 2016; Travis & Hardy, 2012) you will find music at center stage because of its importance in skinhead history and culture. In the late 1960s, when the movement began, Jamaican ska and reggae provided the beat on which the movement was built. The present chapter examines the role music played in transporting the skinhead movement to Europe, the United States, and around the world. The role that music plays in recruiting people to the movement and facilitating commitment to the culture through the development of friendships, fomenting political ideology, and shaping an individual’s identity are also discussed.

The Power of Sound To fully appreciate music’s role within the skinhead movement requires some understanding of the power of music. In this section, a brief overview of research on the functions and effects of music is provided to serve as a reference for readers as the role of music in the skinhead movement and in the various skinhead scenes is explored. There is a vast body of research on music within and crossing the boundaries between ethnomusicology, psychology, and sociology. What makes studying music both so complex and so fascinating is that the effects of music are pervasive. Music can impact an individual’s thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (Hargreaves & North, 1999) and, because one can listen to music alone or as part of a group, the effects of music can occur at the individual/ intrapersonal level, at the interpersonal level, and/or at the cultural level (Boer et al., 2012; Gregory & Varney, 1996; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). Important to the current chapter is the finding that music provides a basis for getting to know others. Rentfrow and Gosling (2006) found that 92 5 Skinhead Music the most common topic unacquainted university students discuss when getting to know each other was music. And that discussions about music preferences, favorite songs and genres, allow individuals to form accurate impressions about another’s personality, values and affect (Hargreaves & North, 1999; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). The basis for these judgements stems from the normative expectations people hold regarding fans of particular music genres. Interestingly there is considerable consensus among individuals about the values, characteristics, and demographics associated with fans of different music genres and that these expectations tend to be accurate (Hargreaves & North, 1999; Rentfrow & Gosling, 2006). Fur- thermore, adolescents and young adults are aware of the norms and expectations associated with music genres, use music to express their own identity, and recognize how being a fan of a particular music genre will impact others’ perceptions of them and thus their social interactions or friendships (Hargreaves & North, 1999). Specifically, adolescents and young adults were more likely to favor people with similar versus dissimi- lar music tastes. Taken together this research suggests that music preferences can be used to convey information about the self as well as to determine aspects of another’s identity. It also suggests that similarity in music preferences is associated with liking. Building on these findings and that of other music researchers (Boer & Fischer, 2011), Boer and colleagues (Boer et al., 2012) examined the functions of music at the intrapersonal, interpersonal, and cultural level. These researchers examined how people from six different cultures, Germany, Kenya, Mexico, New Zealand, Philippines, and Turkey, use music in their daily life. Based on participants’ responses to the RESPECT-Music scale (Ratings of Experienced Social, PErsonal and Cultural Themes of Music Functions) these researchers were able to identify ten functions of music: (1) social bonding with friends, (2) social bonding with family, (3) music for emotional relief (venting or stress reduction), (4) music for triggering emotions, (5) music for dancing, (6) music for background to other activities, (7) music to improve focus or concentration, (8) music as an expression of political attitudes, (9) music as an expression of cultural identity, and (10) music to shape and express personal identity. Of particular importance to the current chapter are music’s effects on social bonding and music’s ability to shape and express personal, political, and cultural attitudes and identity. Somewhat fortuitously these functions are the ones people universally consider to be the most important functions of music, as demonstrated by the results of Boer and colleagues (Boer & Fischer, 2010; Boer et al., 2013), who, in addition to identifying the ten functions of music, also examined the functions of music in relation to participants’ cultures. Results suggest that across cultures participants reported that the most important social use of music was for bonding and the most important 5 Skinhead Music 93 cultural function was expressing cultural identity (Boer & Fischer, 2010). As these are the functions of music most relevant to the current chapter, a closer examination of each of these functions follows. Looking first at the role music plays in forming bonds, as mentioned above, people form impressions of others based on their music preferences and tend to prefer people with similar music tastes. In a series of studies, Boer and colleagues (2011) more closely examined the relationship between music preferences and social attraction to determine whether the bond between shared music preferences and liking for another was medi- cated by value similarity or personality similarity. Consistent with previous results, Boer and colleagues found a positive association between shared music preferences and social attraction. Their results also suggested that this relationship was mediated by value similarity but not personality similarity; value similarity provides the link between shared music preferences and liking, such that music preferences are used to infer values, and similarity in values facilitates social attraction or liking for the other. Turning to the cultural identity function of music, the results of Boer and colleagues (2012) not only suggest that expressing cultural identity is the most important cultural function of music but that the extent to which music is used as an expression of cultural identity was impacted by whether a culture was more traditional or more secular. Individuals in more traditional cultures tended to experience the cultural identity function of music to a greater degree than those in more secular cultures. This suggests that music has a greater impact on the construction of cultural identity in traditional cultures and that music serves to bind people together in these cultures. Boer and colleagues (Boer et al., 2013) further examined the relationship between music ethnocentrism, defined as a tendency to like music due to its national roots, national identity, and liking for culture specific music. Previous research suggests that culture specific music styles can contribute to the construction and expression of national identity. The results of Boer and colleagues are consistent with this, specifically “that nation-specific music can contribute to both the expression and the construction of young people’s national identity indicating a bidirectional relationship” (Boer et al., 2013; p. 2370). National identity can be expressed through listening to culture specific music and culture specific music can help to construct a national identity. Importantly, the results revealed that the link between national identity and a liking for culture specific music is mediated my music ethnocentrism. “Musical ethnocentrism … captures the extent to which national music is able [to] connect the self to one’s nation. The connection between self and nation is expressed through an ethnocentric bias in the choice of musical preference” (p. 2370). While the results of the study indicated support for both the identity construction hypothesis—that a preference for culture specific music helps to construct a positive national 94 5 Skinhead Music identity—as well as for the identity expression hypothesis—that a strong national identity leads to a preference for culture specific music—the results further indicate that the mediating effects of music ethnocentrism were more aligned with the identity construction hypothesis. Thus the national identity of these young participants was constructed, in part, from the culturally specific music they listened to. Finally, these researchers suggest that music ethnocentrism is one facet of general ethnocentric tendencies and speculate that it will be driven by the same factors that lead to general ethnocentrism and nationalism. Known antecedents of general ethnocentrism and nationalism include right-wing authoritarianism, conservatism, and traditional values (Altemeyer, 1994; Balabanis et al., 2002; Khan & Liu, 2008). Traditional values, in the form of traditional hegemonic masculinity dominate the skinhead movement and certainly, right-wing authoritarianism are a feature of the racist/nationalist skinhead groups. The results of Boer and colleagues’ cross-cultural research on music are relevant to understanding the importance of music within the skinhead movement. Although there is no nation of skinheads, there is a unique skinhead culture and the same “us” versus “them” mentality that exists between nations exists between skinheads and the dominant cultures in which they live. Furthermore, just as different nations have their own cultural music styles, so too did the original skinheads in England have their own music style, as do the different niches of skinheads that exist today. Just as different national music styles lead to the development of different national identities, the music styles that dominate among skinhead groups contribute to the development and expression of their identities.

Music’s Role in the Creation and Globalization of the Skinhead Movement Given that there are several books about the skinhead movement which include discussions of skinhead music (see Marshall’s Spirit of ’69, Phillip’s Oxblood, Sweat and Beers, or Travis & Hardy’s Skinheads: A Guide to an American Subculture), and that the focus of this chapter is examining the impact of music on the formation and expression of the skinhead identity, this section will provide only a brief overview of the role of music in the establishment and spread of the skinhead movement.

British Skinhead Scene When the skinhead movement began in England during the late 1960s, it was influenced by the Jamaican Rude Boys in terms of both dress and music. Their music, which the skinheads adopted, was ska, rocksteady, and early reggae. Because this music was seldom heard on the radio but 5 Skinhead Music 95 was played by the DJs in dance halls and discos, these places became the hang outs for skinheads. As discussed in the previous section, music was instrumental in creating social bonds between skinheads and uniting them as a community because it provided the venue, dance halls and discos, for them to meet like-minded individuals. And the shared interest in the music, which suggests similar values and interests, served as a basis for developing ties and forming friendships. The major record label of Jamaican reggae was Trojan Records. Groups and musicians popular among skinheads were The Pyramids, The Bleechers, Desmond Dekker, Jimmy Cliff, Lauren Aiken, and Pat Kelly, to name a few. (See Michael deKoningh’s Boots, Braces, Boss Reggae in Record Collector for his list of the 50 most collectable skinhead reggae tracks.) With so many skinheads showing up at their shows, some artists began tailoring their music to the skinheads releasing songs like Skinhead Moonstomp, Skinhead Girl, Skinhead Jamboree, and Skinheads Don’t Fear, to name a few. The songs helped to create a skinhead identity and also provided a means for expressing that identity. But as the style and themes of reggae music began to change, slowing down, emphasizing its West Indian and African roots, and focusing on Black Nationalism, its popularity among skinheads began to dwindle. With reggae music no longer reflecting who they were, skinhead attendance at these venues diminished. Thus skinheads were getting together less, which in turn would loosen the social bonds between members of the skinhead movement. The diminished cohesiveness and visibility of the skinhead movement that occurred in the early 1970s, either resulting from changes in reggae or because of increased scrutiny from police, suggested that the skinhead movement was fading away and stood the chance of being only a short lived phenomenon. However, with the emergence of the Punk scene the skinhead movement experienced a resurgence or rebirth in the late 1970s. While the Punk scene emphasized nihilism and anarchy, things that would not necessarily reso- nate with skinheads, its hostility toward the upper and middle class and violence meshed well with the skinheads’ concern for the working class as well as their penchant for violence (Cotter, 1999). Thus music, in this case Punk music, would help to establish and in some cases reestablish bonds between skinheads and serve as a vehicle for shaping and expressing a skinhead identity. Specifically, the Punk music scene led to the creation of two music styles that became popular among the resurgent skinhead movement: these were 2Tone and Oi!. 2 Tone derived its name from the record label 2Tone Records which featured a man in a black suit, white shirt, black tie, black, hat, black shoes, and white socks. The 2Tone sound com- bined ska and reggae with elements of punk music. Bands included in this genre were The Specials and The Selecter. In contrast, Oi! music was a street style variation of punk which featured pub style sing-alongs. Oi! 96 5 Skinhead Music bands formed as a reaction to the charges that Punk music was losing its “authenticity” and becoming too commercialized. Initially Oi! fans were not all skinheads but soon the audiences were almost exclusively skinheads. Oi! Bands popular among skinheads were Sham 69, Cockney Rejects, Cock Sparrer, and the 4skins. Many Oi! bands were politically leftist, antifascist, and nonracist.

British Racist/Nationalist Skinhead Scene In the late 1970s right wing beliefs were taking hold among some skinheads. It was a confluence of events that helped to create the racist/ nationalist skinheads that emerged at this time. Their new believes would be both encouraged and reflected in what would become known as White Power rock that is popular among many racist/nationalists including racist/ nationalist skinheads. First, the National Front in Britain, which had a strong working class base, was on the rise in the 1970s and the National Front was seeking to establish stronger connections with British youth. To do this they created the Young National Front and began sponsoring football (soccer) tournaments as well as Rock Against Communism (RAC) Concerts. These concerts were started to counter Rock Against Racism events. Second, the Punk scene, specifically Punk style would create an association with Nazism. Punks, in an attempt to shock the mainstream public, began incorporating Nazi symbols, swastikas and the iron cross, into their dress (Cotter, 1999; Pieslak, 2015). It was Ian Stuart Donaldson (stage name Ian Stuart) the leader of the group Skrewdriver, who was able to bridge the gap between the National Front, Punk Music, and the skinheads. Donaldson, whose political ideology was right wing and who was an admirer of Hitler, established an association with the National Front, becoming a member in 1979, and created the record label White Noise Club (Cotter, 1999; Pieslak, 2015). White Noise Club was funded by the National Front and set up to release White Power band music including that of Donaldson’s own, and newly resurrected band Skrewdriver. This latest version of the band, unlike earlier formations, was decidedly a White Power band. In 1983 Skrewdriver was the headliner for RAC events and Skrewdriver’s song White Power was released as a single by White Noise. In 1984, White Noise released Skrewdriver’s album Hail the New Dawn. Donaldson then forged an alliance with Rock-O-Rama, a German label, to sell White Noise music in Germany. Donaldson, as mentioned previously, was a fan of Hitler and so he turned his shows into Hitler style rallies, offering Nationalist speeches between songs as well as shouts of “Sieg Heil” accompanied by right arm salutes. For various reasons, Donaldson severed his ties with White Noise but continued his relationship with Rock-O-Rama which became the exclusive producer of Skrewdriver Albums. Donaldson also began producing the fanzine Blood & Honour to 5 Skinhead Music 97 promote racist skinhead bands, music, and ideology. In September 1993 Donaldson was killed in a car accident. But his racist skinhead Punk music, helped to transmit the racist-skinhead subculture to the United States. Even today, Skrewdriver’s music continues to inspire racist/nationalist skinhead’s. The Skrewdriver website describes Stuart and his contributions as:

Throughout the ages, certain men have stepped up at the proper times to guide the Aryan race from it’s destructive course and lead it down the path to salvation. Adolf Hitler … Dr. William Pierce are all important examples, however no one has ever been able to open as many youthful eyes as Ian Stuart Donaldson. Born in 1957 … he would become the most popular and loved man in the entire skinhead scene. In 1982 his band, Skrewdriver, sent shockwaves throughout the entire world when it introduced Nationalist and Racial lyrics to it’s music…. Their concerts were feared by the left wing…. Hail the New Dawn was released in 1984, and the band’s popularity soared. Skrew- driver became known in every White country around the globe. From England to Italy, America to Germany, Ian Stuart was at the forefront of the White Power Scene. (Skrewdriver.com, n.d.)

American Skinhead Scene In 1980, the skinhead movement arrived in America on the heels of punk music. Many Americans, after witnessing Watergate and the Iran hostage situation and experiencing gas rationing, had become disillusioned with the government and were primed to embrace the message of punk music. Like their British counterparts, American youth also found that punk music allowed them a means to separate from the mainstream and express their individuality. Harley Flanagan, a key figure in the New York City skinhead and hardcore scene is considered to be “one of the first docu- mented American-born skinheads … [and] Sab Grey, who shaved his head in 1980, is credited with forming the first U.S. skinhead band, Iron Cross [from Washington, D.C.]” (Travis & Hardy, 2012, p. xxvii). While New York City played a significant role in shaping the hardcore skinhead scene, groups of skinheads quickly appeared in major cities throughout the US including Boston, Chicago, Dallas, and San Francisco. Because 2Tone music was popular in Southern California there was also a growing skinhead scene there. Initially the skinheads affiliated with hardcore had little interaction with skinheads affiliated with the 2Tone Scene. Travis and Hardy also note that “during the initial appearance of the subculture [Skinheads in the United States] no one really took a conscious political side and the scene was more about skinhead music and American hardcore punk” (Travis & Hardy, 2012, p. xxviii). In fact Travis and Hardy 98 5 Skinhead Music describe the New York City scene as being quite diverse, including Italians, Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and Blacks. But by the mid-1980s, with the American skinhead scene well established, new people to the movement were no longer just copying their British counterparts but developing their own style and culture. In terms of music preferences, many skinheads were moving away from hardcore and toward Oi! and ska music. Some bands such as Immoral Discipline and Youth Defense League were developing their own sound, fusing hardcore with Oi! while other groups such as the Mighty Mighty Bosstones were fusing hardcore with the 2Tone style (Travis & Hardy, 2012). American skinhead bands included the above mentioned Iron Cross, as well as Agnostic Front, the Dropkick Murphys, Forced Reality, Moonstomp, the Anti-heroes, Lost Cause, and Blind Approach. (For a more complete discussion of skinhead music in the United States see Travis & Hardy, 2012.)

