Popular Culture in Bulgaria and Romania Since the 1960S

11 / 2013

pOPULAR cULTURE IN Bulgaria and Romania since THE 1960s

Guest Editor Carmen Scheide (St.Gallen)

Street protests against shale gas extraction, January 14, 2012 in Plovdiv, Bulgaria (Photograph by Vihra Barova)

Online Journal of the Center for Governance and Culture in Europe University of St. Gallen URL: www.gce unisg.ch, www.euxeinos.ch ISSN 2296-0708

Center for Governance and Last Update November 19, 2013 Landis & Gyr Culture in Europe stiftung University of St.Gallen Contents

Popular Culture in Romania and Bulgaria since the 1960s 3 Editorial

Romanian Cinematography and Film Culture during 6 the Communist Regime by Nela Gheorghica, Italy

Rock Subculture In a Small Town – Forms and Strategies of Identification 17 by Yana Yancheva, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies and Ethnographic Museum, Sofia

Subcultural Identities - Styles and Ideologies (Subcultural Ways of Life of 28 the Post-Transitional Generation in Bulgaria) by Vihra Barova, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia

Publishing Information/Contact 39

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 2 Popular Culture in Romania and Bulgaria since the 1960s

long with pop art, rock & roll is seen as lifestyles, fashion, literature and even sport. Aone of the main origins of the pop culture, Thus, popular culture has a much stronger which emerged in the 1950s and comprised link with the everyday experiences of ordi- phenomena such as new styles of music and nary people than is the case with what might youth cultures1. Observers at that time initially be considered culture in an elitist sense. regarded the new trends as dangerous sub- The term popular culture can have many cultures, as a youth hazard, and as immoral, different meanings, but it does imply a certain

Editorial while the proponents viewed themselves as temporal context: first and foremost, it refers a counterculture to existing norms and elit- to the musical and artistic output of Ameri- ist definitions of culture. In western capitalist can and British society from the 1950s on, countries a commercialization of pop culture which rapidly spread to different regions of occurred very quickly, which often advanced the world through a process of cultural trans- to become mass culture. Ever since, the con- fer. It did not stop at the iron curtain during trast between sophisticated culture and pop- the Cold War, but rather reached the Eastern ular culture has increasingly leveled out, as Bloc in real-time. And it did not remain only previously scandal-ridden musicians from the a western phenomenon, but influenced dif- rock, beat or punk scenes are now part of a ferent subcultures in the Eastern European historical canon. In the cultural sciences, pop countries. Furthermore it was closely connect- culture – as a mirror of social and cultural de- ed to new technologies for reproducing both velopments - has been a steadily growing area sounds and images. of research in the past few years. However, What new insights can popular culture current studies often pertain to western indus- give the reader? It reflects concepts of order, trial societies, as there is little knowledge on patterns of interaction and shifts in mass cul- Eastern European societies or because many ture through the media, consumer goods or anticipate that there were no such develop- cultural transfer. From this point of view, it ments under socialism. is possible to analyze processes of negotiation But what is exactly pop culture? There are or loyalties between the state and society – as no clear definitions of the term. However, the well as cultural practices – that point to the next few sentences can be read as an attempt hegemonic concepts, distinction and integra- at a definition. Popular culture is a multifac- tion. In the context of strict ideological norms eted, global phenomenon that is associated as were prevalent for example in the Soviet with such attributes as freedom or subversion. Union, GDR, Romania or Bulgaria, pop cul- It is easily accessible to broad sections of the ture was one factor for political change2, as population, and offers lifestyles that can be some individuals lost their interest in politics adopted or adapted informally and without and others became politically emancipated commitment and which therefore – at least from state concepts. The search for an indi- to some extent – remain beyond the reach of vidual identity, personal styles and tastes was political control. Popular culture embraces dif- closely connected with free access to media ferent music styles, performing arts, cinema, 2 Pekacz, Jolanta: Did rock smash the wall? 1 Hecken, Thomas: Pop: Geschichte eines The Role of Rock in Political Transition, in: Popular Konzeptes 1955-2009, Bielefeld 2009, p. 271 Music 13, 1994, No. 1, p. 41ff.

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 3 and consumer goods as well with the idea of Eastern Europe6. The editors understand pop personal freedom. However, in daily life such culture as an escape from the monotony of ev- demands were limited by the political system. eryday socialism: People refused to be indoctrinated and devel- “It is important for students of Eastern Euro- oped a sense of self-will [Eigensinn]. Another pean history to understand that people living under aspect of pop culture is its close relationship to communism constantly sought ways to challenge youth culture and the efforts of young people the system from within on an everyday basis.”7 to distinguish themselves from older genera- However, Bulgaria and Romania are still tions and to cross social borders. under-researched. Therefore, this edition of Besides theoretical approaches from so- Euxeinos aims to provide insights into the lat- ciology in the past 40 years3, initially efforts est projects. You will find three articles in this were undertaken to understand Eastern Eu- issue, one on Romania and two on Bulgaria ropean pop cultures immediately after the fall covering the period from the 1960s till today. of communism4. In recent years new interest- Nela Gheorghica deals with Romanian ing publications have again appeared with a film production and cinema culture under main focus on the GDR and the Soviet Union communism. According to the Leninist dic- and, in particular on urban centers like Berlin, tum, cinema was an important form of art Leipzig, Moscow and Leningrad. However, in which could reach the masses. Like in other cities and regions beyond the center vibrant socialist countries, the film industry and cine- subcultures, music scenes and youth cultures ma production were therefore nationalized in existed as well, as Sergej Zhuk and William Romania in 1948 in order to exploit and con- Risch demonstrated in their books about So- trol mass culture for political purposes. Even viet Ukraine5. though it turned away from the Soviet Union In 2013, an edited volume was published after 1968, the functionalization and censor- which deals with less researched countries in ship of this cultural sphere by the state remained unchanged. Nevertheless, there were 3 Horkheimer, Max/Adorno, Theodor a number of foreign and western productions Wiesengrund: Dialektik der Aufklärung: in the 1960s and 1970s in particular, which philosophische Fragmente, Frankfurt a.M. 1969; were shown with only minor restrictions. Fiske, John: Understanding popular culture, The ethnologist Yana Yancheva explores London 2006 the phenomenon of rock culture in small Bul- 4 Troickij, Artemij: Tusovka: Who’s Who in garian cities from the 1960s to today. Almost the New Soviet Rock Culture, London 1990; Ramet, simultaneously to western societies, rock cul- Sabrina Petra (Ed.): Rocking the State: Rock Music and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia, Boulder ture also emerged there as a youth movement (Colo.) 1994; Ryback, Timothy W.: Rock around the and as an urban sub-culture which quickly Bloc: a History of Rock Music in Eastern Europe spread. The motivation to participate could be and the Soviet Union, New York 1990 seen as an attempt to escape from the govern- 5 Risch, Wiliam Jay: The Ukrainian West: Culture and the Fate of Empire in Soviet Lviv, 6 Giustino, Cathleen M: Socialist Escapes: Cambridge, Mass. 2011; Zhuk, S.I.: Rock and Roll Breaking Away from Ideology and Everyday in the Rocket City: the West, Identity and Ideology Routine in Eastern Europe, 1945-1989, New York in Soviet Dniepropetrovsk, 1960-1985, Washington, 2013 D.C 2010 7 Giustino, Cathleen, p. 2

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 4 ment’s ideas on lifestyle, leisure activities, and sub-cultural scenes than women. cultural norms and to create a counterculture, All three articles, which were written ex- while also distinguishing oneself from other clusively for this issue of Euxeinos, offer con- forms of mass culture. In return, adherents to temporary insights on marginalized regions this sub-culture were villainized as being dec- of Europe and highlight transnational pos- adent, immoral, or uncultivated – arguments sibilities of comparison and research gaps, which simultaneously were made in other while also sharing knowledge with interested societies as well. As a result, the communist readers on Eastern European societies and Bulgarian government aimed to expand its previously conducted research on them. control over the rock scene, which led to even more resistant and politicized behavior among Dr. habil. Carmen Scheide the adherents: Executive director “We wanted to show them we didn’t care Center for Governance and about those shitty ideologies and norms of be- Culture in Europe havior. That was it.”8 University of St. Gallen The period of analysis of Yancheva’s study e-mail: [email protected] is also interesting, because it does not end with the collapse of communism in 1991, rather also comprises the period of transformation. The allure of the forbidden abruptly ended when democratization began, as previously forbidden or inaccessible music and fashion were now allowed. Vihra Bahrova focuses on sub-cultural developments since the 1990s in Bulgaria. She also conducted field research in the city of Plo- vdiv in 2012 as a participating observer. While the resistance to governmental standardiza- tion and censorship was an important aspect of group formation and participation, the search for identity and for an own style appears to have become more important since the beginning of democratization. On the basis of her ethnological method, Bahrova conveys actors‘ perspectives, refers to distinctive features such as clothing, taste in music or hairstyles and provides insights on the quick dynamics related to group formations and group switching. Another finding pertains to gender issues, as young men are more frequently members of 8 quote from the article by Yana Yancheva, p. 21

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 5 Romanian Cinematography and Film Culture during the Communist Regime

by Nela Gheorghica, Italy

Abstract Cinematography and film culture in Romania were used as instruments for cultural manipulation and political propaganda since the beginning of the communist era, either by imposing certain themes on national productions, or by censoring almost all foreign film productions entering the cinema network. Thus, the movies produced outside Romanian borders often suffered content alteration in order to fit communist ideology, if shown at all. We argue that the evolution of cinematography and film culture matched the controversial existence of Romanian censorship itself and the ever-changing official position towards the Western community. As will be discussed, Romanian people benefited from strictly controlled film entertainment, with only a few exceptions, such as the Cinematheque and Cinema Almanac, and had no direct and complete access to information on certain movies or directors, since press and cinema were drenched with pro-communist, anti-capitalist messages.

fter more than 20 years since the 1989 by censoring (totally or partially) the foreign ARevolution, Romanian communism con- films entering the national cinema networks. tinues to be a somehow dim subject, both in- In our paper, we chose to focus our attention side and outside Romanian borders, as some on the case of Romanian cinematography and of the most important works dealing with pri- film culture of the respective era, while trying vate and public life from 1945 to 1989 went al- to underline its particularities. most unnoticed at the national level and were When speaking about the Romanian not translated at all into foreign languages. It cinematography and film culture during the is no wonder that it was only briefly taken into Communist regime (1945–1989), historians consideration and referred to in the ground- seem to agree that it follows in the footsteps of breaking Black Book of Communism (1997) and the contorted history of Romanian censorship. in Stéphane Courtois’ Dictionary of Communism Chronologically speaking, it can be divided (2007), as state authorities themselves have no into three distinct periods: from 1945 to 1964 official agenda in recovering lost memories – when the Declaration of April was signed, of a past not yet completely assumed. Only through which the Romanian Workers’ Party in 2005, 16 years after the Revolution and the sanctioned the relative political independence collapse of the communist regime, was the from the Soviet bloc (Şercan 2012, p. 338), from Institute for the Investigation of Communist 1965 to 1971 (a brief period of controlled lib- Crimes in Romania (IICCR) founded, followed eralism, when arts generally could flourish by the Presidential Official Report Condemn- again) (Rusan 2012, p. 114) and from 1971 to ing the Communist Regime one year later (Ro- 1989, years marked by the return to the ideo- manian Presidency 2006). logical purity of the cultural mini-revolution It is already well-known that cinema, sanctioned by Ceauşescu’s July Thesis (Maliţa along with many other cultural productions, 2012, p. 213). was used as an instrument for manipulation The 1950s are characterized by extensive and political propaganda in all communist and severe control of all screenings, which countries, either by imposing certain themes mostly included Soviet films and a few cho- and dispositions on national productions, or sen politically “neutral” western productions.

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 6 Nela Gheorghica

During the 1960s and 1970s though, cinema did not bother the audiences, as long as they entered the “golden age” of the communist pe- could reach out to the outside world. For in- riod with the foundation of the Cinematheque stance, a western blockbuster such as “Gone and the expansion of the network of cinema with the Wind” (1939) became a cult movie halls. These facilities hosted an increasing for Romanians only in 1970 (!), when it was number of spectators and going to cinema be- screened here for the first time (Caranfil 2009, came a form of leisure for people of all ages vol. 4, p. 298). The December 1966 Cinema Al- and backgrounds, from the countryside to the manac edition included the top ten foreign capital. During this period the Romanian pub- premiers of the year in Bucharest, featuring lic had access to the most recent Western mov- Teshigahara’s Woman in the Dunes (1964), ies, which were only briefly censored and only Tony Richardson’s Tom Jones (1963) and A lacked the so-called “pornographic” scenes Taste of Honey (1961), John Ford’s Stagecoach deemed offensive by the communist system of (1939!), Stanley Kramer’s Judgment at Nurem- family values. berg (1961), Wajda’s Ashes and Diamonds (1958), The period after the second half of the Kakogiannis’ Zorba (1964), Huston’s The Night 1970s and until the December Revolution is of the Iguana (1964), The Shop on Main Street characterized by Romania’s international dec- (1964) and Pierre Étaix’s Yoyo (1965) (p. VIII). laration of its ideological independence from the Soviet Union, the return to severe totalitar- The Situation of Cinema from an Of- ian practices, and by the instauration of the cult ficial Standpoint of the personality surrounding the presiden- As Lenin himself famously remarked, tial family (Troncotă 2006, p. 208). The newly „Cinema, for us, is the most important of the found singularity and the cold diplomatic re- arts”. Therefore films and film distribution lations with the former allies also triggered an were considered to be of great significance economic recession. Therefore, the communist in communist Romania, too. Decree no. 303 regime also decreased its investments in the from the 1948 Constitution sanctioned the na- movie industry. As a result, most of the avail- tionalization of the entire film industry and able representations were films obtained by regulated the way cinema products were to be barter – Romanian movies exchanged for oth- commercialized; all cinema halls and film rolls ers, most of them produced within the Soviet on the market were to become state property, Union. The Western productions still entered which made cinematography much more eas- the country, but many of them had a different ier to control and manipulate (Troncotă 2006, title and no credits to avoid potential copy- p. 83). In May 1949 the General Direction of right lawsuits. The decline in cinematography the Press and Printing was founded as a natu- was quite obvious, since the same films were ral addition to the General Direction of State screened over and over again, while cinema Security (1948). It became the institution di- halls gradually emptied. Daily TV broadcasts rectly responsible for censorship in all sectors, were cut to only two hours, which underlines including the production, acquisition and dis- the degree of state control over all existing in- tribution of films, whose prerogatives only information channels. creased in the following years (Cubleşan 212, Although Romanian premiers did not al- p. 65). ways coincide with the international ones, this Ever since the mid-1950s to mid-1970s, it

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was officially believed that “the influence cin- ing a political and propagandistic scope. The ema had upon the consciousness of the masses rest of them (60%) belonged to more neutral is intense and continuous, since cinematog- genres, such as pure entertainment, musi- raphy is the art gathering the largest number cal comedies, and children’s films (Popescu of spectators” (Vasile 2008, p. 316). According 2011, p. 281). With only a few exceptions, the to Ceauşescu himself, “film is one of the most national cinema followed in the footsteps of important means for propaganda”, therefore the official political doctrine, as the most com- the need to carefully control its content is also mon themes were the anti-capitalist and anti- of paramount importance (quoted in Palade fascist communist resistance, the finding and 2010, p. 7). neutralizing of western spies, bourgeois deca- The situation of cinema was often dis- dence and misdeeds promptly stopped by the cussed during the sessions of the Commis- honest communist representatives etc. Among sion for Ideology of the Romanian Communist the most popular film writers and directors, Party (1968) and the Secretary Sessions of the we should mention Liviu Ciulei, who was Central Committee of the Romanian Com- nominated for the Palme d’Or with The Forest munist Party (1970). A stenography dating of the Hanged (1965), Sergiu Nicolaescu (who from February 10th, 1970, presided by Nicolae was also a very active actor, famous for play- Ceauşescu, documented that “world cinema- ing in detective and historical movies), Titus tography is dominated by films about vio- Popovici, Dan Piţa, Mircea Danieliuc, Alexan- lence, sexual problems, commercial movies, dru Tatos etc. Lucian Pintilie, another name and movies of great ideological value appear important to the history of Romanian cinema- quite seldom. Cinematography in the socialist tography, became persona non grata after the countries also brings about a series of prob- making of Reconstruction (1968). The film in lems, since the quality of films is not even very which he openly criticizes the authorities and good there” (quoted in Palade 2010, pp. 6-7). the damages brought by communism within In consequence, Ceauşescu’s July The- society and at the individual level was banned sis (1971) sanctioned that: “measures will be until 1989. taken to balance the movies presented in our cinema halls, limiting the screening of police and adventure movies, banning those films The evolution of Romanian censor- spreading violence and vulgarity, advocating ship the bourgeois lifestyle” (quoted in Popescu Although it previously existed for reli- 2011, p.192). The direct results of these deci- gious, political or ethnic reasons, Romanian sions were visible not only in the way foreign censorship took the shape of an ideological movies were censored and often misrepre- blockade and political isolation after 23 Au- sented, but also in the national film produc- gust 1944 with the presence of the Red Army tion, marked by the return to the strict rules of (Troncotă 2006, p. 44). Not surprisingly, its regulations defined by Gheorghiu-Dej’s social main characteristics, initially borrowed from realism (Popescu 2011, p.189). Soviet Union, were later transformed to suit Out of the 550 Romanian movies pro- the needs of the socialist democracy of the duced during the communist regime, approxi- 1970s and the 1980s after the breakup with the mately 222 (40%) can be considered as hav-