American Racist/Nationalist Skinhead Scene The mid-1980s also saw a growth in racist American skinheads causing a divide in the American skinhead scene between racist and non-racist skins. Racism found fertile ground among some of the white male youths who were feeling lost or displace by the growing women’s movement and Civil Rights movement (Borgeson & Valeri, 2014). Like their British counterparts, many of these youths started listening to White Power rock bands such as Skrewdriver. The rise of racist skinheads in America occurred in conjunction with the establishment of American White Power bands such as Bound for Glory, White Pride, and Final Solution. Bound for Glory was formed by Ed Wolbank, a leader in the Northern Hammerskins, who, along with Anthony Pierpont cofounded the now defunct Panzerfaust records (Discogs, n.d.; Travis & Hardy, 2012). The Hammerskins and Panzerfaust records will be discussed in greater detail below in the sections racist/nationalist skinhead Music Events and Distributing the Message. White Pride was a White Power band from St. Louis that produced the album White Pride—Your Loss Is Our Gain which included the song White Pride as well as other racist songs (Stormfront Forum, 2004). One respondent to Stormfront’s forum about the band White Pride noted that:

When I got my cassette of this [White Pride] WAAAAAAAAAAYYY back in ’84 or ’85 it had a neat booklet called the “White Pride Hymnal and Songbook” with all the lyrics and a bunch of other stuff (which I still have!).

Including racist literature with purchases was a tactic used by Panzerfaust records to increase the distribution and promotion of its racist agenda. 5 Skinhead Music 99

Final Solution, which was the first American White Power skinhead group to play in Europe was founded by Christian Picciolini during the late 1980s. Picciolini, in an interview with Jamie Ludwig (Ludwig, 2014), recounted how he became a neo-Nazi skinhead. According to Picciolini, he met Clark Martell, the first American neo-Nazi skinhead and founder of the Chicago Area Skinheads (CASH) when he was 13. He was drawn into the neo-Nazi skinhead movement because of the attentions of Martell and by the fashion, music, and power he associated with being a neo-Nazi skinhead. “I was enamored by the lifestyle and the fashion and the music, and just the way people would move to the other side of the street when they walked down the street.” Picciolini recounted, how at the age of 13 or 14, he remembers seeing White Power skinheads on the television shows Oprah and Geraldo and thinking “ ‘That’s awesome. These people are heroes.’ I wanted to be able to talk to adults like I didn’t care. I saw them as strong, tough, and misunderstood” (Ludwig, 2014). When Clark went to jail, Picciolini, at the age of 15 became the leader of CASH. But by the age of 21, Picciolini started having doubts about his beliefs and eventually left the group. Since leaving the group Picciolini founded Life After Hate, a peace advocacy and consulting group and in 2015 published the book Romantic Violence: Memoirs of an American Skinhead . In addition to Pic- ciolini, The Board of Directors of Life After Hate includes three former skinheads, Angela King, Antony McAleer, and Frank Meeink, and former gang member Sammy Rangel. According to their biographies posted on the “Who we are” section of Life After Hate’s website, both Antony McAleer and Frank Meeink were active in promoting a racist agenda and recruiting people to the movement. McAleer’s biography describes him as a former skinhead recruiter, organizer for the White Aryan Resistance (WAR), proprietor of Canadian Liberty Net, a computer operated voice messaging center, and manager of the racist rock band, Odin’s Law. Frank Meeink was a skinhead leader, neo-Nazi recruiter and had his own cable-access TV show, The Reich. As will be discussed in the next section, music continues to play a vital role in the skinhead movement, both as a pathway into the movement and as a means of shaping beliefs and ideology.

How Skinheads Use Music to Build Bonds and to Create and Express Identity As mentioned above, the early music of the skinheads was not popular enough to be played on the radio so skinheads went to dance halls and clubs to listen to it. This brought groups of people who shared an interest in a particular type of music together and put into play those elements key to the establishment of friendships, proximity and similarity. If we look first at music’s ability to bring people together, it is important to note that 100 5 Skinhead Music for a relationship to develop there needs to be contact, proximity, or near- ness between two individuals (Athanasiou & Yoshioka, 1973; Bossard, 1932; Clark, 1952; Nahemow & Laawton, 1975). Two people can only establish a relationship if they become acquainted and the music venue, whether in the real world or virtual world, provides the place for people to meet each other and become acquainted. What brought the individual’s to a specific venue is music’s function as entertainment and the individual’s own liking for the music. Therefore, one’s presence at the music venue suggests liking for the specific music or music genre and establishes a similarity, in terms of music preferences, between the listeners. There is a vast body of research in social psychology which suggests a positive relationship between similarity and liking (Byrne, 1971; Byrne & Nelson, 1965; Gonzales et al., 1983; Lott & Lott, 1974; Newcombe, 1971). Thus music facilitates bonding because it not only provides the opportunity for people to meet, but also establishes a similarity between the individuals, which provides the basis for those individuals to begin a discussion and get to know one another. As discussed in the first section of this chapter, music is a popular topic of discussion when people are getting to know one another and people assume, and this assumption is supported by research, that those individuals who like the same music as we do will also share similar values. So the “music scene” itself is key to the development and perpetuation of the skinhead movement because it plays a vital role in establishing bonds between individuals. Liking based on similarity is increased through association as well as arousal. With regard to association, research (Aron et al., 2000; Byrne & Clore, 1970; Stafford & Canary, 1991; Werner & Parmelee, 1979) suggests that the experience of engaging in a shared activity increases liking because it creates an association between the other person and a positive experience. The ability for shared activities to increase liking is heightened when the activity is arousing. Given music’s ability to impact emotions (Husain et al., 2002; Juslin & Laukka, 2004; Nawrot, 2003; Saarikallio & Erkkilä, 2007), this caveat is especially important, in the context of music concerts or shows where there might also be increased physiological arousal from dancing, sing-alongs, cheering, etc. Lastly, the lyrics of the music promote specific attitudes that can take root in an individual’s belief system and create a shared identity among the listeners. The music can then be used as a means of self-expression.

Traditional Skinhead Music Events The power of music (with promotional help from the Internet and social media) to bring skinheads together is evident by events such as the Great Skinhead Reunion. This year (2016) was the seventh year that subcultz hosted The Great Skinhead Reunion in Brighton, England. The event, 5 Skinhead Music 101 through music, brings skinheads of all ages as well as skinheads from across the globe together as is evident from the description posted on the subcultz website which stated:

Well this weekend we will see a minimum of 600 skinheads in Brighton. You have come from Finland, Norway, Australia, USA, Germany, France, Holland, Belgium, Spain, Italy, Eastern Europe, Brazil, Argentina, From the northern towns of England, Scotland. From Dublin and Belfast, from the West and East…. The Reggae music for the soul, the Oi for the blood … . Every one of you representing a subculture we all built, that has spread the world. Its bigger than any one of us, its bigger than any faction, any hate … SKIN- HEADS, UNITED WE STAND!!! There will be 3 full days and nights of the scenes best DJ’s and bands invited from across the world to perform. We choose the very best to play, and all represent a genuine part of skinhead history, SKA, Punk, and Oi! From across the planet. (subcultz.com, n.d.)

As mentioned above, music evokes emotions and helps to establish social bonds. Music can also act as a trigger for memories, causing us to recall images and emotions from past events and relationships (Boer & Fischer, 2012). While this can occur in solitude, when someone is alone and hears a song from their past that serves as a memory trigger, it also can occur in the company of others, when people who have shared an experience hear a song that serves as a memory trigger for them all. At events such as the Great Skinhead Reunion old music as well as new music is played. The old music, because it evoke memories of one’s youth and creates nostalgia for the past, draws older and/or former skinheads to the event where they can reestablish or strengthen bonds between friends as they reminisce about the past. The new music also brings today’s teenagers and young adults to the scene. Some of these individuals may already be a part of the skinhead movement, and as with the older skinheads, the music will help strengthen their ties to the skinhead movement. Others may attend the event because they enjoy the music. A shared interest in the music may facilitate their establishing ties with skinheads and joining the movement. The combination of both old and new music, because it attracts both older and younger skinheads also provides a venue in which people from different generations can become acquainted, establish bonds and the history and culture of the movement can be transmitted from the older generations to the current generation and the current generation can teach the older generation about new trends in the movement. Furthermore, because people are coming from around the world to the event, it allows skinheads to meet members of the movement from other cultures and, facilitated by the music, helps 102 5 Skinhead Music these individuals to establish bonds with people from different cultures. A look at the advertised 2016 line-up (subcult.com, n.d.) which included the Dekkertones, described as a “leading British Ska Tribute act,” Tear Up “a brand new young Oi! act,” the German group Stomper 98 described as “one of the biggest bands in their country, performing Oi Oi music, German style,” the Pistones from Finland, as well as the Infa Riot, and Crown Court, reflects an understanding that music, if chosen wisely, can bring people, who while all skinheads, differ in age and culture, together by including music from different genres, from different cultures, as well as from different eras. Again, music facilitates liking because a shared music preference establishes that there is a similarity between individuals, both in terms of music preferences and values, and provides a basis to begin a conversation and getting to know the other person. The success of the Great Skinhead Reunion is reflected in its spinoff the Great Skinhead Northern Gathering which is in its third year and which subcultz describes as being “in the same Spirit as Brighton. Two days of partying and drinking, with the best bands and friends a person could ask for” (subcultz.com, n.d.).

Racist/Nationalist Skinhead Music Events These music gatherings are not limited to traditional skinheads. Racist/ nationalist skinheads also recognize the ability of music to bring people together and, for that reason, hold similar events. The Hammerskins, who are probably one of the better organized racist/nationalist skinhead groups, with chapters across the United States as well as in several other countries, holds Hammerfest annually. Hammerfest includes music from racist/ nationalist bands and speeches. In October 2016 Hammerfest was held in Georgia and included the headliner band Mistreat from Finland (Storm- front Forum, 2016) as well as Definite Hate, Beer Hall Putsch, Ironwill, and Hate Your Neighbors (Crew38.com, n.d.; IGD, 2016). Just as the inclusion of popular bands from outside of England helped draw people from outside of Britain to the Great Skinhead Reunion, the inclusion of the Finnish band Mistreat helped to draw white supremacists from Europe to Hammerfest. All of the other bands are racist rock bands from the United States. At one time Wade Michael Page, who in 2012, killed six people and wounded four others in a mass shooting at a Sikh temple in Oak Creek Wisconsin, was a member of Definite Hate. Page was actually drawn into the racist/nationalist skinhead scene through music. After attending Hammerfest 2000, Page began playing in several White Power bands including Definite Hate and formed his own band End Empathy (Elias, 2012; “Oak Creek,” 2012). Speakers at the event included Matthew Heim- bach and former Klansman Chester Doles (IGD, 2016; SPLC, 2016; Stormfront Forum, 2016). Matthew Heimbach is considered to be a rising 5 Skinhead Music 103 leader in the White Nationalist movement (SPLC, n.d.). Heimbach is a graduate of Towson University where he led the White Student Union. Currently Heimbach is the head of the white nationalist, anti-Semitic group Traditionalist Worker’s Party, who describe themselves as “We are unapologetically nationalists, fighting to secure the existence of our people and a future for White children” (Traditionalist Worker Party, n.d.). The Hammerskins hold similar events in other nations. For example, in April 2016 the Australian Ian Stuart Memorial Concert was held by Blood & Honour and the Southern Cross Hammerskins. The 2016 concert was described as:

It’s that time of year again, a time to celebrate and honour the memory of Ian Stuart Donaldson, founder of the International Blood & Honour movement. Sadly, it’s been over 20 years now that we’ve been paying tribute every annum to the values, vision and sacrifice of this great man and, as we do every year, we do this with a concert in the way he would have wished…. As with every event put on by both Blood & Honour Australia and the Southern Cross Hammerskins, if we haven’t met you previously, you’ll need to attend beforehand one of the regularly held meet & greets in your state. There’ll be people there from every corner of Australia and coming to these events is a great way to get to know both people from your area and from the broader WN [white nationalist] community around the country. As we say every year, you don’t have to be a skinhead to come along, many aren’t; all White Nationalists are welcome. (Stormfront, 2016)

The requirement that people who are not affiliated with or known to Blood & Honour and the Southern Cross Hammerskins attend a “meet and greet” has important psychological ramifications for the prospective attendee. While attendance at the “meet and greet” allows members of Blood & Honour and the Southern Cross Hammerskins to assess the legitimacy of the individual’s beliefs and support for their ideology, it also serves to strengthen the individual’s own beliefs and commitment to the white supremacist movement and to these groups because it forces the individual to publicly identify him/herself as a supporter of these groups and their ideology. The actions involved in attending the meet and greet and convincing them that you should be able to attend the event includes all of the hallmarks of the two-stage compliance strategy, foot-in-the- door, that is based on making a commitment and then acting in a manner consistent with that commitment (Cialdini, 2008). Attendance at a Blood & Honour or Hammerskin meeting to introduce yourself to the group and gain permission to attend the concert is voluntary, public, active, and effortful. The individual voluntarily chooses to attend the meeting and going to the 104 5 Skinhead Music meeting and espousing a commitment to the group’s ideology as well as a desire to attend the concert are all public, active, and effortful acts that serve to strengthen the individual’s commitment to these beliefs and to these groups.

Harmony between Racist/Nationalist Skinhead Groups Other events, like NYC Oi! Fest, are open to the public. In 2016, this event included Oi! bands from around the world. While many Oi! bands feature non-political skinhead oriented punk or rock music, others Oi! bands are decidedly racist/nationalist in their orientation. Events such as NYC Oi! bring racist/nationalist bands from different countries and ethnicities together. While one might expect these bands and their fans, because of their racial, ethnic, or national differences, to clash with each other, instead, through a shared skinhead identity and respect for another’s pride in their race, ethnicity, or nationality, they manage to coexist. As was noted in a Hatewatch report “bands from different countries and even ethnicities now treat one another’s work as projects of ethno-nationalism that should be mutually celebrated. Far-right skinheads of different races who harbor shared bigotries are now occupying the same spaces” (SPLC, May 27, 2016). Epstein and Dunbar (2007) in their photo-essay of the music underground of Seoul, Korea reported similar findings in the skinhead punk scene of Seoul, Korea. These researchers discuss the seemingly contradictory nature of the skinhead punk scene in Seoul which espouses nationalism and anger over invasions and injustices perpetrated by other countries, including Japan, while at the same time having close ties to the Japanese skinhead scene. For example, many Korean skinhead and punk groups, such as Samch’ông Kyoyukdae (Samch’ông Education Camp) or Hyôlmaeng (Blood Pledge) espouse nationalism in their songs. The lyrics of Samch’ông Kyoyukdae’s song Fight to Death admonish listeners to “Remember the past, Don’t forget what they did to us” with us referring to Japan or the United States. While the song Tongbangûi Horangi (Tigers of the East) by Hyôlmaeng reminds listeners of “The bitter invasions suf- fered for centuries…. We won’t endure it anymore. We won’t just hide it anymore. Do you see it? The majestic splendor of the tiger.” Yet the leader of Hyôlmaeng, Yee Jonghyuk, and members of the band treat foreign skinheads, even those from Japan with courtesy, organizing concerts, such as the 2004 Korea/Japan Oi! festival, with Japanese skinhead bands, and traveling between the two countries. According to Epstein and Dunbar, skinheads are able to explain the contradiction between the beliefs espoused in their song with that of their actions through a bond between skinheads and local patriotism, being proud of who you are and where you come from rather than being one of supremacy. These skinheads view the 5 Skinhead Music 105 skinhead tradition as stemming from pride in who you are rather than supremacy of one race or ethnicity over another. So, just as Korean skinheads are proud of being Korean, Japanese skinheads would be proud of being Japanese. Thus racist/nationalist skinheads are able to respect that other skinheads are proud of their own race, nationality, or ethnicity just as they take pride in their own race, ethnicity, or nationality. In addition to these larger concerts or events there are also smaller concerts and shows held in clubs, discos, and on private property. Often the racist/nationalist concerts are advertised online and people may drive hundreds of miles to attend them. In the United States, most White Power concerts are relatively small in size and held in more obscure locations, warehouses, fields, or backyards, rather than music clubs (Valeri & Borgeson, 2016).

Dancing and Singing as Expressions of Identity At all of these events, whether racist or non-racist, the participants not only listen to the music but may engage in the shared and physiologically arousing activities of dancing or sing-a-longs, both of which help to strengthen the bonds between attendees. As noted by Pilkington and colleagues (2013), attendance at concerts is a means to demonstrate your identity as a skinhead through your dress and dancing. Slam dancing is one way to demonstrate that you are a skinhead and to demonstrate the aggression and violence associated with the skinhead culture. Slam dancing, was described by one of the racist/nationalist skinhead’s interviewed by Pilkington and colleagues as “slam is a burst of energy … this [slam] meant shoulder charging, pushing…. You always came back with lots of bruises from the pushing and shoving” (Pilkington et al., 2013, p. 85). A gay skinhead noted that prior to being skinhead he had never been violent but that he learned to “enjoy the violence of slam dancing” (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 9). This skinhead recounted that the first time he witnessed slam dancing he found it both intimidating and exciting:

When I went to my first Oi! Show I was shocked. There was this loud music playing, and all these bodies slamming into each other on the dance floor. Although I was kind of afraid, I was also excited by it. I just had never seen anything like it before. (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015, p. 14)

In addition to dancing, people may sing-a-long with the music, especially at Oi! shows where audience responses are expected or at racist/nationalist skinhead concerts where audience members may shout “Sieg Heil” and raise their right arms (Futrell et al., 2006). Thus, music concerts and festivals serve to bring skinheads together and allow them to forms bonds with 106 5 Skinhead Music like-minded individuals, strengthening their ties to the movement. At the same time, the song lyrics help to shape as well as express the identity of concert goers.

Online Music Communities While the above mentioned events were all live, face-to-face ones, the Internet provides another place where people who share similar tastes in music can not only learn what others are listening to and hear samples, it allows them to get together to discuss music. In an analysis of skinhead websites and social network sites (Valeri et al., 2016), music was mentioned on 100% of the traditional skinhead webpages, almost 90% of racist/nationalist skinhead webpages, 25% of gay skinhead webpages, and 50% of other skinhead webpages. On social network pages, music was referred to on 75% percent of traditional skinhead pages, 100% of racist/ nationalist skinhead pages, 50% of SHARP pages, and 100% of other skinhead pages (Valeri et al., 2016). References to music included links to music videos, lyrics, album covers, and concert information. The Internet and social networks provide an easy and inexpensive means to advertise music festivals, concerts and shows, whether large or small, to a global audience. Many of the White Power music companies purposefully include chat rooms, listservs and bulletin boards where people can communicate in real time and build White Supremacist communities through their association with the White Power music scene (Futrell et al., 2006). These music oriented communities, in addition to establishing bonds between members also are a means of exposing participants to the music lyrics which help to create and shape their identity and can then be used as a means of identity expression.

Distributing the Message The Internet has played a significant role in the distribution of music, especially for the music of racist/nationalist skinheads. For example Hammerskins.net under their Crew 38: HSN Supporters link has a “Popup Music Console” that allows anyone to access and listen to hate music. There is also a link to Antipathy Records where music, CDs or vinyl, as well as Hammerskin gear, men’s and women’s clothing, and books can be purchased. Digital music services such as iTunes and Spotify have also sold racist/nationalist music and facilitated finding and exposure to skinhead music by recommending music that is consistent with the listener’s own preferences (Hankes, 2014). In November 2014 the Southern Poverty Law Center reported that hate music from 54 racist bands could be purchased on iTunes (Hankes, 2014). 5 Skinhead Music 107

However, as of December 2014, the Southern Poverty Law Center reported that Apple had begun removing hate music from iTunes, but that as of early spring 2015, Amazon and Spotify had not yet done so (SPLC, 2014; 2015). White Supremacists and White Nationalist, because they recognize the important role music plays in attracting people to their movement have created their own music companies including Panzerfaust Records, Mice- trap, Resistance Records, American Defense Records, and Antipathy Records. These companies share a similar goal, to promote their ideology. For example, the goal of Panzerfaust records (as reported by the ADL, 2005), which derived its name from the World War II anti-tank rocket, was to

provide the audio ordnance that’s needed by our comrades on the front lines of today’s racial Struggle … [to] restore honor to the [white power] music scene in the U.S.A., and to inspire white youth to be proud of their race and to have a “win or die” attitude in the “race war.”

As part of their racist campaign Panzerfaust would promote racist bands in the United States and Europe, sponsor racist concerts, sell racist music and other materials, and include, for free, racist and anti-Semitic stickers and pamphlets with any CDs or other items sold to customers (ADL, 2005). These companies also realize the importance role of the Internet, because it provided an inexpensive method for promoting and distributing their music on a global scale. Finally, these companies realized that selling hate music could be relatively lucrative and that the proceeds could be used to fund their ideological efforts, although the importance of delivering their message can supersede that of making a profit as demonstrated by Panzerfaust’s Project Schoolyard USA.

Project Schoolyard Panzerfaust Records, recognizing that free music CDs would appeal to youth and would be a more effective recruitment tool than pamphlets or fliers, because youth would be more likely to listen to the music then to read fliers, in fall of 2004 began Project Schoolyard USA. This project was modeled after Project Schoolyard in Germany. The goal of Project School- yard USA was to recruit American youth to their racist movement through music. Panzerfaust planned to spread their racist and anti-Semitic ideology to American youth through the distribution of 100,000 free “sampler” CDs of White Power music to middle- and high-school students across the United States. Each CD contained 20 tracts, including three songs, Tornado, Hate Train Rolling, and Teutonic Uprise by the above mentioned 108 5 Skinhead Music group Bound for Glory and one song The Snow Fell by Screwdriver. To accomplish this goal Panzerfaust made the CDs inexpensive, only 15 cents each, and encouraged White Supremacist volunteers, including students, to purchase 100 or more CDs and to hand them out for free to middle school and high school students. Panzerfaust also designed the label on the CD to be inconspicuous so that it would go undetected by teachers and school administrators (ADL, 2004; Education Week, 2004). However, through the efforts of the Anti Defamation League (ADL) schools were made aware of Panzerfaust’s plans and were able to devise their own plans to counter Panzerfaust’s efforts. In contrast, in Germany, where the distribution of racist and anti-Semitic materials is illegal, the German attempt at Project Schoolyard was thwarted when German authorities learned of the project and confiscated the CDs.

Project Boneyard In addition to the ADL’s efforts to bring Project Schoolyard to the attention of educators, Insurgence Records, an independent and anti-fascist record label that sells skinhead, Punk, and Hardcore music also attempted to foil Panzerfaust’s hate campaign by creating their own counter- messaging strategy dubbed Project Boneyard. The campaign was named Project Boneyard because “antifascists commonly refer to the fascist variety of the shaven crop as ‘boneheads’ ” (REVLEFT, 2004). Insurgence records described their campaign thus:

Insurgence has set up its own project to combat the influence of their [Panzerfaust] opportunistic bullshit: Project Boneyard USA. The aim is to counter the cancerous quickfix ideas and selfish motives of these sideshow hucksters … not simply because they sully the name of real skinheads in their bid for mainstream acceptance, but because they push their emptyheaded propaganda on disenfranchised white kids. This social group is OUR natural constituency not theirs. We call on real skinheads and antifascists everywhere to remind these chumps where their place is. In the dustbin of history. (REVLEFT, 2004)

Consistent with the beliefs of many traditional skinheads, Insurgence Records denies that racist skinheads are true skinheads and, instead, describes the racist skinheads as

[t]hese fascists aren’t proper skinheads at all. They exhibit no lineage to the traditional merits of true skinhead culture, one that is rooted in working class pride and ethics that vehemently reject prejudice…. They’ve got nothing on real skinheads and hardcore kids of the street. 5 Skinhead Music 109

Ultimately, they are the enemy of anyone who cares about the welfare of their scene and broader community. (REVLEFT, 2004)

Similar to the strategy used by Panzerfaust, Insurgence Records created their own free and downloadable CD which contained 16 tracks and asked their followers to download, produce, and distribute the free CDs to Amer- ican youth.

The Message in the Music Picciolini, the former lead singer of Final Solution, who was mentioned above, in his interview with Ludwig, discussed the importance of music in recruiting people, especially youth, to a movement. Picciolini states:

I believe very, very strongly that music is one of the best marketing tools for anybody to influence kids, not just white power groups. We see it every day. Fashion and lifestyle have a big influence on kids and music is both of those things. With the white power movement, it’s probably the most powerful tool they have. It’s aggressive, it’s informative, it’s insightful … and it’s unifying. Music is the most important part of the skinhead scene, racist and non-racist. Resistance Records knew that from the very beginning. That’s why they started a record label and became one of the best tools to recruit people by the early 90s. The energy is there regardless of what music you’re listening to. It’s the message you have to pay attention to. All popular and underground music is playing at something with a kid, whether it’s an emotion, or a fear, or romance. We knew music was a propaganda tool to recruit people, so we made it for that reason. (Ludwig, 2014)

Picciolini also recognized that many youth are seeking status and attention and discussed how youth can gain status and recognition by becoming part of racist/nationalist band:

We also made it because it was a status tool. If you want to be in a punk band and be a superstar, there are a million other punk bands out there. If you’re a white power skinhead and you want to be in a white power band you only have to compete against 30 to 40 other people to be a star. We don’t always do things for the right reasons. Maybe some of the musicians were art kids and couldn’t make it in the real music or art world. If you had a halfway decent skinhead song you were a star. (Ludwig, 2014) 110 5 Skinhead Music

In addition to Picciolini, Ian Stuart Donaldson and Wade Michael Page are also examples of individuals who made names for themselves, gained status and recognition, by being part of a racist/nationalist skinhead band.

Racist/Nationalist Music and Identity As discussed above, music helps to create an identity. Several researchers (Futrell et al., 2006; Martinez & Selepak, 2013) have examined the music of the White Supremacist/White Nationalist movement and the role it plays in drawing people into the movement and creating identity. Futrell and colleagues (2006) state that “Aryan music is one of the most pervasive means of racist expression among both veteran and newly recruited WPM [white power movement] activists” (p. 7). One of the Russian racist/ nationalist skinheads interviewed by Pilkington and colleagues also noted that they were drawn into the skinhead movement through music.

You could say that basically it was because of the music that I ended up in the movement.… In 2001 I went on holiday to Orel and met a lad there … who was listening to the group Korol’ I shut.… I began to listen to them. A year later when I went back and met up with him again and asked what he was listening to now he said Kolovrat. That’s an NS group. I was already interested in this … and literally after a couple of days I went and asked him to shave my head. (2013, p. 81)

While the White Power movement is comprised of a number of white supremacist/nationalist groups including the Ku Klux Klan, Aryan Nations, Christian Identity adherents, neo-Nazis, Neo-Confederates, and skinheads, these groups share common beliefs and fears that are reflected in the music. They believe in protecting the “white race” from genocide, they are against race mixing, especially in the form of interracial relationships and procrea- tion, they are anti-Semitic, and tend to have traditional, conservative, patriarchal values. These beliefs are reflected in the music which espouses White Power and white pride, anti-Semitism, victimization of white people, and promotion of Aryan unity. The research of Martinez and Selepak (2013) focused specifically on the music of a racist/nationalist skinhead band. They conducted a content analysis of songs by one skinhead band the Angry Aryans. These researchers were able to find and examine the lyrics of 38 out of 49 songs bythe Angry Aryans for themes related to racist ideology. As one might expect a common theme of these songs was the oppression of and/or violence toward whites. As the researchers noted, while violence and oppression are conceptually different, because the two were so often intertwined in the lyrics it was impossible for them to separate the two for analyses. 5 Skinhead Music 111

Oppression and violence towards whites was the most common, of all the themes examined, and occurred in 27 of the 38 songs. Based on the lyrics, whites were most often seen as being oppressed and/or aggressed against by blacks, a theme that occurred in 34% of the songs, followed by oppression and/or violence by Jews, which occurred in 21% of the songs. Liberals (in 13% of the songs) and white women who mixed with non-whites (10.5% of the songs) were the next most common oppressors of white men. Twenty-four songs encouraged violence against another group. The groups most frequently targeted for violence were blacks (29% of the songs) and white women who dated or had sex with non-whites (21% of the songs) followed by homosexuals (10.5% of the songs) and Jews (8% of the songs).The third most common theme, which was repeated in 20 of the songs was the inferiority of non-whites. Blacks were the group most commonly portrayed as inferior (65% of the songs) followed by homo sexuals (15% of the songs) and Jews (10% of the songs). The researchers also examined the lyrics for social issues that were seen as contributing to the erosion of white male authority. Nineteen songs contained lyrics about social issues. Eight different social issues were identified. The social issue most commonly mentioned as making whites weak was alcoholism/substance abuse which was mentioned in 18% of the songs, followed by race mixing and integration, which was mentioned in 16% of the songs, and homosexuality which was mentioned in 13% of the songs. Other issues mentioned were unemployment and crime, each mentioned in 5% of the songs, and welfare, anti-gun laws, and abortion, each mentioned in 2.6% of the songs. Eleven songs encouraged whites to join the racist skinhead movement. Eleven songs also suggested that the white race is becoming extinct or dying out, in contrast to only five songs suggesting there will be a white- race victory. Taken together the themes of these songs suggest that Whites, while superior to other groups, are being oppressed by them. To combat this whites are encouraged to respond with violence and/or join the racist skinhead movement. However, more songs predict the white race dying out than triumphing against their oppressors.