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Eastern Bloc and the decisive distancing from the rise of dissident groups within the Roma- the western world. nian Communist Party itself) etc. For instance, A turning point in the evolution of Roma- the 1972 Concise Encyclopedic Dictionary nian censorship is arguably 20 August 1968, defined it in a neutral manner as ”the control when Ceauşescu’s decided not to participate exercised by state authorities over publica- in the invasion of Czechoslovakia by the War- tions, shows, radio-TV programs, or, under saw Pact troops. This historical moment un- certain circumstances, over correspondence derlines the new direction Romania took and and phone calls”. However, a year after cen- the country’s decisive split with Soviet-made sorship was officially abolished in Romania, ideology and Party doctrine. For a short pe- in 1978, the Dictionary of Neologisms gave a riod of liberalization of only a few years, the highly politicized explanation:”the control ex- arts particularly flourished, until the Presi- ercised by the capitalist state over publications dential couple visited China and North Korea and prints, in order to stop the dissipation of (Courtois 2008, p. 690). Afterwards, censorship modern ideas” (Rad 2012, p. 7). The separation will become only a means to implementing the from the western world could not be more ob- Asian-inspired dictatorship: that is, the ideolo- vious, as society itself was intoxicated, at the gization of all sectors of public life, the re-writ- time, with a huge number of anti-capitalist ing of (national and international) history and slogans emphasizing the righteousness of the the implementation of the most powerful cult communist ideology. of the President’s personality in the Eastern bloc, in press, all printed material and cinema, Cinematheque and Cinema Almanac - too. the two sides of the same coin Censorship in Romania was officially In order to paint an accurate image of abolished in March 1977 with the elimination what cinematography “looked like” in those of the State Council for Press and Printing, years, we will further discuss two very impor- but it did not completely disappear (Cubleşan tant elements of the cultural life, which came 2012, p. 68). On the contrary, it took the shape to function as a whole and underline the fact of a monstrous type of self-censorship and re- that entertainment could not exist outside vealed the state of mind of an entire popula- propaganda. tion deprived of the right to self-expression, One of them is the foundation of the Na- too terrified of the eventual consequences tional Film Archive1 in July 1957 for the sake and thus inclined to consider almost any- of storing film rolls (already state property) thing as potentially inappropriate or anti- and eventually acquiring new ones. This can “democratic”. Censorship was now too deeply be seen as an attempt to join the international entrenched in the Romanian spirit to require a trend of preserving the most representative legal framework. cinematic creations since brothers Lumière on- Similarly to many other notions whose wards, while exercising strict control over the interpretation changed in communist Roma- 1 The National Film Archive (1957) nia depending upon the “temperature” of the is sometimes referred to as the Romanian relationship with both the East and the West, Cinematheque, although its purpose and activity the very definition of censorship also fluctu- differed from the institution named Cinematheque, ated at significant internal events (for instance, founded in 1960.

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productions introduced to the general public. entirely to cinema productions, which was The activity of the Archive was then made ac- initially edited by the State Committee for cessible to the audiences with the foundation Culture and Art and then controlled by The of the Cinematheque (1960), which only dealt Council for Socialist Culture and Education. with film screenings and cultivating the public The magazine was printed from 1963 until taste accordingly to Party programs (Plăiaşu, the events of December 1989. Similarly to all para. 14). prints, it was the object of heavy censorship Over time, the Cinematheque became im- and scrutiny, but it also had the huge advan- mensely important with its varied and attrac- tage of introducing to the public the names of tive film offer. It also became one of the few western movie productions, filmmakers and communist-born institutions still functioning actors, along with news regarding art devel- up to the present days. Thus, the initial two opments in the outside world. Bucharest screenings per month increased to Its issues were characterized by the low- 60 by 1973, while the number of archived films quality paper, the scruffy black and white also grew rapidly (Plăiaşu, para. 26). What appearance, the use (and abuse) of wooden made it unique was the fact that the movies language, the abundance of messages direct- shown in its hall were not cut (presented as ed towards the Presidential couple and the they were or not at all), and that it familiar- numerous articles focused on the evolution of ized the Romanian public with film cycles of Romanian cinema in the context of the various the most important directors or actors. Many political events governing cultural life. Titles of them were not accessible in traditional cin- such as: The Moral and Philosophical Responsi- ematographs, as they were not financially or bility of Romanian Cinema (no. 7/79, 1969), The ideologically fit for screening (Plăiaşu, para. Offensive of Political Cinema. Film and Contempo- 28). Nevertheless, censorship still applied to rary Society (no. 6/114, 1972), The Communists, taboo subjects such as Nazism, loose morals, the Heroes of Our Movies (no. 11/321, 1989) etc. or to the films openly criticizing the political are highly exemplary of the general content system in place. Among the drawbacks, we and tone of the texts. Moreover, since the be- should mention that the Cinematheque was a ginning of the 1970s, its articles poignantly sort of much longed for “delicatessen” among show, once more, that, from the strict socialist avid cinephiles, since tickets and subscriptions perspective, cinema was not a product of tal- were difficult, if not almost impossible to ob- ent and imagination, but a mere device meant tain, given the limited number of places. for glorifying the working class, for revealing It was obvious that cinema could function the unpardonable flaws of the capitalist societ- as a huge propaganda device, for it patched up ies and for educating the masses (Dumitrescu, an existing gap (and popular need) and had para. 6). a general appeal to the masses. Therefore, the Nevertheless, Cinema Almanac remained Communist authorities decided that the mov- highly popular and was read by a large num- ing image needed to join forces with the writ- ber of individuals, due both to its singularity ten word. Several years after any publication and to the few articles which passed censor- in the field ceased to exist (Dumitrescu, para. ship and would bring news from the outside 5) Cinema Almanac was subsequently brought world. This provided insights on directors, to life. It was a monthly magazine dedicated actors and lifestyles which were otherwise

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impossible to grasp. It included foreign film Saathi (1971), which presented no ideological reviews, information on ongoing interna- threat and quickly became blockbusters due tional film festivals, articles focusing on the to their neutral content and the frequency of life and work of certain actors and directors, their screenings. interviews, and correspondences with au- Western movies were less present in Ro- thors residing abroad (usually within the So- manian cinema houses than those produced viet Union), which were aware of productions within the limits of the Soviet Union and were screened in Moscow, Sofia, etc. Together with usually viewed as negative examples, since the movies shown within the Cinematheque, the film critics and activists actively looked for so- Almanac was the only way Romanian people cial and moral implications to exemplify the could witness some of the changes happening huge gap between the “evil” West and ”demo- in the western world. cratic” East. Moreover, American cinema itself was often presented as the negative counter- Western cinema and the (negative) part of the European and Asian productions, utopia as it tends to completely blank the author’s Leaving aside the films presented at the personality, who is supposed to finalize pretty Cinematheque which were only available to a much one and the same product over and over reduced number of spectators – as tickets and again (Rădulescu 2011, para.19). subscriptions were difficult to acquire -, films Among the most popular movies pro- were also screened in traditional cinema halls. duced within the confines of the Soviet sphere These were not dependent on the public re- of influence were Eisenstein’s Battleship Po- quest or taste, but on the (ever changing) cri- temkin (1925) and Ivan the Terrible (1944, 1958), teria of the socialist ideology at the time. Films Dobjenko’s Earth (1930) and Tarkovsky’s were not entertainment, but instruments for Ivan’s Childhood (1962), Andrei Rublev (1966) educating the masses, and their original mean- and Solaris (1972). From Poland, we should ing and message were twisted and turned to mention Andrzej Wajda’s A Generation (1955), suit the official ideology. A rather interesting Kanal (1957), Ashes and Diamonds (1958) and example is the official attitude towards Go- The Wedding (1973). These films were also dard’s movies. He was considered to be “one subject to censorship, as all dialogues even of the most representative contemporaneous slightly referring to China and Russia were re- filmmakers”, often and highly recommend- moved (Popescu 2011, p. 186). Another note- ed by Cinema Almanac since his productions worthy film was Jan Rybkowski’s Yesterday in were characterized by “harsh critique of west- Fact (1963) etc. The most notorious Czechoslo- ern society” (December 1966, p. 2). vak productions were Ján Kádár and Elmar Widely popular foreign productions Klos’s The Shop on Main Street (1965), Jiří Men- (which also received good official reviews) zel’s Closely Observed Trains (1966), and Miloš were Bud Spencer’s spaghetti westerns - Pie- Forman’s Audition (1963), Black Peter (1964) done a Hong Kong (1975), Piedone l’africano and Loves of a Blonde (1965). Despite being (1978), Piedone d’Egitto (1980) etc. -, George Lu- produced in communist countries, the mov- cas’ Star Wars movies (1977, 1980, 1983), Chi- ies from Poland, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, nese karate flics, Hindi family musicals, such Hungary etc. were often subject to censorship as Ek Phool Do Mali (1969) and Haathi Mere as well, merely because they presented imag-