Non-Racist Music and Identity While researchers have examined the lyrics of racist/nationalist skinhead music, there are not similar studies examining the lyrics of traditional skinhead music or other skinhead groups. However, Phillips (2016) describes the themes of this music as being about “drink, injustice, drugs, and generally the underdog fighting back” (p. 52). A review of some of the lyrics from songs on deKoningh’s top 50 list of skinhead songs reveal that these songs consistently mention important 112 5 Skinhead Music elements of the skinhead culture. For example, in Skinhead Moonstomp by Symarip, mention is made of boots and braces, “Put your braces together and your boots on your feet,” and the importance of looking smart “We got to make sure that everything is spic and span … make sure you shine your boots, brush your teeth.” Symarip also mentions boots and braces in their song Skinhead Girl describing a skinhead girl as “Hair cropped short, boots set firm…. She was my height, my weight, my size. She wore braces and blue jeans” and Skinhead by Laurel Aitken also mentions boots and braces “the cheapman said: you lookin good … in your braces and bovver boots.” Similar themes are present in the lyrics from current skinhead groups such as Booze & Glory or the Feckin Ejits. For example Booze & Glory in their song London Skinhead Crew describes the skinhead look and dress “Scars, tattoos, Crombie coats” and “Wearing shiny brogues and tonic suits,” as well as skinhead past times: “All we want is a bit of thrill, fags and booze,” and being the underdog: “We grew up on dead end streets…. We are the lost generation with not much left to lose.” The music video of the Feckin Ejits’ The Reunion Song in which they sing about “Growing up in the 60s, all the older boys were skins, I wanna be just like ‘em but I could never join in” mentions several elements of skinhead culture including scooters and clothing: “bought an ol Lambretta, and a Crombie, and a porkpie hat.” Additionally many of today’s traditional skinhead groups have music videos available on YouTube, and like the video for The Reunion Song not only provide music whose lyrics promote and express skinhead culture and identity but also provide a great way to see skinhead culture and style. Just as racist/nationalist and traditional skinhead music express the value and cultures of these groups, the values of Left leaning skinhead groups are expressed in their music. For example the Oppressed, through their music, have expressed their opposition to racism and fascism (Murphy, 2012). There is even a list, although now somewhat outdated, entitle THE 15 MOST ESSENTIAL LEFT-WING SKINHEAD ALBUMS by DJ Marvelous Hagler, RASH-NYC that, according to the Insurgence Records Messageboard, “first appeared in HERE TO STAY—HERE TO FIGHT #2, info-bulletin of the RASH crew in NYC” before being reposted on Insurgence Records own Messageboard on November 15, 2004. Some of the bands included on the list are The Oppressed, The Clash, The Red- skins, The Blaggers, and Oi Polloi. For each listing, Hagler provides brief descriptions of the bands and their music. For example, Hagler describes his number five pick The Press as:

They were the first American Oi! band, and they kick total ass. Not only did they hail from NYC, but their message was staunchly anti fascist (at a time when it mattered!), they were allied with the SHARP movement and their singer was an open red skin. 5 Skinhead Music 113

The music on their album Punks and Skins Vol. 5 is described as “Most of all, their lyrics accurately captured the frustration of being a working stiff in the Big Apple.” Erode, the group with the number 15 pick is describe as “Italian reds with a thugrock sound” and their album, a demo Orguglio Proletario is described as “this album is all about working class pride.” While the list might be old, many of the groups are still popular with skinheads. The music featured on the blog spot for straight edge skins reflects their values of being drug free. For example the lyrics to the Vibrators’ Keep it Clean promote clean living “Cocaine, heroin, I never use speed, I never put the needle in…. if you wanna get on, you gotta keep your business clean.” Their blog spot even provides a link to Skinheads against Animal Cruelty which contains downloadable music tracks for 41 songs, three speeches, one compilation and one message. Similarly, the Facebook page for Skin- heads—Straight Edge & Vegans & Vegetarians has links to several music videos. One of the videos is for Oi Polloi (Official). In the video, the band members are dressed in bee costumes and sing about “Chemical companies, we must resist them … we must abolish them.” The note below the music video states:

In their unquenchable thirst for more financial profit … multinational agro-chemical companies … are poisoning our wildlife, food and environment with their deadly pesticides…. This track … goes out in inter-species solidarity with our winged sisters and is for everyone fighting back on their—and our whole planet’s—behalf. REZIZZZT!

Thus the music on the Straight Edge Skinhead’s webpage and blog spot espouse themes consistent with the values and ideology of their group just as music on the webpages and social networks pages of traditional skinheads reflect their culture and ideology of traditional skinheads while the music on racist/nationalist skinhead pages reflects their culture and ideology. Groups use song lyrics to teach, strengthen, and express the values of their group.

Concluding Comments In this chapter, the role that music played in the creation of the skinhead movement and the role it played in transporting the skinhead movement to Europe, the United States, and around the world was discussed. As is evident from the current chapter, music continues to be an important element of skinhead culture. The beat and lyrics of skinhead music are two of its best recruiting tools. Frequently, it is music that brings people to the movement and provides the venue for building friendships. While music remains central to the skinhead movement, the type of music skinheads 114 5 Skinhead Music listen to, whether it is Oi!, ska, reggae, White Power, etc. will vary, depending on an individual’s specific niche within the skinhead movement. The type of music available, especially in terms of the lyrics, will vary depending on the political ideology of the skinhead group, will reflect that group’s ideology, and play a key role in shaping and affirming the identify of listeners.

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Overview The present chapter examines how skinheads use the Internet and social media to present themselves, their beliefs, and culture by examining the information and images they present and comparing their use of the Inter- net in the early 2000s with that of today. The results reveal that the skinhead community has embraced today’s technology as a means of communication, so that today webpages, social networks, blogs, and other forms of electronic communication have replaced print fanzines as the pre- ferred mode of communication. Since 2000 much of that communication has moved from static webpages to social networks. Like fanzines, online communication is used to advertise concerts and present skinhead culture and beliefs. Because of the interactive nature of many forms of online communication, cyberspace, like music concerts, serves as a venue for drawing like-minded individuals together, where individuals can meet up, friendships form or acquaintances be renewed. It also allows for ideas, culture, and beliefs to be shared, new members recruited, and events planned. The number and diversity of skinheads and skinhead groups online provides ample evidence that the skinhead movement is not only alive and well but is a global phenomenon. Their sites reveal and reflect the diversity among individuals who claim to be skinheads and the full spectrum of political and social beliefs, from racist/nationalist to vegan, animal rights activists, which are embraced by skinheads.

Creating Identity The skinhead movement began in the late 1960s when British youth, in a backlash against middle class strivings, decided instead to take pride in their working class status. These youth developed a counter-culture that embraced the working class look, short hair, jeans, braces (suspenders), and work boots and working class values, hard work and self-reliance, as well as a working class lifestyle, drinking beer, watching football, and 120 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet driving scooters. Over the course of time other groups developed from the original skinhead movement. Some of these groups differed in ideology such as the neo-Nazi or racist/nationalist skinheads, RASH (Red Anar- chist) skinheads, and ANTIFA (Anti-Fascist) skinheads. The SHARPs (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice), who share the non-political and non- racist ideology of the original skinheads, also developed as a reaction to the rise of the neo-Nazi skinheads. SHARPs, however, differ from the original skinheads in that they take a more militant and often times violent approach to dealing with neo-Nazi skinheads. Faced with the development of these other Skinhead groups, adherents of the original skinhead movement, in an effort to distinguish themselves from them, began referring to themselves as traditional skinheads. While these groups differ in their politics, other skinhead groups differ in terms of membership composition, these groups are gay skinheads and female skinheads, sometimes referred to as Chelseas or skinbyrds. Even with the diversity of people and ideologies among skinheads, the skinhead movement is still perceived by outsid- ers as a homogeneous counter-culture. The purpose of the present chapter is to address the question: would these same individuals adopt mainstream technology, the Internet, social networks, and social media, to communicate about themselves and with each other? And if so, how would they present themselves to the larger world, to each other, and to themselves? Self-presentation is an individual’s efforts to manage what other people think about us as well as what we think of ourselves. Goffman (1959) who compared life to a theatre, suggested that individuals try to create a “face” they put forward to others. In the virtual world of the Internet, the individual has control over the content, therefore he or she can post only that information they choose to reveal about themselves, even enhancing, exag- gerating, or fabricating desirable characteristics while minimizing or elim- inating undesirable qualities. Thus the Internet is an ideal environment for examining self-presentation because it provides individuals with a platform to create and present a specific self-image. Research on self-presentation suggests that people try to influence other’s opinions of them so that they will appear likeable, competent, and powerful (Arkin, 1981; Higgins & Judge, 2004). This process is referred to as strategic self-presentation. At the same time, people also want others to see them as they see themselves, a process referred to as self-verification (Swann & Bosson, 2010; Swann & Hill, 1981). The need for self-verification is so strong that people may even choose to correct the favorable impressions of others if they feel those impressions are inaccurate (Swann & Hill, 1981). With regard to self- presentation on the Internet, in a study of Facebook users, Back and colleagues (2010) found a strong correlation between the posted profiles of the users and actual objective personality tests, self-reports, and feedback about the individual from close friends. Thus, while the virtual world of 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 121 the Internet creates an opportunity to create and present an idealized image of the self, evidence suggests that the need for self-verification, may minimize the extent to which people actually do so allowing researchers to use the Internet as an avenue for studying identity.

Skin ’Zines Prior to the Internet, in the 1970s and 1980s, skinheads communicated with each other through magazines, referred to as ’zines, fanzines or skinzines. Skinhead ’zines were small-run magazines, rather than mainstream ones, typically created by one, or maybe a few individuals. Most ’zines lasted only a few issues, were distributed by skinheads, by hand or through the mail, often being passed from one reader to the next. Marshall describes these do-it-yourself magazines as “one of many voices of the street that gets printed on the office photocopiers of this world when the boss isn’t looking” (Marshall, 2011, p. 5). The focus of these ’zines was music, concert reviews, music (album) reviews, interviews with bands, and tour dates. But they also included other skinhead related information such as skinhead attire and values. Skinhead ’zine titles (Marshall, 2011; Travis & Hardy, 2012) included American Skinhead, Boots and Braces, Chargesheet, Hard as Nails, and Skinhead Times, to name a few. There were also White Power skinzines such as Blood & Honour and Resistance as well as Right as Reina a ’zine specifically for female racist/nationalist skinheads in the United States. Anti-Fascist skinzines included Boots and Booze and Never Surrender and there was even a RASH ’zine in Germany called Revolution Times. Mar- shall reports that:

Prior to shutting up shop in early 1995, Skinhead Times had subscrib- ers in 44 countries. As well as readers in every Western European country, much of Eastern Europe including Russia and other former Soviet states, and North America, copies of the quarterly newspaper … also found their way to far flung countries like Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Israel, Japan, Malaysia, Mexico, The Philippines, Singapore, and Zimbabwe. (2011, p. 70)

However, with the development and growth of the Internet much of the communication between skinheads has moved online. Although at least one skinzine, Suburban Rebels seems to have both an online and print presence. Pete Markowicz of San Francisco, California publishes a print version of Suburban Rebels and maintains a Facebook page, also called Suburban Rebels, to help market this publication. It should be noted that when an attempt was made to order a hard copy of Suburban Rebels the 122 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet payment was not processed. Therefore, there is some question as to whether this ’zine is still in print, although the Facebook page remains active. Also, similar to many of the short lived print ’zines, there are traces of defunct online ’zines like the R.A.C. ’zine Hail the New Dawn which began posting issues in 2010 but now seems to be defunct since it was last updated in October 2015. On the other hand, at the time of writing this chapter, there does seem to be at least one functioning online ’zine, the Backstreet Battalion which was started in 2006 by Peddy from the Czech Republic and continues to be updated. In addition to the Czech version, an English translation is available. Similar to the printed ’zines, Backstreet Battalion includes album reviews, interviews with bands and musicians, and concert information.

Skinhead Webpages Circa 2000 Sometime in the late 1990s the Internet had become mainstream (Spiegel, 1999) and by 2005, 68% of American adults were using the Internet (Perrin & Duggan, 2015) and 16% of the world’s population had Internet access (Internet Live Stats, 2016). Therefore, when Borgeson and Valeri (2005) sought to examine skinhead ideology and culture they did so by content analyzing skinhead websites. At that time these researchers identified 217 skinhead websites and randomly selected and content analyzed 30 of them. These researchers first examined whether the website was affiliated with a specific skinhead identity or group. Forty percent of those websites presented a traditional skinhead identity, 30% presented a gay skin identity, 10% a neo-Nazi skin identity, and 6% presented a SHARP identity. The remaining 13% presented some other skinhead identity. Because the Internet not only provides individuals and groups with the ability to communicate with like-minded individuals but also offers individuals and groups the opportunity to introduce themselves and their beliefs to a world-wide audience, the researchers examined whether the webpages sought to educate the public about skinheads by presenting a definition or description of a “true skinhead” and whether the webpage presented an ideology. At that time most of the skinhead webpages offered some definition of a skinhead. Of the sites examined, 100% of the neo- Nazi webpages defined skinhead, 75% of traditional skinhead webpages, and 50% of each of the SHARP and other skinhead webpages defined skinhead. In contrast none of the gay skinhead webpages define skinhead. In terms of ideology, only the neo-Nazi webpages included racism or anti- Semitism, although, somewhat surprisingly, only 33% of them did so. As will be discussed later, none of the neo-Nazi skinhead webpages included references to violence. The lack of violence on the neo-Nazi skinhead webpages as well as the minimal amount of anti-Semitism and racism on them may be due to the 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 123 fact that in the 1980s and 1990s the Southern Poverty Law Center, on behalf of victims of racist violence, had successfully sued and won several cases against White Supremacist groups. This included a suit against the host of a white-supremacist website, Ryan Wilson, and his neo-Nazi group ALPHA HQ that advocated violence against a fair housing advocate, Bonnie Jouhari, who had founded a Hate Crimes Taskforce that promoted tolerance (Jouhari case, 2000). The website had posted a picture of Jouhari and her address as well as a picture of her office exploding with the warning that race traitors would be hung. The judgment against Ryan and ALPHA HQ was for one million dollars. The success of these suits, especially this one against a website host, may have led racist groups, including racist skinhead groups, to be more conservative or cautious about targeting certain groups and individuals and advocating for violence against them on their webpages. Recognizing the advantage of the web as a way to easily and inexpen- sively connect with similar others, the majority of these skinhead websites linked to other skinhead groups. One-hundred percent of the traditional, neo-Nazi, and SHARP webpages included links to other groups and 89% of the Gay and 75% of the other skinhead webpages linked to other skinheads. While 100% of the neo-Nazis skinhead websites took advantage of the Internet as a recruitment tool by providing information on how to join, this was in sharp contrast to other skinhead groups who included membership information far less frequently. Gay skinhead webpages and traditional skin pages included recruitment information roughly 10% of the time and none of the SHARP or other skinhead webpages included membership information. Given that all of the neo-Nazi webpages included information on who they were as well as how to join, these groups seemed the most serious of all the skinhead groups about using the web as a recruitment tool. Given that skinheads express who they are through their dress and culture, Borgeson and Valeri (2005) also examined these 30 sites for references to music, clothes, beer, scooters, and tattoos. Of all the cultural elements, music was the one most frequently mentioned on the websites of each of these groups. All of the neo-Nazi websites included references to music, 83% of the traditional skin sites, 75% of other skin sites, 50% of SHARP, and 33% of the gay skin websites included references to music. Note that the chapter on skinhead music discusses the different music preferences of each group. These findings reflect the importance of music to skinhead culture. The only other cultural reference to be mentioned by all of the groups was clothes. Clothes, because they can easily be donned and doffed, provide an easy but escapable way to convey one’s skinhead identity. Ref- erences to clothes ranged from a high of 75% of the other skinhead websites to the low of 17%, on traditional skinhead webpages. 124 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

There was considerable variability both between and among skinhead groups in the extent to which tattoos, scooters, and beer were mentioned. Tattoos were mentioned on the websites of four of the skinhead groups, the SHARP, neo-Nazi, Gay, and traditional skinhead websites. Only two groups, traditional skins and other skinheads had references to scooters and only two groups, SHARP and other skinheads had references to beer. The variability in which these three elements of skinhead culture were mentioned, as compared to that of music and clothes, may suggest that these elements are less important to skinhead culture as whole and that their relevance is more determined by the interests and history of each skinhead group as well as each member group. Given that stereotypes of skinheads, as well as the working class culture and ideals aspired to by skinheads are consistent with traditional hegemonic masculinity (Valeri & Borgeson, 2016), Borgeson and Valeri (2005) also examine references to violence. Only the Gay skinhead websites (11%) included references to violence. Based on information garnered from these 30 websites and the limited amount of violence it seems that even the neo- Nazi skinheads were not living up to the stereotypic image of a skinhead as violent. It should be noted that all of the violent references on the gay skinhead webpages were in the context of pornography and only the gay skinhead websites (22%) included pornography. Researchers (Borgeson & Valeri, 2015; Healy, 1996) who have interviewed gay skinheads suggest that some gay men become skinheads for the same reasons heterosexuals become skinheads, because they are embracing working class culture and values. However, the research also suggests that some gay men become skinheads because they find the skinhead look, tight jeans and shirtless to be sexually appealing. The pornography on these pages would be consistent with the fetish appeal of the look. Taken together the finding of this research on skinhead websites are consistent with the idea that skinheads are not a homogeneous group, but instead are composed of subgroups with different identities and ideologies. These results also demonstrated that, in contrast to the stereotype of skinheads as racist, only the neo-Nazi skinheads espoused racism. Furthermore, based on the content of these websites, it seems that music and clothes are the most important elements of skinhead culture as they were the only two cultural references that were mentioned on at least some of the webpages for each group. Perhaps it is these two cultural elements that provide unity or shared identity between the various skinhead groups. While the other cultural elements, beer, tattoos, and scooters, are used to establish the uniqueness of one’s group or the boundaries between the groups. Given the frequency with which “true skinhead” was defined by each of the groups except gay skinheads, it seems that each of the skinhead websites was using the web as a tool to inform non-skinheads of who they 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 125 were. However, given that only the neo-Nazi skinheads fully embraced the idea of using the web as a recruiting tool by including information on how to become a member on all of their webpages, it suggests that many of the other groups either were not trying to recruit new members or had not consider using the web as a tool for doing so. In addition to this early research by Borgeson and Valeri (2005) that examined how skinheads use the web to present themselves and their ideologies, other researchers (Anahita, 2006; Waldner et al., 2006) were also examining how skinheads, specifically White Power skinheads, presented themselves on the Internet. Anahita examined how a blog, Skinhead Forum, could be used to present an authentic White Power skinhead identity as well as to demar- cate the borders between White Power skinheads and others. As Anahita discusses, in contrast to the static website examined by Borgeson and Valeri, blogs are interactive, online journals created by multiple authors (bloggers). Because multiple bloggers are continually adding to this shared journal, posting their own comments as well as responding to the posts of others, blog content is continually being shaped. Yet somehow this online community must, together, manage the blog to create and present a shared collective identity and, through consensus, establish what is and is not acceptable for the group. Anahita specifically examines how the blog of this White Power skinhead group uses discussions of appearance, gender, and sexuality to not only define the norms associated with each of these but also to reinforce the norms of traditional hegemonic masculinity and heteronormativity that, at least to this group, are essential elements of a true skinhead identity. An important aspect of appearance that was discussed on the blog and examined by Anahita was hair length. Through a series of comments it was determined that hair either needed to be shaved or short, a number 1 crop, with the noted exception that some deviation from this norm was allowed for older skinheads. The discussion of hair length was important because it not only established the group’s views on this specific topic but also was used to present other norms and values of the group. For example, hair needed to be short for fighting, because long hair gets in the way. Thus these skinheads are fighters. Hair length was also used to establish an out- group, because long hair was equated with being a hippie. Furthermore, discussion of hair length was used to define a “true skinhead,” specifically, that being a skinhead was more than just a haircut, it was a lifestyle and had to do with what is in your heart. Thus the discussion of hair length made clear that skinhead is a lifestyle and being a skinhead involves fighting and not liking hippies. Finally, the topic of hair length, specifically the appropriate hair length for female skinheads, led to a discussion as to whether women could be skinheads. 126 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

The general consensus of both the male and female skins, who responded to questions on this blog, about the role of women within this White Power skinhead movement was that women play supporting roles, supporting their man and supporting the movement. The primary role of women was to be good wives and mothers and to help organize meeting and distribute materials. But that politics and fighting were not appropriate for women and should be left to the men. The final topic explored by the paper was that of sexuality. There was clear consensus among these White Power skinheads that only heterosexual men could be skinheads. At the center of their beliefs about allowing gay men to be skinheads were their fears about homosexuality. Specifically because they believed that being gay or lesbian was learned, they believed any acceptance of homosexuality, especially that of allowing gay couples to be married or to adopt children, would lead to an increase in homosexuality because more people would be exposed to homosexuality and therefore able to learn to be gay or lesbian. Not only is homosexuality condemned by this group but anyone on the blog who was seen as supportive of homosexuality was condemned and could even be banned from making any further posts to the blog. Thus, in this online community, the boundaries of acceptable and unacceptable for White Power skins is negotiated not just through consensus of opinion but through the threat of, or actual banishment from the blog. For the White Power skinheads on Skinhead Forum what is deemed acceptable are the norms and behaviors associated with traditional hegemonic masculinity and heteronormativity. Interestingly their adamant stance that one cannot be gay and be a skinhead is inconsistent with the fact that there are gay skinheads as discussed in the website analysis by Borgeson and Valeri as well as by Waldner, Martin, and Capeder (2006). (See Chapter 3 for a more complete discussion of this topic.) Waldner, Martin, and Capeder (2006) examined gay racialist skinhead websites. Because this research is discussed more fully in Chapter 3, only a few important points will be made here. First, these researchers were able to identify 164 gay skinhead websites in 2005. These findings clearly counter any notion that gays could not be skinheads. Furthermore, of those 164 gay skinhead websites, one site—American Resistance Corps (ARC)—was a gay racialist skinhead website. In addition to this website, the researchers also located two gay racialist skinhead message boards. Important to the current chapter is that much of the information on this webpage as well as on the two message boards focused on presenting and defending their identity as gay racialist skinheads. To legitimize their right to identify themselves as gay racialist skinheads and to gain acceptance in the larger racialist skinhead community these men asserted that race is the most important aspect of identity, with sexual preference being one of several less salient subcategories and also emphasized the need for unity 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 127 among all whites in protecting the white race. Consistent with the Jewish conspiracy rhetoric found on other white supremacist webpages, these men also suggested that gay prejudice is the result of a plot by Jews to divide the white race against itself. Finally, they suggest that even if other neo- Nazi skinheads will not accept them that they, the gay racialist skinhead community, will continue to advance their racist agenda and also to assert that the gay racialist skinhead community has both the knowledge and numbers to win the battle. While these latter two articles focused on a specific segment of the skinhead movement, their findings regarding skinhead identity were consistent with that of Borgeson and Valeri (2005) in that they drive home the point that the skinhead subculture, even that of racist skinheads, is not homogeneous, nor is composed of a groups of individuals all sharing the same identity. While the groups may all agree on who to hate and may agree that being a skinhead is a way of life, rather than merely a look, they do not all agree on the specific way of life, straight or gay. Furthermore, the commonality between these disparate groups of skinheads seems to be that of appearance, specifically shaved heads, jeans, and boots. Later research by Valeri, Sweazy, and Borgeson (2017) is consistent with these ideas.

Skinhead Webpages Today In 2016, Valeri, Sweazy, and Borgeson (2017) examined the identity of skinheads as presented on the Internet and social network sites. In 2016, 87% of American adults reported that they used the Internet, an increase of 19% from 2005 (Anderson & Perrin, 2016). Furthermore 46% of the world’s population had access to the Internet, an increase of 30% from 2005 (Internet Live Stats, 2016). Today, social networking is the most popular online activity. Facebook, which was first launched by Mark Zuckerberg in 2004 for Harvard University students and became available to anyone with an email address in 2006, is the most popular online network, with Facebook users making up approximately half of the Inter- net users worldwide (Statista1, n.d.). The results of Valeri and colleagues revealed significant changes since the 2005 study. First, there seemed to be a significant decrease in the overall number of skinhead websites. As with the 2005 study, these researchers entered the term “skinhead” into the search engines of Google, Bing, and Dogpile. While the initial results hinted that there could be hundreds of thousands or even millions of skinhead websites, closer scrutiny revealed far fewer. At approximately listing 250, both Google and Bing displayed messages indicating that there were very few remaining unique skinhead webpages. In a search of the first 50 pages, Dogpile never displayed a similar message. The search of the first 248 Google sites, 284 Bing sites, and 250 Dogpile sites resulted in a list of 30 unique skinhead sites. 128 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

Given this low number of unique skinhead webpages, the researchers decided to randomly select 12 unique skinhead sites from each search engine for a total of 36 sites. This relatively low number of distinct websites suggests either that the skinhead movement is dying out or that they have found a different means of communication. Second, an analysis of the skinhead identity associated with each page revealed a change in the proportion of skinhead groups represented on the Internet. The proportion of racist/nationalist sites had increased from 10% in 2005 to 25% in 2016, while the percentage of traditional skinhead webpages and gay skinhead webpages remained relatively unchanged, other dropped from 13 to 5.5% and SHARP sites decreased from 6% to zero. Third, since January 2015 only 50% of the sites had been update. While 90%, of the racist/nationalist skinhead sites had been updated, only half of the gay and other skinhead sites and one quarter of the traditional sites had been updated. Coupled together, the change in the proportion of skinhead groups represented on the web as well as the difference in activity levels on their pages suggests that while other groups might be relying less on webpage as a means of communication, the racist/nationalist skinheads still view webpages as an effective means of communication. An example of this is the webpage for the racist/nationalist skinhead group, Hammer- skins (www.hammerskins.net) which has chapters in the United States as well as in Europe and Australia. The Hammerskins use their webpage to present their ideology and to recruit new members. Their webpage includes a history of the group, a statement of their beliefs, and a forum where interested individuals can find “meet and greet” events as well as concerts. Fourth, in 2016, there was significantly less discussion or description of a “true skinhead.” Less than a third of the websites defined or described a true skinhead as compared to half in 2005. The reasons skinheads are using the Internet may be changing, with the need to present skinhead culture to non- skinheads becoming less important. Although TradSkin International provides a thorough description of a true Skinhead, explaining

the Skinheads tended towards physical labour and veered away from the overly flamboyant Mod style of dress…. After a hard days work the original Skinheads tended to dress in their most respectable clothing and congregate at the mostly Jamaican run dancehalls where they mingled with the West Indian community … and adopted Ska as the musical sound of choice. Other staples of the Skinhead culture are a love of generous quantities of beer and soccer. (TradSkin International, n.d.)

Gay skinheads were the only groups to show an increase in discussion of a “true skinhead.” For example FENIX Global Skin Movement, in the “About us” section defines skinheads as: 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 129

The skinhead cult is a way of life. For someone to claim himself or herself a skinhead is simply a claim to dedication to the cream of the working class crop…. Skinhead is not about color, race, religion, national origin, or anything of the sort. It is a brotherhood of individuals who share the same passions in what we call being a skinhead. (FENIX, n.d.)

In terms of ideology, consistent with the 2005 results, the racist/nationalist sites were the only ones to include any racist or anti-Semitic statements. In 2016 all of the racist/nationalist skinhead webpages included racist and anti-Semitic rhetoric. Although it was not examined in 2005, in 2016, over half of the racist/nationalist skinhead webpages included anti-immigrant rhetoric and almost half included rhetoric that was against some other group. Targeted groups included gays, lesbians, and Muslims. In contrast to the hate rhetoric on the racist/nationalist sites, more than half of the traditional skinhead webpages and approximately 20% of the gay skinhead webpages had explicit statements that no racism was allowed, a variable not measured in 2005. Additionally, approximately one-third of traditional skinhead webpages and 10% of gay skinhead webpages had explicit statements that no politics were allowed. None of the other skinhead webpages had explicit statements banning racism or politics. These findings suggest a change in the self-presentation tactics used by these groups. Based on the content of their webpages and changes since the 2005 study, traditional and racist/nationalist skinhead groups seem to place less emphasis on defining a “true skinhead” and more emphasis on expressing their specific ideology. The majority of traditional skinhead websites stated that racism was not allowed. This statement both separates them from racist/nationalist skinheads and at the same time makes clear their connection to the original skinhead movement which, according to traditional skinheads, was against racism and politics. While the decline in “true skinhead” statements and an increase in explicit racism and prejudice by racist/nationalist groups suggests that these groups are less concerned with presenting or justifying their skinhead identity and more concerned with presenting their specific racist/nationalist ideology. Finally, gay skinheads were the only group to show an increase in “true skinhead” statements. This may be a means to counter attacks from other skinheads who believe that gay skinheads are not true or real skinheads but only posers, drawn to the culture because of the attractiveness of the skinhead look. There were also interesting changes in the prevalence of skinhead cultural elements. In 2005 the cultural elements of music and clothes were both mentioned on at least some of the webpages for each of the skinhead groups. However, in 2016, this was true only for music. Consistent with 130 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet the importance of music to the original skinhead movement, 100% of the traditional skinhead webpages included information related to music. Ref- erences to music were also prevalent on racist/nationalist pages, perhaps reflecting the important role that music plays for them in terms of recruitment. Racist/nationalist pages typically feature White Power music or RAC (Rock against Communism). The Hammerskins website included a link to Antipathy Records, where White Power music and RAC music could be purchased. The Southern Cross Hammerskins had links to White Power music videos as well as a one minute music video that encourage people to “support the nation.” Given that the stereotype of a skinhead is shaven head, boots, and braces and that clothing references were common on skinhead webpages in 2005, it is not surprising that at least some of the webpages for each group, except other skinheads, included references to clothes. All of the gay skinhead webpages included references to clothes, perhaps reflecting the sexual attractiveness of this look to many gay skinheads. FENIX had a video showing the proper way to lace your boots as well as information on where to buy your gear. There were also changes to the frequency with which beer, tattoos, and scooters were mentioned. Since 2005 there has been an overall increase in references to beer for all groups except other skinhead groups. The increase in references to beer among racist/nationalist skinheads is a bit surprising since, as discussed in the music chapter, many White Nationalists see addiction, including alcoholism, as one of the downfalls of the White race. Each of the skinhead groups also showed an increase in references to tattoos. The increase in references to tattoos among skinheads may reflect the growing acceptance of tattoos among the general public, especially among adults under the age of 35 (Blanton, 2014). Anahita had noted in his 2006 examination of skinhead forums that while many traditional skinheads used tattoos as a way of showing their skinhead identity the racist/ nationalist skinhead bloggers he examined were against tattoos because they “disfigure the white masculine skinhead body” (Anahita, 2006, p. 159). Based on the images of the tattoos shown on the racist/nationalist skinhead webpages, Nazi symbols such as the swastika or more obscure references to Nazi ideology—such as the number 88 signifying Heil Hitler, as H is the eighth letter—are now used to express their ideology. While two-thirds of traditional skinhead webpages included reference to scooters, they were the only group to include references to scooters. This was a change from 2005 when both traditional skinhead and other skinhead webpages included references to scooters. Finally there was a significant increase in violence on skinhead webpages. In 2005 only gay skinhead webpages included references to violence. In 2016, racist/nationalist, gay and traditional skinhead webpages included references to violence. It should be noted that some of the 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 131 racist/nationalist webpages included specific statements to act legally or lawfully. However, the increase in violence on the racist/nationalist skinhead webpages couple with the increase in hate rhetoric suggests a decline in concerns about being sued for promoting hate and violence. Consistent with the 2005 results, only gay skinhead webpages included references to pornography. There was a significant increase for this group, up to 92%. As is discussed in the gay skinhead chapter, many skinheads feel that gay skins are only attracted to the movement for fetish reasons rather than appreciating “true skinhead” identity and culture. Certainly the inclusion of pornography on the vast majority of gay skinhead websites supports this view. In summary, consistent with the 2005 results of Borgeson and Valeri, these findings suggest that skinhead culture remains central to the skinhead identity and in that culture, music continues to play a dominant role. These results also suggest an increase in acceptance of tattoos as a means of dis- playing one’s skinhead identity. Conversely, the results of these website analyses suggest that skinhead groups, except for the gay skinheads, feel less of a need to define or explain a skinhead identity but more of a need to express their specific beliefs or brand of skinhead ideology. While skinheads can still be found on the web, the decline in the number of skinhead websites and the lack of updates to many of these webpages suggests that skinheads may have moved their communication to some other venue. For that reason these researchers also examined social network sites.