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es or situations unfit for the pure communist Nevertheless, many official reviews cata- “eye”. logued western movies as poor cinema. For In order to prove the alleged openness example, The French Connection (1971) was of Ceauşescu’s “liberal” regime, a series of reduced to being a film about drugs and the cultural agreements were signed with west- damage they cause on an individual and so- ern countries at the beginning of the 1980s. cial level, while The Godfather (1972, 1974) His refusal to participate to the occupation of was nothing more than a story about violence Czechoslovakia on 21 August 1968 was only a (MNIR/CNSAS 2013, para. 5). An anonymous peak moment of a period characterized by a film review dealing with Kubrick’s Clockwork flourishing in Romania’s diplomatic relation- Orange (1971) considered it “at the same time, ships with the West. A year before, in 1968, a masterpiece, and a polluting film about a the French President Charles de Gaulle visited polluted world; an aggressive and violent Romania as part of his European tour, fol- movie about disorder and ugliness, about the lowed in 1969 by Richard Nixon himself. This filth and the noise characteristic to a world was the first time that an American President where vice roams freely; a universe of terror, visited Romania or a socialist country after where light and oxygen cannot enter” (quoted World War II. Moreover, in 1975 Romania was in Rădulescu 2011, para.13). awarded the “most favored nation status” by The James Bond movies (Casino Royale the United States. In this particular cultural (1967), Diamonds Are Forever (1971), Live and and political environment, a large number of Let Die (1973), The Spy Who Loved Me (1977), movies including ideas opposed to the com- Moonraker (1979) etc.) also make an interest- munist ideology were introduced to Roma- ing case, since, according to Romanian film nian audiences. However they were meticu- critics of the respective era, they were the lously “operated” on by censors beforehand to epitome of the “triumphant imperialist ideol- the extent that ideas envisioned by the direc- ogy”, expressing the supremacy of the white tors themselves were modified (Popescu 2011, Anglo-Saxon hero, who undertakes with- p. 289). out hesitation the difficult task of saving the Among them, we should mention Hitch- world; in the process of defeating the villain cock’s North by Northwest (1959), Fellini’s (seldom Asian), 007 meets numerous women, La dolce vita (1960), Two for the Seesaw (1962), whom he treats as objects of pleasure. In ad- which became 30 minutes shorter at the end dition, this type of production was deemed of the censoring process. Other examples are to be rather boring, even for the “ignorant” Antonioni’s Blowup (1966), Barefoot in the Park American audience, while the cultivated East (1967), Claude Lelouch’s Live for Life (1967) in preferred enjoying European art or historical which 19 lines and a shot of Mao Zedong por- movies (MNIR/CNSAS 2013, para. 8). trait were cut out. The Valley of the Dolls (1967) The anti-capitalist discourse intoxicated was screened without the love scene featuring all written and spoken words, and it was of- Sharon Tate, while in In the Heat of the Night ten attributed to famous representatives of the (1967), Anne of the Thousand Days (1969), Hel- West, who allegedly despised and resented lo, Dolly! (1969), The Legend of Nigger Charley the societies they lived in. One example was (1972) all fighting scenes are shortened or the British actor and producer David Hem- eliminated, etc. (Popescu 2011, pp. 180-189). mings, who was famous to the Romanian pub-

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 12 Nela Gheorghica

lic for Blowup (1966) and for having – from the Summary strict communist perspective – a meritorious The 1985 summer edition of Cinema Al- professional background. Similarly to young manac features an article entitled Nine Decades communist generations, he strived to achieve of Cinema, which was quite symbolic of the his goals from an early age. In an interview way western film productions were acknowl- given to Cinema Almanac in 1977, – he alleged- edged and commented within the Soviet area ly said that the British audiences (and implic- of influence. In it the 1945-1955 decade is char- itly the English-speaking world) lacked the acterized by the author Cristina Corciovescu opportunity to see quality movies abundant as “the return to realism” (Corciovescu 1985, with social and political content, esthetically p. 62), as it featuring groundbreaking direc- relevant or convincing historical points, and tors such as the Italian neorealists Roberto that it was intoxicated with mediocre produc- Rosselini, De Sica, Visconti etc. and the French tions (Rădulescu 2011, para. 20). directors René Clement and Jules Dassin, who Not surprisingly, a list of the top-ten broke with American cinema and successful- films of all times (1895-1973) published by ly reversed its stereotypes. The few English- Cinema Almanac (and taken from Kino, a Pol- speaking productions of the period taken into ish publication which consulted 60 of the most consideration in the article are Elia Kazan’s On important socialist film critics and research- the Waterfront (1954) – described as the movie ers) only included titles such as Welles’ Citizen denouncing New York corruption – and Lau- Kane (1941), Chaplin’s Gold Rush (1925) and rence Olivier and Orson Wells’ Shakespeare Griffith’s Intolerance: Love’s Struggle Through- (neutral) adaptations. out the Ages (1916). Thus it ignored the most When discussing the 1955-1965 decade, recent (and controversial) masterpieces of the Corciovescu also mentions the American-in- Western cinema (Rădulescu 2011, para. 17). spired French New Wave, comprising names Obviously, the presence of those specific films such as Chabrol, Truffaut, Godard, Malle, was not accidental, as they discuss, more or Rohmer, and Rivette. It was conceived of as less directly, notions dear to socialist ideology, the exact opposite of Italian neorealism and such as tolerance, social equality and the way as having no stylistic or esthetic coherence. money has the power to affect destinies. The Moreover, its representatives were “a con- classification included no Romanian produc- glomerate of talents brought together due to tions and introduced titles such as Eisenstein’s economic, social and historical circumstances” The Battleship Potemkin (1925) – deemed to be (Corciovescu 1985, p. 64). Again, the American the best movie so far, Fellini’s 8 ½ (1963), An- cinema of the moment is reduced to only a few drzej Wajda’s Ashes and Diamonds (1958), Ku- directors, chosen for their explicit opposition rosawa’s Rashômon (1950), Vittorio De Sica’s to Hollywood trends – this time, Andy War- Bicycle Thieves (1950), Aleksandr Dovzhenko’s hol, Stan Brakhage, Paul Morrissey and Jonas La Terre (1921) and Roberto Rossellini’s Rome, Mekas, who were cited as the pioneers of the Open City (1945). With only a few exceptions, American underground cinema because they the movies were not chosen based on their were “suffocated by the Hollywood conform- high esthetic value, rather for the strong social ism and outraged by the compromises of com- message conveyed, as they gathered new voic- mercial cinema” (Corciovescu 1985, p. 65). es to justify the rightfulness of the Communist The period lasting from 1965 to 1975 is cause.

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 13 Nela Gheorghica

characterized as the revival of the political pecially about leisure and the way it interfered movie and the birth of science fiction cinema. with the official ideology. Therefore, the only American directors men- Romanian cinematography and film cul- tioned here are Francis Ford Coppola, Steven ture followed the contorted relationship with Spielberg, Martin Scorsese and George Lucas. the western world and the Soviet Union, as The box-office success of Arthur Hiller’s Love both national and foreign movies were subject Story (1970) was also discussed in the con- to the same limitations and taboos imposed text of the public’s reaction to the invasion of and implemented by censorship. Neverthe- violence and eroticism currently on the wide less, if the local productions, after overcoming screen. For the first time, Swiss cinema is men- the long and difficult process of meeting cen- tioned. It is praised for escaping the French sorship exigencies, turned out to be acceptable influence and for “presenting the realities and wholes (from both the official and the artistic the people as they are, with their weaknesses point of view), the foreign productions often and their cowardice, since they are the victims suffered incommensurable damages. Entire of the system they find themselves stuck in, scenes and lines were cut for contradicting the which oppresses them” (Corciovescu 1985, pp. official discourse; their entire message and ar- 65-66). tistic value were altered, as the auctorial inten- Needless to say, those particular decades tion was replaced by the cold eye of the cen- also featured many other exquisite western sor, a person who, quite often, had nothing to films, which the author chose to ignore for do with arts and cinematography at all. their progressive content or their moral inap- Among many other things, cinema propriateness. Still, film critique and the gen- brought its share of (mis)information and eral public took an interest in the works of was an important propaganda device, which innovative European directors such as Alain was used and abused to fit the ever-changing Resnais (Last Year at Marienbad - 1961; Je t’aime version of history. Similarly to the movies je t’aime - 1968), Fellini (8 ½ - 1963, Juliet of the created in Romania and in the Soviet bloc, Spirits - 1965), Antonioni (Blowup - 1966), Bu- which needed to follow the political evolu- ñuel (Un chien andalou - 1929, L’âge d’or - 1930, tion of the Communist Party, western movies Simon of the Desert - 1965), Ingmar Bergman were also subject to partial or total censorship (The Virgin Spring – 1960), Bo Widerberg (El- and affected by a sustained campaign of mis- vira Madigan – 1967, Joe Hill - 1971) etc. and in information and misinterpretation, aimed at the Japanese Kurosawa (Rashômon - 1950, Sev- distracting public attention from those issues en Samurai – 1954) and many others. which contravened communist ideology and at convincingly highlighting its many bless- Conclusion ings Despite the increasing number of vol- Despite harsh censorship and the strict umes dedicated to Securitate (the secret po- control of all media, the greater public could lice agency of Communist Romania), its in- still become familiar with the great produc- formants and to the various files open to the tions and producers of the seventh art in public eye after December 1989, little is known both the public cinema halls and during the about private life in communist Romania, es- exclusive screenings within the Cinematheque,