Skinhead Social Network Sites Today As part of their 2016 analyses of skinheads on the Internet, Valeri and colleagues examined the presence of skinheads on the social networks Face- book and VK. According to Statista, as of 2016, 78% of the United States population had at least one social network profile and 2.34 billion people worldwide or 31% of the global population accessed social networks. In 2016 Facebook had the largest share of social network users, with 1.71 billion users worldwide or 38.6% of the global online population was using Facebook. VK is one of the largest social network sites in Europe and in 2016 had 100 million users (Statista2, n.d.). For their research, Valeri and colleagues randomly selected and examined 12 individual (versus open groups or closed groups) skinhead social network pages on Facebook and 12 individual (versus community) skinhead social network pages on VK. Of those 24 pages, 12 (50%) of them were for traditional skinheads, eight (33%) were for racist/nationalist skinheads, two (8%) were SHARPs, and two (8%) were coded as other skinhead. Both of the other skinhead webpages were for bands. The majority of the traditional skinhead webpages, ten of 12, were on Facebook and all of the racist/nationalist skinhead pages were on VK. Given the policies of 132 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

Facebook regarding acceptable content it is not surprising that there were no racist/nationalist skinhead pages on it. Because individual social networks tend to be used to update and communicate with people you know, it is not surprising that only one of the pages defined or described a “true skinhead” and this was on the page of a traditional skinhead. Although, one of the SHARP pages, while not defining a “true skinhead” did explain their purpose “We are a group of friends who joined for the same cause combat racial prejudice, promoting our struggle day to day,” [translated by Google] (Skinheads FIGHT Center, n.d.). Only the two SHARP pages had statements that prejudice was not allowed. One SHARP Facebook page, although it was not one of the pages randomly selected for analysis in this 2016 article, in the “About” section provides an excellent description of SHARPs. The “Short Description” reveals the vehemence of their views “DO NOT CONFUSE US WITH RACIST SKINHEADS (BONEHEADS)—WE OPPOSE THEM, DETEST THEM AND SPIT ON THEM!” [all caps in original quote] (SHARP, n.d.). While none of the Racist/National pages defined a “true skinhead” all of them included racist statements or images, over half included anti-Semitic statements or images, and a quarter included statements or images that targeted some other group such as gays or immigrants. In addition to the typical skinhead cultural elements examined, because social network pages often include the location of the page creator this information could be used to examine how far the skinhead movement had spread since its inception in England. The authors of the 24 pages examined were located on four different continents, eight in Europe, nine in Asia, three in North America, and two in South America. Five of the social network sites were in Russia and three were in the Ukraine. Although not included in the original article, of the 348 skinhead social network pages found by VK in March 2016, the authors were able to access 235 of these. On all but 65 of the pages, the country of origin could be determined. Russia, with 76 sites had the most skinhead sites, followed by the Ukraine with 39 sites, Germany with 14, Belarus with seven, and the USA with six sites. While it is important to keep in mind that VK is located in Russia and therefore it is not surprising that so many of the authors of these pages were located in Russia or former Soviet bloc countries, the vastness of the skinhead movement as shown in Table 6.1 is incredible. Given that social network pages tend to include photographs, the photographs were examined for references to skinhead cultural elements. Consistent with the 2005 study and the results of the 2016 webpage analyses, music continues to play an important role in the skinhead movement. Also consistent with the increase in references to tattoos and beer between the 2005 and 2016 research, references to both tattoos and beer were made on at least some of the social network pages of each group. In contrast to the finding that scooters were only mentioned on the webpages of 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 133

Table 6.1 Number of VK skinhead social network pages by country

Country Pages Country Pages

Russia 76 America Samoa 1 Ukraine 39 Australia 1 Germany 14 Brazil 1 Belarus 7 Colombia 1 USA 6 Honduras 1 Bulgaria 3 Indonesia 1 England 2 Iran 1 France 2 Mexico 1 Hungary 2 Mongolia 1 Israel 2 Netherlands 1 Kazakhstan 2 New Zealand 1 Unknown 65 Poland 1 Spain 1 Switzerland 1 Turkmenistan 1 traditional skinheads, scooters were mentioned on some of the social network pages of both traditional skinheads and racist/nationalist. Some- what surprisingly there was a small percentage of racist/nationalist and traditional skinhead social network pages that included references to pornography. Also, at least some of the social network pages for each of the skinhead groups included references to violence. Finally, the skinhead social network sites were more likely to have been updated than those of the webpages. Since January 2015, 100% of the Other skinhead, 75% of the traditional, 62% of the racist/nationalist, and 50% of the SHARP social network pages had been updated. Given the large number of skinhead social network pages in comparison to skinhead webpages and the higher percentage that had been updated recently it seems that skinheads are expanding or moving their communication from webpages to social network pages.

More Skinheads on Social Networks and Social Media In addition to the Facebook and VK pages that were randomly selected for Valeri and colleagues’ (2016) study, further investigation of both the individual and community or group skinhead pages available on Facebook and VK reveals other skinhead groups, some politically left and others politically right. Note that there were also female skinhead pages and groups as well as gay skinhead pages and groups. Because female skinheads and gay skinheads are discussed elsewhere in the book they will not be explored here. 134 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

Left-Wing Skinhead Groups There are several left-wing skinhead groups including anti-Fascist skinheads (ANTIFA), anti-Nazi skinheads, red and anarchist skinheads (RASH), anarchist skinheads, and straight edge skinheads (sXe Skinheads). ANTIFA skinheads tend to align themselves with the larger global ANTIFA political movement which promotes the working class and fights against “Fascism, Racism, Ultra-Nationalism, Nazism, Capitalism, Imperial- ism” (Antifa Australia, n.d.). ANTIFA stands for “Internationalism, Multi- culturalism, Democracy, The Working Class Cause” (Antifa Australia, n.d.). While the above group was an open one, many of the politically oriented skinhead groups are closed groups so investigating them is limited to their description, suggested groups, and images of members. Although the information is limited, it can provide informative and interesting information about the group. RASH—Red and Anarchist Skinheads—was one such closed Facebook group with 471 members. In the “About” section, the group described itself as being about two things, “the physical self-defense of left-wing skinheads from … those who declare themselves our enemies” and ensur- ing their “vision of the anti-fascist radical Left (working-class, multi-racial, street based and militant) continues” (RASH, n.d.). These two points are further expanded on in the nine goals of their mission which are provided in both English and German. The goals focus on (1) combatting the stereotype that all skinheads are racist, (2) promoting true skinhead culture “through means such as music (Oi!, ska, reggae, soul, hardcore, punkrock, etc.), fashion, fanzines, fliers, concerts, dancehalls, and gatherings,” (3) creating a place for left wing ideas within skinhead culture by building bridged between “young, working-class, multi-racial skinhead subculture and left-wing ideas,” (4) combating far-Right ideas in skinhead culture, and (6) achieving their mission of an anti-fascist radical left by participat- ing in radical Left and anti-fascist activities. The “Liked by this page” section provides links to RASH groups in other parts of the world as well as links to other Leftist, ANTIFA, and anarchist groups. Chicago Antifa-Skins, a closed group with 52 members, describes themselves as

a Facebook group that allows for current and past anti-fascist skinheads … connected to Chicago and who are still interested in radical anti-racist, anti-homophobic, anti-sexist, and anti-globalization politics and the movements that support them! If you are someone who is conscious … represents WORKING CLASS culture and continues to do so with our SISTERS and brothers worldwide in this movement for justice … feel free to join this group. (Chicago Antifa-Skins, n.d.) 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 135

SHARP skinheads also have a presence on social networks. One SHARP group is the Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice of the World (SHARP), which reports having just under 6,000 members. Consistent with their militant stance against racism they not only describe themselves as being against racism but also as having no tolerance for people who tolerate racists.

This group is for Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice … people who want to learn about the S.H.A.R.P scene and lovers of the true traditional skinhead culture…. Fencesitters/greyzone you ain’t welcome in this group either, we have a zero tolerance to fencesitters as well as racists. How can anyone claim to be actively anti-racist but tolerate racist friends or support WP/RAC or fencesitting bands? (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice of the World (SHARP), n.d.)

While the ideologies of anti-Fascist, anti-Nazi, Red (Communist), and anarchist skins are all self-explanatory, the ideology or beliefs of straight edge skinheads is less obvious. Straight edge skinheads are a part of the straight edge movement which started with punk rock fans who wanted to live a clean and healthy lifestyle. These individuals decided that they would not drink alcohol, smoke, or use recreational drugs. Other people in the straight edge movement are more restrictive and also refrain from engaging in promiscuous sex. One group of straight edge skinheads, who are also self- described white supremacists, define straight edge as “Straight Edge—a movement against the use of drugs of alcohol and cigarettes, against sexual immorality,” [translated by Google] (Straight Edge WHITE Skinheads, n.d.). Straight edge is often abbreviated as sXe, X, or some other combinations of letters or words that include an X. The X is symbolic of the X that is often written on the hands of concert goers who are too young to drink alcohol. Some straight edge skins also declare themselves to be anti-specieists and so are either vegetarian or vegan. The blog Straight Edge Skinhead (http:// xskinheadx.blogspot.com/)—which includes links to straight edge groups around the world, straight edge song lyrics, and logos from a variety of straight edge groups—reveals the variety and extent of behaviors that straight edge adherents might refrain from. This blog even includes a downloadable album Skinheads Against Animal Cruelty. The development of straight edge skins draws attention to the fact that skinheads continue to adopt and align themselves with political and social agendas, some from the Left and others from the Right.

Right-Wing Skinhead Groups On the opposite end of the spectrum, racist/nationalist skinheads promote racist and nationalist agenda. In the past, British racist skinheads have 136 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet been associated with the National Front Political Party in England. More recently groups like the Keystone State Skinheads, in an effort to appear more mainstream and acceptable, renamed themselves Keystone United, starting holding family friendly events such as the Leif Ericson Day Celebration, and promoting a “pro-white” agenda (Valeri & Borge- son, 2016). Research suggests that this rebranding of a racist group with a more banal name and a subtler approach to presenting hate and bigotry makes the general public less able to recognize them as a hate group (Borgeson & Valeri, 2004; Valeri & Borgeson, 2005). Keystone United recently posted a pro Donald Trump, “Make America Great Again,” message explaining why the groups supports Trump for President.

White America; we are the builders, founders, and supporters of America…. America only exists because of us…. What makes Trump so attractive to the “Alternative Right” is simple, he may not be pro- white, but he is not anti-white…. Trump is not the ideal President, he is not the President we want, but right now, he is the President we absolutely need. White America has become nothing more than a forced-fed and sedated cow, who’s milk is given to the very people who want to slaughter us whole…. But we are more than a docile animal, more than their beast of burden, and we are about to unleash the raging bull that lies dormant inside each and every one of us, and take back what is rightfully ours. Justice is coming, and the establishment knows this. (Keystone State United)

“Grey” Skinheads In addition to the diversity of skinheads with regard to political ideology, sex, and sexual preference, one Facebook page, Skinheads Never Die They Just Get Older, suggests that the subculture of skinheads may no longer be a movement limited to youth, a phase in life one grows out of. The pictures of middle-aged and older adults, still sporting skinhead attire and hair styles, as well as the pictures of infants dressed in braces and jeans suggests that at least some skinheads take the saying “skinhead for life” seriously and are passing on the look and ideals of the skinhead movement to the next generation. The Facebook page Skinhead Reunion Brighton, with photos of a large, lively, and diverse turnout as well as dates for the 2017 reunion, in addition to providing evidence that skinheads never die they just get older, also clearly demonstrates that the skinhead movement never dies. 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 137

Skinheads on Media Sharing Sites In addition to the presence of skinheads on the web and social networks, skinheads can also be found on media sharing sites, blogs, bookmarking sites, and forums. Given the centrality of music to the skinhead movement it is not surprising to find music videos of traditional skinhead bands such as Booze and Glory, The Specials, and Symarip (The Pyramids), as well as music videos of other Oi!, reggae, and ska bands popular among skinheads on the media sharing site YouTube. On YouTube you can also find music video for bands such as Skrewdriver, that are associated with the racist/ nationalist movement. Given the importance of appearance to skinheads, media sharing sites that allow for the sharing of photos such as Tumblr and flickr as well as the bookmarking site Pinterest abound with photos of skinheads. A quick perusal of these sites shows that short or shorn hair for men and feather cuts for women, as well as jeans, boots, and braces are still central to the skinhead look. But these sites also provide a means of examining other elements of skinhead culture such as tattoos and scooters. Of the first 200 photos that appeared in a search of the word skinhead on flickr, 67 of them included images of tattoos, 14 included images of beer, 11 music related images, and six included scooters. The British roots of the skinhead movement can be garnered from these photos as seven images of the British flag and six images of bulldogs were also present. Of course, you can also follow skinheads on blogs such as Twitter and YikYak and read about them on Reddit and Digg. Not only do the pictures and comments on Twitter provide information about important elements of skinhead culture so too do the hashtags themselves which include general references to skinheads such as #skinhead or #skins, as well as references to specific groups or ideologies such as #tradskin, #spiritof69, #racistskin, #antifaskin, and #gayskin. There were several different hashtags for female skins which included #skinheadgirl, #skingirl, #skinbyrd, #chelseagirl, #rudegirl, and #scootergirl. References to music included #trojanrecords, #trojan, #skinheadreggae, #oi!, #punk, and #londoninter- nationalskafestival2016, while clothing references included favorite brands like #fredperry and #harrington as well as references to gear such as #boots andbraces, #bleechers, and #braces.

Concluding Comments Give the diversity of communication platforms used by skinheads it is clear that skinheads, although they may be a counter culture, are not only comfortable with but are embracing all that mainstream technology offers to communicate with each other and the world. The Internet has replaced print fanzines as a means of sharing information about concerts, music, 138 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet culture, and ideology with others. Similar to music and music venues, online communication has provided a means for skinhead groups to present themselves and their beliefs, to attract new people to the movement, while at the same time offering people who have drifted away from it a readily accessible means to reconnect with it. Just as music venues provide a place for likeminded people to get together, the Internet, too, provides a place for likeminded people to meet, share ideas, influence and be influenced, and develop relationships. The review of skinhead websites, social network pages, and social media outlets reveals that the skinhead movement is alive and well and that the cultural elements associated with skinheads, their music, hair, dress, tattoos, and beer continue to be important today. These cultural elements provide continuity in a movement whose ideology continues to expand to embrace new issues such as those of the straight edge skinheads and Skinheads Against Animal Cruelty. And while some skinheads may embrace new ideologies that are consistent with the times, other skinhead groups remain loyal to older ideologies or even the original ideology of the movement. Given the diversity of ideologies and identities presented on the web and on social media it is clear that skinheads are a diverse group. It is also evident that however much of a subculture skinheads may be it is not a movement on the decline. Skinheads, at least as indicated by information on the web and social network sites, are on every continent except for Africa and Antarctica. What George Marshall wrote in Skinhead Nation is still true today “the skinhead cult must represent one of Britain’s most successful exports” (2011, p. 70).

References Anahita, S. (2006). “Blogging the borders: Virtual skinheads, hypermasculinity, and heteronormativity.” Journal of Political and Military Sociology, 34: 143–164. Anderson, M., & Perrin, A. (September 7, 2016). “13% of Americans don’t use the internet. Who are they?” Fact Tank: News in the Numbers, Pew Research Center. Retrieved from www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2016/09/07/some- americans-dont- use-the-internet-who-are-they/ Antifa Australia (n.d.) “About: Long description.” Retrieved from www.facebook. com/AntifaAustralia/about/?entry_point=page_nav_about_item&tab=page_info Arkin, R.M. (1981). Self-presentation styles. In J.T. Tedeschi (ed.), Impression management theory and social psychological research (pp. 311–333). New York: Academic Press. Back, M.D., Stopfer, J.M., Vazire, S., Gaddis, S., Schmukle, S.C., Egloff, B., & Gosling, S.D. (2010). “Facebook profiles reflect actual personality, not self- idealization.” Psychological Science, 16: 372–374 Backstreet Battalion retrieved from http://backstreetbattalion.com/ or www.back streetbattalion.com/index.php?lang=en Blanton, D. (14 March 2014). “Fox News poll: Tattoo’s aren’t just for rebels anymore.” Retrieved from www.foxnews.com/us/2014/03/14/fox-news-poll- tattoos-arent-just-for-rebels-anymore/ (accessed 4 September 2014). 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet 139

Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R.M. (2004). “Faces of hate.” Journal of Applied Soci- ology, 21(2): 99–111. Borgeson, K. & Valeri, R. (March, 2015). “Gay Skinheads: Negotiating a gay identity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” Journal of Men’s Studies, 23: 44–62. Chicago Antifa-Skins at www.facebook.com/groups/168454146505224/ FENIX Global Skin Movement at www.fenix-gsm.net/ Goffman, E. (1959). The presentation of self in everyday life. Garden City, NJ: Doubleday. Great Skinhead Reunion (n.d.). Retrieved from www.facebook.com/BootsnBraces/ ?ref=br_rs Hail the New Dawn, R.A.C. Webzine retrieved from http://hailthenewdawn.blog spot.com/ Healy, M. (1996). Gay skins: Class, masculinity, and queer appropriations. New York: Cassell. Higgins, C.A. & Judge, T.A. (2004). “The effect of applicant influence tactics on recruiter perceptions of fit and hiring recommendations: A field study.” Journal of Applied Psychology, 89: 622–632. Internet Live Stats (2016). “Internet users in the world.” Retrieved from www. internetlivestats.com/internet-users/#trend Jouhari case (2000). JOUHARI/HORTON V. UNITED KLANS OF AMERICA/ FRANKHOUSER: Case Number 03–98–0692–8 & 03–98–0797–8. Retrieved from www.splcenter.org/seeking-justice/case-docket/jouharihorton-v-united-klans- americafrankhouser Keystone State United (n.d.). Retrieved from https://keystone2001united.word press.com/ Marshall, G. (2011). Skinhead nation (Kindle edition). ST Publishing. Perrin, A. & Duggan, M. (June 26, 2015). “Americans’ Internet access: 2000–2015.” Pew Research Center. Retrieved from www.pewinternet.org/2015/ 06/26/americansinternetaccess20002015/ RASH—Red and Anarchist Skinheads (n.d.) Retrieved from www.facebook.com/ pg/RASH-Red-and- Anarchist-Skinheads- 122003767822218/posts/?ref=page_ internal SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice) (n.d.). “About.” Retrieved from www.facebook.com/SHARPCREW/about/?entry_point=page_nav_about_ item&tab=page_info SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice of the World) (n.d.). Retrieved from www.facebook.com/groups/176700982416319/ Skinheads FIGHT Center (n.d.). “About.” Retrieved from www.facebook.com/ Skinheads-FIGHT-Center-1154463741232003/info/?tab=page_info “Skinheads never die they just get older” (n.d.). Retrieved from www.facebook. com/Skinheads-never-die- they-just- get-older- 339021019559371/?hc_ ref=SEARCH&fref=nf Spiegel, R. (November 12, 1999). “When did the Internet become mainstream?” E-Commerce Times. Retrieved from www.ecommercetimes.com/story/1731.html Statista (n.d.) “Number of internet users worldwide from 2005 to 2016 (in millions).” Statista: The Statistics Portal. Retrieved from www.statista.com/statistics/273018/ number-of-internet-users-worldwide/ (accessed August 29, 2016). 140 6 Exploring Skinhead Identity on the Internet

Statista (n.d.) “Most famous social network sites worldwide as of September 2016, ranked by number of active users (in millions).” Statista: The Statistics Portal. Retrieved from www.statista.com/statistics/272014/global-social-networks- ranked-by-number-of-users/ (accessed October 9, 2016). Straight Edge WHITE Skinheads (n.d.). “Description.” Retrieved from https:// vk.com/nazi_sxe Suburban Rebels at www.facebook.com/SuburbanRebels/ Swann, W.B., Jr. & Bosson, J.K. (2010). Self and identity. In S.T. Fiske, D.T. Gilbert, & G. Lindzey (eds), Handbook of social psychology, 5th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill. Swann, W.B., Jr., & Hill, C.A. (1982). “When our identities are mistaken. Reaf- firming self-conception through social interaction.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 43: 59–66. TradSkin International (n.d.). “What is a skinhead?” Retrieved from www.trad skin.org/what-is-a-skinhead/ Travis, T. & Hardy, P. (2012) Skinheads: A guide to an American subculture. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood. Valeri, R.M. & Borgeson, K. (2005). “Identifying the face of hate.” Journal of Applied Sociology, 22(1): 91–104. Valeri, R. & Borgeson, K. (2016). “Masculine Identities within the skinhead movement: How straight men, gay men, and women embody and perform masculinity in a culture of traditional masculinity.” In J. Jaworski (ed.), Advances in sociology research, Vol. 19 (pp. 39–58). Nova Science Publishers. Valeri, R. & Borgeson, K. (2016). Sticks and Stones: When the words of hatred become weapons, A social psychological perspective. In S. Harding & M. Palasi- nski (eds), Global Perspectives on youth gang behavior, violence, and weapons (pp. 101–132). IGI Global. Valeri, R.M., Sweazy, N. & Borgeson, K. (2017). “An analysis of Skinhead websites and social networks, a decade later.” Michigan Sociological Review. Waldner, L.K., Martin, H., & Capeder, L. (2006). “Ideology of gay racialist skinheads and stigma management techniques.” Journal of Political and Military Sociology, 34: 165–184. Chapter 7 Conclusion Who is a True Skinhead?

As mentioned in the Preface, there are two themes that run through this book. The first is identity and who can claim to be a “true skinhead” and the second is masculinity. With regard to identity, throughout the book, skinheads, regardless of their niche, claim that being a skinhead is a way of life—that it is about taking pride in who you are, and about being loyal to your group. So, who were the original skinheads? Most skinhead aficionados trace the original skinhead movement back to late 1960s Britain, to working class youth who felt displaced or adrift in a world that challenged their class, their values, their importance, and their very identity. For them being a skinhead meant taking pride in being working class. They demonstrated this pride in how they dressed, in what they did, and the values they expressed and lived. This meant a working class look, short hair, boots and braces. It meant taking pride in being hard working, strong, and loyal to your mates. Original skinheads were ultra-masculine, drank English ales, went to football matches, and frequently got into fights with other gangs or fans of opposing teams. Some elements of the original skinhead movement live on in each of the skinhead groups discussed here. Common to all of them is the skinhead look. But between the various skinhead groups there are nuances to that look. What is the appropriate hair length, boot height, brace or lace color? What brand or style of shirt, pants or jeans, jacket, or beer is acceptable? While the original skinheads took pride in being working class because that was who they were, skinheads of today can interpret this concept as equating being a skinhead with being working class, or being a skinhead as taking pride in who you are, or some combination of the two. As one gay skinhead stated “I don’t think it is a contradiction to be gay and a skinhead…. I am working class, work hard, and believe in friendship.” It is because many skinheads see being a skinhead as “taking pride in who you are” that so many groups can claim to be skinheads. This is also why the movement was able to spread around the world, because it meant you did not have to be English to be a skinhead, you could be American, 142 7 Who is a True Skinhead?

Australian, Russian, or from any other nation. You just had to adopt the skinhead look, take pride in who you are, work hard, and be loyal to your mates. This concept is, at the same time, both a challenge to the movement and its greatest strength. It is a challenge to the movement because it allows anyone, who adopts the look, to call themselves a skinhead and it lead to discussions of, or even fights over, who can claim to be a skinhead. Racist/nationalist skinheads claim that they are true skinheads because they are taking pride in who they are, in their race, and in their nation. It is also why different racist/nationalist skinheads can get along with skinheads from other Races or Nations. As recounted in the music chapter, Korean skinheads are able to get along with Japanese skinheads because they are united in all being skinheads. While the Korean skinheads espouse pro-Korean and even, sometimes, anti-Japanese sentiments, they are able to get along with Jap- anese skinheads who espouse pro-Japanese, and even, at times, anti-Korean sentiments because each group recognizes that the other group is simply taking pride in who they are. Similarly, people with other political views have become part of the skinhead movement and formed groups such as RASH and Straight Edge Skins. Members of each of these groups all make the same claim, which is that being a skinhead is about being true to yourself and taking pride in who you are. In contrast to this view of skinheads, traditional skinheads, because they see the original skinhead movement as a working class movement, which was neither racist nor political, view racist/nationalist skinheads as not being true skinheads. While many traditional skinheads, because they believe that politics have no place in the skinhead movement, will tolerate racist/nationalist skinheads, SHARPs take a militant stance against the racist/nationalist skinheads. SHARPs are willing to fight racist/nationalist skinheads, who they refer to as boneheads, because they believe there is no place in the skinhead movement for tolerating racism or nationalism. While each of the above mentioned groups differ in their politics or views about the place of politics in the skinhead movement, gay skinheads and female skinheads often find their place in the movement challenged by views about the importance of masculinity or being male to the skinhead identity. Because the original skinheads were male, or at least predominantly male, and presented an ultra-masculine image of toughness and aggressiveness, many skinheads contend that gays and women have no place in the movement. As discussed in Chapter 3, on gay skinheads, there are several reasons given as to why gay men cannot be skinheads. Some skinheads, as with society at large, are homophobic and, for that reason, do not want gay men to be part of the movement. Other skinheads, because they believe the stereotype of gay men as being effeminate, have a hard time reconciling this stereotype of gay men with the toughness and aggressiveness associated 7 Who is a True Skinhead? 143 with being a skinhead. But, because this image of gay men is a stereotype and therefore not representative of all gay men, there are gay men whose identity is consistent with that of the tough, hard-working, aggressive skinhead. For that reason these men become skinheads. Other skinheads contend that gay men only “dress-up” and pretend to be skinheads because they find the look to be a sexual turn-on and a way to attract sexual partners. As discussed in Chapter 3, while this may be true of some gay men, there are many gay skinheads who embrace the values and lifestyle of a skinhead, identify as skinheads, and find acceptance within the skinhead movement. Female skinheads may find their place in the movement challenged by those skinheads who believe you have to be male to be a skinhead. Skin- heads who believe women cannot be a part of the movement, associate being a skinhead with being tough and aggressive, attributes they associate with men and not women. These skinheads assume that females are weak, helpless, and lack aggression, and therefore cannot be skinheads. However, contrary to this stereotype of women, there are women who are strong, tough, and aggressive and are drawn to the skinhead movement for these very reasons. These women embrace the toughness and aggressiveness associated with the skinhead movement and will often play a role in the aggression. Other female skinheads, contend that being a skinhead is not about being tough or aggressive, and associate being a skinhead with other elements of the original movement, the music, being working class, hanging out with your mates, drinking beer, or riding your scooter. As with gay skinheads, women who are drawn to the movement have found a way to create a place for themselves within the movement and find acceptance within the movement. It is because so many skinheads define the movement as taking pride in who you are and as being loyal to your friends, that the movement is comprised of such a vast array of people and political ideologies. It is the very heterogeneity of the skinhead movement that has allowed such a diverse group of individuals to report that only within the movement have they found acceptance and can be who they are, that it is their skinhead friends who they consider to be their true family. It is also why the movement has been able to survive and be transported around the world so that today, although the skinhead movement remains a subculture, it is a global phenomenon. The skinhead movement allows people from different countries and cultures to adopt the skinhead look and values and adapt them to their specific group. It is why there are male and female skinheads, heterosexual and gay skinheads. It’s why there are skinheads in England, the United States, Japan, Russia, and on almost every continent. It is why there are racist/nationalist skinheads, SHARPs, RASH, and straight edge Skins. It is for this very reason that the skinhead movement will survive. Youth will continue to rebel against mainstream society, adopt the skinhead look as a 144 7 Who is a True Skinhead? symbol of their rebellion, and will then, through music and social media, celebrate their rebelliousness, proclaim their ideals, while at the same time celebrating the importance of being true to yourself and loyal to your mates. A comment by Roddy Moreno of The Oppressed in response to a question as to whether skinheads should be as English as possible or blend with local culture not only reflects the attitude of skinheads but also concisely sums up while the movement will survive “I think skinheads should do whatever they want and fuck what other ‘skinheads’ think…. Skinhead has been evolving since day 1 and I suppose it will continue evolving. Which has to be a good thing” (Murphy, 2012).