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 14 Nela Gheorghica

while reading about their favorite films, ac- matics of Communist Censorship). In: I. Rad, tors and directors in the monthly issues of coord. 2012. Cenzura în România (Censorship in Cinema Almanac. Although less accessible, the Romania). Cluj: Editura Tribuna. pp. 213-228. large-scale foreign cinema walked shoulder to MNIR/CNSAS, 2013. Filmele anilor ’70 – shoulder with the many propagandistic na- ’80 (Movies of the ’70 –’80) [Online]. Available tional productions, and with the hugely pop- at: http://www.comunismulinromania.ro/ ular creations which did not interfere in any Tineretea-noastra/Filmele-anilor-70-80.html way with the official doctrine (such as Indian [Accessed: 20 May 2013]. movies, the western productions, easy slap- Palade, Rodica (2010). În malaxorul ideolo- stick comedies etc.). In a period in which en- giei (In the Ideological Blender). Revista 22, 16-22 tertainment was considered by authorities to February, pp. 6-7. be less important than the creation of the new Plăiaşu, Ciprian. Cinemateca bucureşteană, man and the new state, people needed some locul filmelor „interzise” de comunişti (Bucharest sort of escape (even if only fictional) the pres- Cinematheque, the Place for the Movies “banned” sure of day-to-day living through laughter or by the Communists) [Online]. Available at: tears. This also explains the spreading of cin- http://www.historia.ro/exclusiv_web/gen- ema halls all over Romania. eral/articol/cinemateca-bucuresteana-locul- filmelor-interzise-comunisti [Accessed: 10 References May 2013]. Popescu, Cristian Tudor, 2011. Filmul surd Caranfil, Tudor, 2009.Istoria cinematografiei în România mută. Politica și propaganda în filmul în capodopere (The History of Cinematograpghy in românesc de ficțiune (Deaf Movie in the Muted Masterpieces). Iaşi: Polirom. Romania. Politics and Propaganda in the Roma- Corciovescu, Cristina, 1985. Nouă decenii nian Fiction Movie). Iași: Polirom. de cinema (Nine Decades of Cinema). Cinema Al- Rădulescu, Marian Sorin, 2011. A fost manac, Summer Issue, pp. 55-68. odată… Almanahul „Cinema” [1971-1982] (One Courtois, Stéphane, 2008. Dicţionarul co- upon a time… there was “Cinema” Almanac munismului (The Dictionary of Communism). [1971-1982]) [Online]. Available at: http:// Translated from French by Mihai Ungureanu, pseudokinematikos2.blogspot.it/2011/09/fost- Aliza Ardeleanu, Gabriela Ciubuc. Iași: Poli- odata-almanahul-cinema-1971-1982.html [Ac- rom. cessed: 10 May 2013]. Cubleşan, Constantin, 2012. Cenzura Romanian Presidency, 2006. The Speech după cenzură (Censorship after Censorship). given by the President of România, Traian Băsescu, In: I. Rad, coord. 2012. Cenzura în România on the occasion of the Presentation of the Report (Censorship in Romania). Cluj: Editura Tribuna. by the Presidential Commission for the Analysis pp. 65-74. of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania. [pdf] Dumitrescu, Mircea. Reviste de film (Film Bucharest: Romanian Presidency. Available Magazines) [Online]. Available at: http:// at http://cpcadcr.presidency.ro/upload/8288_ mirceadumitrescu.trei.ro/revistedefilm.htm en.pdf [Accessed: 12 May 2013]. [Accessed: 25 May 2013]. Rusan, Romulus, 2012. Cenzura ieri şi azi. Maliţa, Liviu, 2012. Doctrina și pragmat- Tabieturi și tabuuri (Censorship Yesterday ica cenzurii comuniste (Doctrine and Prag- and Today. Customs and Taboos). In: I. Rad,

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 15 Nela Gheorghica

coord. 2012. Cenzura în România (Censorship in About the Author: Romania). Cluj: Editura Tribuna. pp. 111-116. Şercan, Emilia, 2012. Caietul de dispoziţii Nela Gheorghica, BA in Universal and – „Biblia” Cenzurii comuniste (1949-1977) (The Compared Literature, MA in American Stud- Workbook of Dispositions – the “Bible” of ies, Alexandru Ioan Cuza University of Iasi, Communist Censorship 1949-1977). In: I. Rad, Romania, certified English teacher. Recently coord. 2012. Cenzura în România (Censorship in participated to the “Cannibals: Cannibalism, Romania). Cluj: Editura Tribuna. pp. 335-348. Consumption and Culture” Conference in Troncotă, Tiberiu, 2006. România Manchester UK, with a paper on Michel Fa- comunistă. Propagandă și cenzură (Communist ber’s Under the Skin. Romania. Propaganda and Censorship). Bucha- e-mail: [email protected] rest: Tritonic. Vasile, Cristian, 2008. Cinematografia româneasca în perioada de tranziţie de la “ep- oca veche” la realismul socialist, 1945-1949 (Romanian Cinematography during the transition period from the “old age” to socialist realism, 1945-1949). In: S.B. Moldovan, coord. 2008. Arhivele Securităţii 4 (Security Archives 4). Bucharest: Editura Enciclopedică. pp. 314-326.

Bibliography

Cinema Almanac. Petcu, Marian, 1999. Puterea şi cultura. O istorie a cenzurii (Power and Culture. A History of Censorship). Iaşi: Polirom. Rad, Ilie, coord. 2012. Cenzura în Romania (Censorship in Romania). Cluj: Editura Tribuna. Vasile, Cristian, 2010. Literatura și artele în România comunistă (Literature and Arts in Com- munist Romania). Bucharest: Humanitas. Vasile, Cristian, 2011. Politicile culturale comuniste în timpul regimului Gheorghiu-Dej (Communist Cultural Policies during Gheorghiu- Dej’s Regime). Bucharest: Humanitas.

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 16 Rock Subculture In a Small Town – Forms and Strategies of Identification

by Yana Yancheva, Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Studies and Ethnographic Museum, Sofia

The research like other pop music styles as well. In bigger cities of Bulgaria there was (and still there is) ock culture has a long history, but in a greater degree of differentiation between the RBulgaria it became popular in the 1960s. fans according to music style preferences; ten- Gradually and with varying intensity, it sion and competition among the communities spread from the capital and major cities to the could arise. Unlike the big cities, competition periphery. This article is part of the scientific between the youth groups (companies) was project “Youth subcultures in post-socialist rare or did not exist in small towns, because Bulgaria”1. The main objective of the present the preference of the music style was not deci- study is to trace the formation of rock and sive for their formation. Also, all groups had a heavy metal subculture in the context of a par- similar lifestyle and ‘occupied’ common plac- ticular small town in Bulgaria on the border es, while trying to escape the adults’ control. between two political “eras.” The topic was Another very important characteristic chosen for several reasons. Most of the re- of the small and peripheral town’s context is search related to youth subcultures in the field the limited access to information, new music, of anthropology and sociology focuses on the ideas and other objects related to young peo- situation in larger cities. The study of a small ple’s musical interests in the period of social- subcultural community, which remains in ism and soon after that. Striving to discover many aspects away from the cultural and in- new music and to supply favorite records was formation flows but tries to express and assert an essential element of the rock fan’s life and its identity, would allow a more dense cogni- all melomans in the socialist period. Young tive picture of youth (sub)culture in Bulgaria; people from Bulgaria used different means it would also shed some light on how the mi- to supply new records, albums, magazines, cro communities construct their identities and posters, etc. – through relatives, who lived enter in the macro framework of the rock cul- abroad (usually in socialist or border coun- ture and youth culture in general. tries) or through other acquaintances travel- How was the local rock fans community ling abroad. In Western and Northwestern different from the subculture in the bigger cit- Bulgaria, where the particular researched ies in Bulgaria at that period? At first, the rock town is situated, the main source of delivery fans in the small towns were less numerous was the annual Bulgarian-Yugoslavian cross- than in bigger ones. Most of them usually knew border festival. each other and engaged in different interac- Being less numerous and living in a more tions. This is the reason why in the particular or less conservative social environment, the small town there was not a firm differentiation fans from the smaller towns were much more between fans of different styles of rock music. visible and exposed to formal and informal The members of the particular groups could institutions’ control and supervision in the socialist period compared to those from the 1 The project is managed by Dr. Vihra bigger cities. These factors made the local rock Barova, IEFSEM - BAS and funded by the NSF communities more cohesive and distinguish- competition “Young Scientists – 2011”. able from the surrounding social environ-

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 17 Yana Yancheva

ment. Although away from the main informa- youth from the Western world. According to tional flows, many of them were able to shape them, what united and made them ‘rock fans’ a specific lifestyle and influence local everyday were the parties, where they listened, played life. and shared music, discuss various musical The selected town is a good example of themes, sometimes even some minor hooli- how the youth subculture movements are pop- ganism or just the fact that they recognized ularized. It also reflects the influence they have their similar lifestyle and musical tastes. Many had on the everyday culture of the peripheral of them think that one of the most important regions of the country since the late 1960s2 and characteristic of the rock fans’ identity in Bul- the continuity between several generations of garia was the shared experience in resisting rock fans. It was selected for several reasons. the formal institutional and systemic control It is a small and peripheral town in the North- over their interests, lifestyle and appearance. West part of Bulgaria, next to the Bulgarian- In that period their behavior and interests in Serbian border. Many people would describe Western music was perceived by the social- it as a ‘normal’ Bulgarian town. In the socialist ist institutions (central and local government, period it developed some industries as well Communist party and ‘Komsomol’s’3 leader- as agriculture. On a local level it was popular ship, militia4, schools, etc.) as ‘decadent’ and as a tourist destination for balneological treat- even ‘immoral’ behavior and contrary to the ments and its proximity to the mountains. Af- ‘socialist values’; therefore they were subject- ter the transformations in 1989 the largest and ed to control by the authorities. most profitable factories and the balneological Since the second half of the 70s and in the centre were closed and destroyed. The town 80s rock music became more widely popular lost its previous positions in the industry, ag- among young people in that town. Each sub- riculture and tourism. In the 90s it was known sequent generation of rock fans formed a pref- as one of the settlements with the highest rate of unemployment. Nowadays the Bulgarian 3 ‘Komsomol’ was the popular name of Dimitrov’s Communist Youth Union – the North-West is regarded as the poorest region communist youth organization in Bulgaria in the of the EU. period from 1946 to 1990. It was national in scope The researched town is also interesting and the only youth organization in the country because the history of its rock culture can be directly managed by the Bulgarian Communist traced back to the 60s of the 20th century. In Party (BCP). The members of the organization the late 60s and early 70s a stable core of rock were called ‘komsomoltsi’ (komsomolians) and were admitted to it after the age of 14 years and fans was formed. They were mostly boys and after passing through pioneering organizations young men who started to distinguish them- ‘Chavdarche’ (up to 9 years old) and Dimitrov’s selves from the mass consumers of the popu- Pioneers’ Organization (DPO) ‘Septemvriyche’ lar music at that time. They tried to express (between 9 and 14 years). their individuality by demonstrating various 4 ‘Militia’ is the name of the police forces codes of rock culture and thus emulating the of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries at that period. In Bulgaria in 1944 the so-called ‘People‘s Militia’ was established in place of the 2 Yancheva, Y. 2012: Rock Culture in the police system before the period of socialism. After Small Town in the 60s and early 70s. – Bulgarian the political transformation in Bulgaria the name Ethnology, XXXVI, N 3-4, 94-117. ISSN: 1310-5213. was changed to ‘National Police’.