Reference Murphy, K.T. (January 14, 2012). An interview with Roddy Moreno. Toronto SHARP (Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice). Retrieved from http://toron tosharp.blogspot.com/2012/01/interviewwithroddymoreno.html Index

Page numbers in italics denote tables.

2Tone music 95, 97–8 Bing 127 Black Nationalism 95 adaptation, Merton’s theory of 20 Blackpool Skinhead Weekend 51 ADL see Anti Defamation League (ADL) Blazak, R. 20–1, 24 Adorno, Theodor W.: f-scale 24, 26; Blee, Kathleen 35 personality traits 24 Boston Globe reports, on skinhead aggro, notion of 41 movement 3 Agnew, R. 20 Broidy, L. 20 alt-right movement 16 Buford, Bill 34 American Resistance Corps (ARC) 126 Butler, Judith 14 American skinheads 4–7, 97–8 American Skinheads: The Criminology Chicago Area Skinheads (CASH) 99 and Control of Hate Crime (1995) 3, 6 Christian Identity 32, 84, 110 American White Power bands 98–9 civil rights movement 5, 98 Among the Thugs (1991) 34 Clive, Chris 45, 56 anarchist skinheads 134 clothing, of skinheads 4–5 Angry Aryans (skinhead band) 110 Cockney Rejects (music band) 12, 96 anomie theory 19–20 cognitive dissonance, theory of 22, 27, Anti Defamation League (ADL) 16, 108 34 anti-establishment movement 9 Cohen, Dov 28 ANTIFA see Anti-Fascist Skinheads conforming, theory of 20 (ANTIFA) Connell, R.W. 29, 31 Anti-Fascist Skinheads (ANTIFA) 120, conventionalism, signs of 24, 25–6 121, 134 Crane, Nicky 59, 62 Anti-Fascist skinzines 121 cultural bond 6 anti-gay skinhead: and “gay skin” fetish cultural diversity, values of 17 62; vs. inauthentic skinhead 59–63 Culture of Honor theory 28–9 anti-Nazi skinheads 134 anti-punk movement 9–11 Da Silva, J. 56 anti-Semitism 4, 16, 26, 110, 122 dabblers 32, 33 Aryan Brotherhood 3 dancing and singing, as expressions of Aryan Nations 15, 27, 32, 85, 87, 110 identity 105–6 authoritarian traits 24–6 deterrence, power of 28 Dogpile 127 Berger, Peter 1–3 Donaldson, Ian Stuart 96–7, 103, 110 bigotry 17, 35–6, 136 Dover, Michael 45–6 146 Index

Dow, Mike 47 and perspective of friendship 51–2; of drift, concept of 22 skinheads 42–4; types of 43; working drinking, idea of 30 class and 44 Duke, David 17 gay integrator (centaur) 43, 49–50 Durkheim, Emile 2, 19 Gay Liberation Front 58 gay lifestyler (peacock) 43, 49–50 Ecological Model of Gay Identity gay men: lifestyle of 50; magazines of Development 42–3 56; stereotype of 44 economic status, threats to 21 Gay Moscow Skins 51 ethnic identity 42 gay political movement, rise of 43 ethnic minority 73, 75 “gay skin” fetish 62 ethnic/racial status, threats to 21 Gay Skinhead Group 45, 50, 51 ethos of working class 6 gay skinheads 3, 8, 44–9, 133; European Social Network Sites 50 acceptance of 59; characteristics of externalization, process of 2 40; constructing families 53–4; as fashion and fetish 56–9; friendship Facebook 50, 113, 120–2, 127, 131–4, with straight skinheads 51; gay 136 identity 42–51; identity formation fascism 12, 26, 112, 134 39–40; overview of 39; pornography, fashion and fetish, skinhead as 56–9 prevalence of 58; sadomasochistic sex female masculinity 29, 67, 79–82; 58; sexuality of 54–6; skinhead gender role norms 81; hyper- identity of 8, 40–2; stereotype of 40; masculine image 82; neo-Nazi see also anti-gay skinhead skinhead movement 81; reproductive Gay Skinheads Movement 51 capabilities 82; tomboyism and 79 Gay Skinheads Unite 51 female neo-Nazi skinhead movement gay-straight friendships 51, 52; and 75–9, 82–4 emotional intimacy 52 female skinheads 133, 143; in Australia GEAR Ireland 58 70–2; in Britain 68–70; female gender status, threats to 21 masculinity see female masculinity; gigaboos 16 leaving the movement 85–8; Gilligan, Carol 20 masculine culture and 66–7; neo- Google 127, 132, 135 Nazi culture and ideology of 82–4; Gottfredson, M.R. 23, 24 overview of 66; place and style of Great Skinhead Reunion 100–2 67–8; racial issues 84; rifts in “grey” skinheads 136 friendships 85; in Russia 72–5; in United States 75–9 Halberstam, Judith 67, 79, 82 FENIX Global Skin Movement 50, 128, Hamm, Mark 3, 6, 82 130 Hate Crimes Taskforce 123 Festinger, L. 27, 34 Healy, M. 7–8, 39–41, 43–9, 56–7, 63 Flanagan, Harley 97 hegemonic masculinity 29, 31, 39, 44, friendships, concept of 51–2 56, 63, 66–7, 70, 75, 80, 82, 94, 124–6 gay bashings 13 hegemony, concept of 29–30 gay commuter (chameleon) 43, 50 heterosexual status, threats to 21 gay identity: before coming-out stage hippy movement 5, 41, 77 42, 43, 50; beyond coming-out stage Hirschi, T. 23–4 42; development of 42, 54; during Hollywood 3 coming-out stage 42, 43, 50; homophobic skinheads 60 Ecological Model of Gay Identity homosexuality 25, 42, 44, 46, 50, 55, Development 42, 43; on Internet and 59, 111, 126; accusations of 48; social networks 50–1; notion of 42; decriminalization of 43 Index 147 honor, culture of 28–9, 71, 87, 107 music, skinhead: 2Tone music 95; American racist/nationalist skinhead identity construction hypothesis 93–4 scene 98–9; American skinhead scene immigrant bashings 13 97–8; British racist/nationalist innovation, theory of 2, 20 skinhead scene 96–7; British skinhead internalization, idea of 3 scene 94–6; Cockney Rejects 12; Internet 119–20; role in distribution of commercialization of 9; for creating music 106; skinhead webpages 122, and expressing identity 99–106; for 127 cultural identity 93; dancing and Irish Gay Skinheads 51 singing 105–6; distribution of 106–7; Islamophobia 16–17 effects on social bonding 92–3; functions of 92; Great Skinhead Jamaican Rude Boys 94 Reunion 100–2; hardcore bands 10; Jewish conspiracy 2, 33, 82, 84, 127 and harmony between racist/ nationalist skinhead groups 104–5; Keystone State Skinheads 136 identity construction hypothesis Kezdy, John 11 93–4; impact of 91; message in Ku Klux Klan 110 109–13; Minor Threat (hardcore punk band) 10; music preferences left-wing skinhead groups 112, 134–5 and social attraction 93; nation- Leif Ericson Day Celebration 136 specific 93; non-racist music and lifers 15, 32 identity 111–13; Oi! music 11–12, Luckmann, Thomas 1–3 13, 95, 98, 102; online music Ludwig, Jamie 99, 109 communities 105–6; overview of 91; power of 91–4, 100; Project male bonding 52 Boneyard 108–9; Project Schoolyard Man, definitions of 41 107–8; punk music 9, 95–7; racist/ marginalization, concept of 31–2 nationalist music and identity Marshall, George 138 110–11; racist/nationalist skinhead Martell, Clark 99 music events 102–4; reggae music 95; masculinities, in skinhead movement RESPECT-Music scale 92; Rock 44–9; conceptualization of 58; female Against Communism (RAC) Concerts masculinity see female masculinity; 96; Rock Against Racism events 96; hegemonic 29–30, 31, 56; male vs. role in skinhead movement 94–9; Sex female dichotomy 29; Pistols (punk rock band) 9; Sham 69 marginalization 31–2; subordination (music band) 10, 12; ska music 31; working-class 41 13–14, 98; social use of 92–3; Matza, D. 22 traditional skinhead music events media coverage, of skinhead movement 100–2; underground music 3 movement 9 media sharing sites, skinheads on 137 Merton: adaptations, theory of 20; on Nardi, P.M. 57 anomie theory 19–20 National Front Political Party (England) Minor Threat (hardcore punk band) 10 136 Moore, D. 70–1 Nazism 8, 76, 96, 134 motivations, to join skinhead neo-Nazi skinheads 3, 6, 7, 13, 16, 39, movement: authoritarian traits 24–6; 67, 76, 125; female neo-Nazi learning from personal experiences skinhead movement 75–9; lifestyles 26–8; self-control, issues of 22–4; of 76; rise of 120; “trappings” theoretical background of 19–21 associated with 81; as white power 7; multiculturalism, values of 17, 134 as white pride 7 music ethnocentrism 93–4 neutralization, techniques of 22 148 Index

New Right 12, 13 real skin, notion of 2, 14, 31, 61–2, New Wave 9 108, 129 niggers 26, 78, 86 rebellion, theory of 4, 20, 144 Nimmons, D. 53, 57 Reckless, W.C. 22–3 Nisbett, Richard E. 28 recruitment, of skins 19, 21; role of low Non-Fetish Queer Skinheads group 51 self-control in 23 non-racist skinheads 2, 15, 19, 21, 24, Red Anarchist Skinheads (RASH) 120, 28, 31, 98 134, 142 RESPECT-Music scale 92 objectification, process of 2 retreatism, theory of 20 objectivation, idea of 2 right-wing skinhead groups 135–6 Oi! music 11–12, 13, 95, 98, 102 ritualism, theory of 20 online music communities 106 Rock Against Communism (RAC) Concerts 96 Page, Wade Michael 110 Rock Against Racism events 96 Panzerfaust Records 98, 107–8 role engulfment, theory of 83 patriarchy, theme of 29, 31, 58, 82 personal experiences, learning from sadomasochistic sex 57–8 26–8 Scoular, David 46 personality traits, types of 24 self-concept, of individuals 22–3, 83 Phillips, Ian 53, 68 self-control: characteristics of 23–4; Picciolini, Christian 99, 109–10 issues of 22–4 Pinterest 137 self-esteem 32, 34–5 Please Kill Me (2016) 9 self-presentation 120, 129 porch monkies 16 sense of we-ness 2 pornography, prevalence of 58, 124, Sex Pistols (punk rock band) 9 131, 133 sexuality, of gay skinheads 54–6 Project Boneyard 108–9 Sham 69 (music band) 10, 12, 96 Project Schoolyard 107–8 SHARP see Skinheads Against Racial pseudo-skins 14 Prejudice (SHARP) punk movement 2, 5, 9–14 ska music 4–7, 13–15, 69, 88, 91, 98, punk music 9, 95–7 101 Skingirlfront Deutschlands 75 queer appropriation, of skinhead look skinhead “family tree,” schemata of 7 56–7 skinhead groups: left-wing 134–5; queerbashing 41 right-wing 135–6 quitting, of skinhead movement: due to skinhead identity 4–7, 40–2; creation of social problems 32–3; by female 119–21; definition 122; overview of skinheads 85–8; push and pull of 119; skinhead ’zines 121–2 violence and 33–6 skinhead movement: from 2000s to present 15–17; in America 5–6; race traitor 3, 123 attractiveness of 23; belief system of 2; racial problems 33 cultural ideology of 4; Culture of racial purity, ideal of 6 Honor theory 28–9; in England 40; racism 8, 98; within skinhead finding a place within 46–7; history of movement 12–14 2, 4–7; identity of 4–7, 40–2; media racist skinheads 2–3, 15–16, 24, 32, 50, coverage of 3; music and lifestyles 2; 60, 68, 76, 97–8, 108, 111, 123, 127, overview of 1; racism within 12–14; 135 types of 7–8; Wood’s hypothesis of 4 RASH see Red Anarchist Skinheads skinhead social network sites 131–3 (RASH) skinhead webpages: circa 2000 122–7; Reagan, Ronald 2, 12 present 127–31 Index 149 skinhead ’zines 121–2 TradSkin International 128 Skinheads Against Animal Cruelty 113, true skinhead 2–3, 14, 62, 108, 122, 135, 138 124–5, 128, 129, 132, 134, 141, 142 Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice (SHARP) 7, 8, 13, 120, 122, 128, ultra-masculine image, of the skinheads 131, 133, 135, 142; morality of 8 40, 41, 56, 142 slam dancing 12, 30, 33, 66, 72, 105 underground music movement 9 Social Construction of Reality, The Unione Skinhead Girl Italia 75 (1966) 1 social construction, theory of 1–4, 67 violence, push and pull of 33–6 social identity, creation of 39–40 VK (social network site) 131–2; by social media 16, 19, 21, 58, 100, 119, country 133 120, 133, 138, 144 social problems 32–3, 78 WAR see White Aryan Resistance Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) (WAR) 13, 15, 106–7, 123 welfare recipients 16 Spirit of 69, The (1994) 4, 28, 79 White Aryan Resistance (WAR) 13, 99 staying with skinhead movement, white backlash 12 reasons for: culture of honor 28–9; “white lives matter” movement 16 doing masculinity 29–32 White Nationalist 35, 103, 107, 110, stereotype, of skinheads: development 130 of 27; of gay men 44; racist 76 White Power movement 109, 110, Stonewall uprising (1969) 43 125–6 Straight Edge Skinheads (sXe Skinheads) 113, 134, 135, 138, 142 White-Power Nazis 8 straight edge skins, development of 135 white rights, protection of 86 strain by gender, reactions to 37 White Supremacists 12, 16, 28, 31, 84, strain, theory of 20, 24 102–3, 106–8, 110, 123, 127, 135 stressors, types of 21 white supremacy 29–30, 81, 86 subordination, concept of 31 Wilson, Ryan 123 Sykes, G.M. 22 women’s movement 5, 98 Wood, Robert 3–4 tattoos 4, 30, 50, 80, 112, 123–4, 130, working class: and gay identity 44; 132 masculinity 41; skinhead 44–9; Thatcher, Margaret 2 working class youths, movement of 5 Thompson, E.P. 4 tomboyism, notion of 79–80, 82 xenophobia 17 traditional skinheads 7, 13–15, 39, 60–2, 66, 68, 78, 82, 88, 112, 120, Young National Front 96 122–4, 128, 130, 132–3, 142; music events 100–2; music videos of 137; zal (basement gym) 55–6 webpages 106 Zuckerberg, Mark 127