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 18 Yana Yancheva

erence for a harder sound: from rock & roll and and early 1990s and formed the image of the hard rock, through heavy metal, thrash metal emerging subculture in the town at that pe- to hard core in the 90s. At that time the institu- riod. I will try to outline their main features tional sanctions gradually weakened and were and to compare their strategies of identifica- related mainly to ‘improper’ appearance. tion in the context of the wider cultural envi- The third significant reason to choose the ronment, in which they exist, as well as their studied town is my position of an ‘insider’. strategies of defending and, most of all, mani- Born in the same town, I have been a part of festing their diversity. The research methods the local rock community since the 90s of the are participant observation and thematic and 20th century and in some respects until now. biographical interviews with the rock commu- This position helps me to gain a deeper insight nity members who were born in the 1970s. I into the dynamics and the development of the will keep the identity of the respondents and community using my own experience and rec- the name of the town in secret due to the na- ollections. Knowing rock fans from different ture of the shared information and due to the generations and social positions, I was able to fact that some of the informants interviewed conduct sincere and open interviews and to for the project, not only for this particular ar- collect sometimes quite intimate personal in- ticle, still have conflicts with police and other formation, which otherwise would be difficult institutions. All personal names and place to share with strangers. names are changed or omitted. Since the research is still in progress and offers intermediate results, the use of the term The context “subculture” here is based on Sarah Thorn- The historical events in the late 1980s ton’s broad definition. She defines subcultures marked the period when the local rock com- as social groups that are perceived as originat- munity began to consolidate, identify itself ing and deviating from the normative ideals and state its presence in the social and cultural governed by adults (Thornton 1997). They are life of the town. During the socialist period, mostly informal and organic, and their mem- as everywhere in Bulgaria, each successive bers are united by the principle of personal generation of fans managed to „earn“ certain choice (although there are exceptions). Thorn- „freedoms“, associated with their own percep- ton states that subcultures are often perceived tion of demonstrating rock identity. However, by themselves and (or) by the society as devi- life and circumstances in the small town con- ant or as representatives of the lowest strata in tinued to create a number of restrictions aris- the social hierarchy. They operate on the basis ing from the public control and administrative of shared consciousness of belonging to the supervision. While trying to avoid the institu- “otherness” and the “difference” in the con- tional or parental control or demonstrating text of the large and dominant culture. firmly their ‘otherness’, some rock fans took The present research studies the local actions, which resulted in their marginaliza- rock community’s forms of identification and tion by the institutions. This will be shown in its strategies to differentiate itself from the the next section. Despite the clashes with the surrounding society. The article focuses on militia/police, they were not criminalized. two youth groups of rock fans, who were in In the period immediately before and af- their teens and early twenties in the late 1980s ter 1989, a number of political, historical and

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 19 Yana Yancheva

social changes took place. They include the style and accessories, more frequent absence process of ‘Perestroika’, the weakening of from school, the unlimited consumption of the institutional influence and control of the alcohol and cigarettes; all of these factors led school and the youth party structures (‘Kom- to a constant game of „cat and mouse“ with somol’ and Pioneers’ organization) over the local agents of the police/militia and the juve- youths’ personal lives and opportunities for nile delinquency council, who were reluctant development. The opportunities for exposure to give up their recent power to „re-discipline to western music and culture also expanded, the youth“. This game of „cat and mouse“ while people increasingly gained access to sometimes spilled over into open deliberate modern items and attributes associated with a clashes with these agents (such as, for exam- particular style. Later a transition to democrat- ple, unconcealed nagging and insults of police ic government and the market economy took officers, ‘conquering’ of the local police station place with all its cultural, social, economic and before 1989, beating a specialist from the ju- political consequences. These changes were a venile delinquency council etc.). All of these prerequisite for the young people to feel more examples were a part of the „repertoire“ of the freedom (compared to the previous genera- members of one of the most visible groups of tions) in their actions of breaking and remov- rock fans in the town at that time, whose being the social, political and administrative havior often caused arrests. It was therefore restrictions imposed on their behavior and in perceived by the public as a scandal and it the ability to demonstrate their identity. This contributed to their image of „hooligans“. sense of the occurrence of „freedom“ is typical One of the members of this group talks not only for the rock fans, but for most young about this time, hyperbolizing the „heroism“ people of this generation. Some of their ac- in his youth: tions, which demonstrate the „emancipation“ from the old socialist canons, are often scan- I spent part of my adolescence under the old regime dalous and shocking to the older generations. and a then another part under the new one. (...) So the difference ... The old regime was even more Two examples of rock fans’ identity interesting, ‘cause a lot odd stuff was forbidden. from a small town in Bulgaria: We were allowed to do almost nothing, but we did everything. When the so-called democracy came, The ‘hooligans’ everything was allowed and almost nothing could It is no coincidence that those rock fans be done. ‘Cause there was no way to do it. In gen- from the town who had the most violent con- eral, when I was a teenager, everything was just frontation with the police/militia and who freedom, freedom, freedom ... We lived without a acquired a lasting image of „bullies“ (‘hooli- care in the world. It was all in the name of fun. All gans’) in public opinion are representatives we ever thought about was how to have fun, how to of the generation of young people who were have a good time and we actually didn’t care about 15 to 20 years old in the period between 1987 anything. This was at the beginning of my teen- and 1992. Such provocative actions were, for age years at the end of the old (political) regime. At example, the noisy home parties with loud the beginning of the new regime I was in the army. hard rock and metal music (both western or (...) And later after the army – the new regime, the eastern music), the provocative clothing, hair dawn of democracy: nothing interesting really. It

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 20 Yana Yancheva

was interesting … when everything was banned, though the interviewee denies it, the conver- but we did everything despite the ban. (...) So we sation shows that there was a conscious desire had long hair, we wore military boots, we wore of teenagers to provoke, to shock the society. leather pants, colorful clothes, and generally we did They perceive this behavior as a “rebellion” things that were forbidden. (...) It was all forbidden against the socialist system, but not in politi- and it was interesting and it was cool... And not cal and economic terms, but in the terms of the everyone ventured to do it. only system that they knew so far and that put (Y. Y.) - How did the society accept you? certain restrictions on their actions. It included - (...) Normally – like outsiders. the educational and disciplinary institutions (Y. Y.) - Did you feel like that? Like outsiders? like the school, the Komsomol and Pioneers’ - No, no. They treated us like that. (...) I didn’t give organization, militia, the juvenile delinquency a damn about how the society saw me, ‘cause I don’t council, to some extent their parents and the take anything from society and it can’t give me any- adults’ world as a whole, with their ethical thing that I don’t want. And even if I want something, and aesthetic code, also the forms of public it still can’t give it to me, so society isn’t a corrective. control such as the public opinion, rumors, After school, of course... (we had to go to school gossip etc. after all) we gathered together to have fun and to The mentioned various repertoire of chal- make things more interesting; there was alcohol lenging acts against the society is defined by ... We didn’t use other things (He means drugs). the interviewee as a form of freedom, as “free (...) It’s just that we were under 18 years old, expression of personality” which was not un- and alcohol was something society wouldn’t ap- derpinned by concrete political beliefs. But it prove of… (...) A couple of beers and a little bit should be noted that this assessment by the of brandy and vodka, and it was all done to dem- interviewee of his youthful behavior as “rebel- onstrate opposition against the society. That lion for freedom” is influenced to some extent was the point: to do it, ‘cause it wasn’t allowed. by the euphoria of the large protest movement (Y. Y.) - How did you challenge the society? in Bulgaria in the early 1990s. The restric- - No, no, no. We did not challenge it. We just dem- tions, which caused the “rebellion”, pervaded onstrated that we did not care about this society. the lives of all young people under socialism. We didn’t want to challenge it (...) ... we just want- These were constraints on appearance, espe- ed to demonstrate that we did not care. We wanted cially at school, restrictions on the use of al- to show them we didn’t care about those shitty ide- cohol and cigarettes – one of the actions with ologies and norms of behavior. That was it. which boys demonstrate and declare their I have to mention that the company masculinity, also the restrained access to their was boyish, but a girly “fan club” gravitated favorite music and above all the existing de- around it especially in the later years.5 Al- monizing public image of the unaesthetic, immoral, hooligan and deviant nature of rock 5 At that time the companies were culture as a whole, which is not a unique phe- predominantly male because the school-aged girls nomenon neither in the studied town, nor in were still rendered more control over their behavior, socialist Bulgaria. people they met with, and the time to come home. This is why the girls joined the company after finishing school and only for partying as girlfriends periphery of the group without participating in or suitors of the male half. They remained in the other activities.

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According to the interviewee, his peers’ influential on the broader part of the public “rebellion” meant to do everything that was opinion in Bulgaria even after the transforma- prohibited or was perceived as wrong and tions in 1989. outrageous. They opposed their behavior to On the other side, the interviewee be- the long preached pioneer and Komsomol lieves that the revolt against the usual, against principles of “modesty”, “neatness”, “obedi- the imposed image of “normality”, the free- ence”, “uniformity”, “decency”, “good behav- dom to do whatever they wanted, without ior”, etc. Thus, they declared disdain for the complying with any rules, were characteris- imposed rules and regulations and also distin- tics of the members of the studied company, guished themselves from other peers and the which distinguished them as a subcultural larger public with the image of “outsiders” or group. They were united by the shared com- “hooligans”. The interviews and the actions of mon consciousness of belonging to the “oth- all members of the company show their desire erness” and the “difference” in the context of to be seen, identified, and recognized. the dominant culture. Trying to avoid and to The collisions between the teenagers from resist the public and the institutional control, this group, on the one hand, and society and to deviate from the ‘normality’ established by institutions, on the other hand, appear as a vi- the adults and the common ideology with a cious circle. As I mentioned before, the youths’ different range of actions as mentioned above, interest in and preference for Western music the members of this group were marginal- were generally perceived by the socialist ide- ized. However, they did not recognize their ology and the socialist authority’s agents as behavior (‘rebellion’) as a characteristic of the “decadent” culture, contrary to the “socialist ‘rock identity’ as the public opinion accepted values”.6 This is why the rock fans in Bulgaria it. Their actions were caused by the teenagers’ and in other socialist countries were subjected desire to defend the right to demonstrate their to public censorship and „educational pres- personal identity and mostly to stand out from sure“ by state institutions. Karin Taylor argues the mass. They perceived the society’s image that the „moral panic“, prompted by the Bul- of them (the local rock fans) as ‘hooligans’ in garian Communist Party and the government, an idealistic manner, reflecting it as a matter was motivated primarily by the idea that rock of pride. They also answered this perception, music and rock culture threatened the socialist while trying to strengthen it with actions and value system as a whole, rather than the no- behavior, which were supposed to provoke, tion of a possible deviant behavior associated shock, and scandalize society. The members with specific subcultural groups in the West- of this group tend to idealize and present their ern world (Taylor 2006: 122). However, these youth in terms of heroism in the strongest de- ideas made the youth popular culture in the gree compared to all other generations of rock socialist period a problem of the official state fans in the town. policy and ideology, which led to its politici- Although the popular perception as ‘hoo- zation. These political perceptions remained ligans’, the strong collisions with the militia/ police, which sometimes led to arrests, and 6 Karin Taylor presents in detail the the constant supervision by this institution, ideological propaganda against the effects of it would be improper to suppose that these Western culture (Taylor 2006: 78-80, 120-123).

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teenagers’ actions were criminalized. Two rea- with one of the ‘musicians’ from the studied sons are admitted: An obvious reason is that town in Northwestern Bulgaria. He is talk- one of the boys’ fathers was a very influential ing about his band’s first concert in the high lawyer with strong connections in the party school gym: and local government. This allowed his son ‘Concert’, the word appeared itself. ‘There will to be a central figure in the youth company, be a concert!’ So started an endless specification of demonstrating the most provocative behavior. details: when should it be; negotiations with the The other reason, which could be assumed, is Komsomol leader; several conversations with the that the agents of militia/police often relied on school director, [he said] we had to behave prop- personal, informal connections to deal with erly, no alcohol was allowed; we had to be careful, the bullies. This reason is appropriate in the to keep the property and again alcohol wasn’t ap- context of dominant informal relations in the propriate. We promised everything, even things the small town. director himself wasn’t sure we would keep. The trick was to make things happen. The ‘artists’ And we began scheduling rehearsals, which However the so-called group of „hooli- were almost never observed. Something unexpect- gans“ is not a representative of all rock fans ed always came up; we were constantly searching in the studied town. Another wider group of for some devices, cables, stands. There was always fans, which I will call the group of „artists”, something missing. Sometimes there are moments, existed at the same time among representa- when you think nothing will happen. But the most tives of the same generation. It included some important thing was to have fun, to ‘stir’ the daily young boys (high-school students at the end routines, to make something to happen… And a of the 80s), who were the first in the town to concert for a small town was something big. play heavy and trash metal, and their friends. It was full of “well-wishers” – some teach- Among them some companies were formed, ers and parents, but this (their negative attitude) and the musicians established some students’ motivated us even more. We were hinted that it bands, the most popular of which were ‘Likvi- wasn’t desirable to play heavy metal. Even if we dator’ or ‘Klada’. Sometimes members of one wanted to play heavy metal, we could not play. We band could play in other bands as well. After were totally amateurs. (Laughing.) Three chords, finishing school three of the ‘musicians’ (per- a few ‘rokcheta’… (diminutive slang of ‘rock haps more visible and recognizable) went to songs’) (Playing Purple was mandatory).. How university in a bigger town of central Bulgaria. did some people sing? “Smokan dilokar.” (He is There they met other friends and established joking about the way some people, who did the band called ‘Falsh’. It played in the local not speak English, called ‘Smoke on the wa- bars and at the university, and became popu- ter’) Also several authors’ songs... Lyrics and mu- lar among the students and other local young sic were written by all of us together. Sometimes people. The band gained the support of other friends also wrote lyrics for us. musicians from the host town and even had a The day of the concert was coming… There few concerts in the capital and other smaller was bustle yet from the morning. Carrying of the towns. It existed until its members went to equipment, putting everything in order on the university. stage, ‘something is missing again’, looking for Here is an abstract from the interview it and trying to find other missing stuff… And at

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that time it wasn’t like it is now – there weren’t mo- As the interview shows, the ‘artists’ also bile phones, net…(internet) Actually there wasn’t could provoke the public with their actions. anything. For example, they organized noisy concerts Before the concert they (the school director and parties with lots of alcohol, practiced mu- or the Komsomol leader) warned us once again sic skills during the commonly accepted relax- [that we had] to be careful, not to do foolish things. ation time, had eccentric behavior and provoc- I don’t know how they imagined these ‘foolish ative appearance, sometimes even to a greater things’. It was foolish to prohibit young people from extent than the others (e.g. flagrant make-up, having fun, from ‘blowing off steam’ from time to fishnet shirts and leggings, large and visible time. Rock originated from the lowest classes, from tattoos). However, if they caused any provo- the western working class’s youth. They were our cation of the institutions and the local public, ‘brother proletarians’… I still don’t understand they did it through (their) music and because why they (the authority) didn’t allow us to lis- of music. For example, the hard rock style had ten to their music. We could influence them. (He not entered the local music scene before, and is joking and speaking with sarcasm.) All these their live performances, albeit with a limited exchanges could be bi-directional, not just as it was audience, were not organized by any local from west to east and even then ‘through a needle’s cultural institution. The music itself was the eye’. (He means that it was difficult to listen to reason for any clashes between them and the rock, because it was forbidden.) They couldn’t local state agents. As stated in the interview, understand what the vent is rock. they had to negotiate with the school director But that time we didn’t care. The important and Komsomol leader for permission to orga- thing was the concert. We could play whatever we nize a concert. They were sanctioned by the wanted and we were able to. And we didn’t care Komsomol organization in cases of damage what would happen after that. Finally we gathered and complain because of the loud music, ag- everything, or almost everything, but basically we gressive sound or the ‘improper’ lyrics. They were ready. Someone brought a bottle of rakia(Bul - were also sanctioned because of the expecta- garian brandy), some wine… Everyone is ‘shak- tion that their music was provoking their fans en’ by stage fright. But we refrained from getting to engage in immoral behavior. For example, very drunk... Our mind prevailed, knowing that we head-banging, moshing, jumping, kissing and totally couldn’t do anything if we were drunk. other intimate relations between boys and girls The show run away as it was out of time, there were regarded as rude, improper, indecent was so much euphoria and adrenaline that all flash- and even deviant behavior. Because of this, backs appeared like separate movie frames. The gym gigs in the town garden (which was very close was full with students, teachers and some parents, to the militia station) were observed strictly by friends… Girls… Even some of us did it for the the agents of militia, the juvenile delinquency first time.(Winking.) Damage was minimal – only council and the Komsomol. However, there two chairs and a microphone. There were also some were no significant clashes between the musi- dissatisfied people, of course. ‘Very loudly!… What cians, their friends and the institutions. are these songs! We can’t understand anything...’ Unlike the so-called ‘hooligans’, most of We tricked them to think we were playing Soviet the ‘artists’ were united by their audiophile songs as well, which brought us praise from the di- passion for rock and metal. For them, music rector. was a means of expressing their identity and

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it made them less visible to the wider public. In order to distinguish themselves and dem- Conclusion. onstrate their identity as “different” from the The local rock community as a whole mass, they did not need to deliberately scan- Both studied groups did not exist in iso- dalize the society or to be seen and recognized lation from one another. They were examples as ‘outsiders’. They wanted to be recognized of two different contents of rock identity con- as musicians. Most of all, they therefore need- structed in the manner in which its represen- ed an opportunity to play and perform their tatives themselves regarded as “rocky”. For music. The music was the most common rea- the first group, being ‘rock fans’ meant being son for clashes with state institutions. The free to imitate the western fan’s behavior and members of the ‘artist’ companies think that to stand out of the mass. For the second group creating own music, performing it and strug- being ‘rocky’ meant playing and creating their gling with the institutions to perform it were favorite music. These groups were visible and the things that consolidated and identified identifiable as belonging to the rock culture, them as ‘different’. The shared common con- but they were not unique. In late 1980s and sciousness of being hard rock and heavy metal early 1990s, there were other companies of fans and musicians, who played ‘the forbid- fans in the town who were in constant interac- den music’, united and distinguished them as tions with each other and had their own simi- a subcultural group, but did not marginalize lar or completely different strategies of dem- them. onstrating their identity. Yet all these youth These bands, which were the first youth companies were unified within the framework bands in the town which performed a harder of the local rock community due to two main sound of rock and metal, became recogniz- reasons – the preference for rock and metal able and inspired young musicians from the music and the desire to ‘break normality’, as next generation. They played famous and own reflected by adults and their institutions. original songs and sometimes did some gigs The generation of the late 80s and early at schools, in the local disco club or the garden 90s was the first which managed to gain some in the town centre. ‘Likvidator’, for example, youth subcultural features to the local rock made some demo records and their music community, because they were more consoli- became popular and recognizable among the dated. In previous periods there were many majority of their peer rock fans in the town fans and companies as well, who tried to iden- and in some neighboring towns. Their demos tify themselves as different, but their relation- were even popular among the next generation ships between each other and their actions in of teenagers in the mid-1990s. I remember that practicing rock culture were more individual. they were spread and re-recorded on tape and Unlike them, the fans who were aged 16 to 20 cassette recorders and it was a matter of pride in-between two political eras gradually began to find their album. The presence of harder to recognize themselves as sharing the same styles of music on the local scene was consid- culture and to consolidate a community based erably intensified in the 90s and early twenty- on their common interests and ‘struggles’. first century; it would even briefly influence Their behavior and messages created a the development of rock festival culture not number of conflicts and a generational gap. only in the region but throughout the country. Mannheim argues that these occur during

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times of generational change when persistent borhood or sports teams and their members norms, concepts and categories of thought of were fans of a wide range of rock styles – from an older generation subsequently expire or harder to more melodic rock. The peripheral disappear in future generations (Mannheim members of the groups may have liked other 1952: 299). These conflicts between the gen- styles of music as well. erations figured prominently in the stories At the teen stage, the members of the of youth, in which confronting and deviat- groups were mostly boys, but after finishing ing from the forms of normative ideals of the school they were joined by many girls. The adults are portrayed as ‘heroic’ acts or a ‘rebel- core of the groups was predominantly male, lion for freedom’. For many members of the while the girls formed the periphery – a trend rock community at this period the collision which strongly declined in the 90s. All young and ‘struggles’ with the adults and institutions people during the studied period “inhabited” (at any range – from negotiating school gigs to the same places – the only disco club in the fights with and arrests by militia officers) were town, the garden in the town centre, the park some of the important features of rock and around the ancient fortress. At the end of the metal identity. At the same time, the rock fans 1980s some illegal music traders appeared. (and all young people in general) tended to They continuously imported and distributed show the public (through their behavior) that new music which expanded the musical cul- they belonged to another era (in cultural, so- ture of young people from the town. Home cial, political and historical aspects), which re- parties, for any personal occasion (such as quired a new ethical and aesthetic code, and a birthdays or name days) or just to listen to a new type of relations between the generations. new record, also became popular. Although the preference for rock and met- The study of the rock and metal fans al music was the most distinguishable feature from the late 1980s and early 90s reveals the of the local community, it is difficult to say changes in youth culture that occurred as a that its ‘rock features’ were very distinct as it result of political and social transformations was in the bigger cities of Bulgaria. The indi- in Bulgaria at that time. This generation also vidual members of the community had differ- marks the beginning of the consolidation of ent ideas of what it meant to be a “rock fan”. the rock community in the town. For example, Various youth groups assumed different im- the popularity and the experience of the youth ages of “otherness”, with which they sought to metal bands from the late 80s inspired and declare their presence in the social space of the influenced the latter development of the local town. The rock-fan look was not considered rock and metal scene and the increasing num- necessary, but each company demonstrated ber of youth bands in the next period. Thus, its own form and taste of eccentricity. At the the second half of 90s and the early years of same time, the movement from one group to the 21st century heralded the culmination of another was very common. Some fans devel- the formation of rock subculture in the town. oped a taste for new wave, punk, glam rock During this phase, it took on its clearest and and other styles as well, but in the small town most distinguishable features and its members the companies did not have a strongly distinct shared a common life. In the end of the centu- style. The groups were often formed on the ba- ry the local rock community had an essential sis of previous relations at school, in the neigh- presence in the towns’ cultural life, organizing

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many small concerts for local bands and even some popular Bulgarian ones. Despite the eco- Yana Yancheva, PhD, SAP. Institute of nomic situation of the region, it initiated the Ethnology and Folklore Studies and Ethno- foundation and organization of one of the first graphic Museum, Department of Ethnology rock festivals in the country. of Socialism and Post-socialism. Publications: Yancheva, Yana 2012: Rock Culture in the Bibliography Small Town in the 60s and early 70s. – Bulgar- Mannheim, Karl 1952: Essays on the Sociol- ian Ethnology, no 3-4, 94-117. ISSN: 1310-5213. ogy of Knowledge. New York. Янчева, Яна 2012: Рок културата в малкия Taylor, Karin 2006: Let’s Twist Again: Youth град през 60-те и началото на 70-те години and Leisure in Socialist Bulgaria. Berlin: Lit Ver- – Българска етнология, год. 36, кн. 3-4, 94-117. lag. ISSN: 1310-5213. Yancheva, Yana. Memories of Thornton, Sarah 1997: General Introduc- collectivization in the Bulgarian village – an tion – In: Gelder, Ken and Sarah Thornton 1997: attempt of reconstructing the past. – In: Eu- The Subcultures Reader. London, New York: ropean Memory – Eastern Perspectives, Warsaw, Routledge, 1-10. June 2013. Yancheva, Y. Self-identification Yancheva, Yana 2012: Rock Culture in the through narrative. Reflection on collectiviza- Small Town in the 60s and early 70s. – Bulgar- tion. – In: The European Review of History/Revue ian Ethnology, no 3-4, 94-117. ISSN: 1310-5213. Européenne d’histoire, Volume 19, No 5, Octo- ber 2012, 789–808.

About the Author:

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 27 Subcultural Identities – Styles and Ideologies Subcultural Ways of Life of the Post-Transitional Generation in Bulgaria by Vihra Barova, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia

Abstract This paper is dedicated to an “angry minority” as determined by one of my respondents. This “minority” includes representatives from several subcultural styles (punk, skinhead, hardcore, metal, casual), who are interdependent through their personal informal relations and characterized by strong opposition to various dominant cultural norms. The age group is in the range of 15 to 30 years, and the most active at present is the generation born between 1986 and 1990. The subcultural unit under examination is united by yet another common name - “the underground”. This unit brings together young people from different styles, who are aware of their different-mindedness and also of the fact that their chosen style is not just fashion, but a way of life. Pic. 1 Street protests against Shale gas extraction on January 14, 2012 (author’s archive)

The East entering the West tentional selection and synthesis of the old and (the year 1989) the new. The local groups build their subcul- triving to catch up with the West as a life- tural identities in a dual process of acceptance Sstyle was characteristic for all the Bulgar- and rejection of Western ideas and cultural ian youth subcultures in the years after 1989. messages. Some of them were defined as westernized (or The interest of the Western writers in the pro-Western), i.e. imported from the West in post-socialist youth is sporadic and unevenly an attempt at non-socialist modernization (in- distributed among the regions of Eastern Eu- cluding hippie, punk, new/dark wave, gothic, rope. The interest in Russia and former Soviet heavy metal, bikers, skaters) and the attitude republics prevails (see Habeck 2009, Pilking- of society towards them was ambiguous. On ton 1994, 2002), while other countries in the the one hand, they were seen as the embodi- periphery (including Bulgaria) remain less ment of the democratic process and as a de- studied. In turn, local academics from the sire for pluralism, and on the other hand were fields of sociology, political science, social and considered as anti-social movements that have cultural anthropology and ethnology have little cultural value, as reflected in the super- contributed to the exploration of the issue. The ficial imitation of Western subcultural styles. topics are diverse, but the common lynch pin However, in the context of increasing global- is the role of youth in political protests (pic. 2) ization we cannot speak of imitation, but of in- and social changes since 1989 (Barova 2011;

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 28 Vihra Barova

Bulgaria. Their identity is formed by the con- tradiction between old (before 1989) and new concepts (since 1989) for the West. A variety of subcultural lifestyles, which were the products of long and well- differentiated historical processes in the West, were imported into Bul- garia all at once within a very short timespan. Transplanted into Bul- garia, these subcultural identities took on rather different meanings for Pic. 2 Street protests against Shale gas extraction (author’s archive) Bulgarian youth. With regard to the transition, M. Ivanova2005; R. Ivanova [1997] 2000; Mi- two periods of subcultural identity construc- tev 1988; Mitev, Riordan 1996; Mitev 1999), tion can be distinguished, representing two youth and nationalism (see the “Challenges generations of youth. Members of the first of nationalisms” - http://www.seal-sofia.org/ group were socialised under late socialism in bg/projects/completed/FCN/CaseStudies),and the 1980s; members of the second group have alsocultural studies on the subcultural styles no memory of socialism at all. The first period and their new development (Dichev, 2010 Kol- (which lasted into the mid-90s) was character- eva; Dichev, Rone 2012). ised by vague images of the ‘decaying West’, the emulation of Western models, and a gener- Goals and Objectives al attitude of protest against the disintegrating The post-socialist period in Bulgaria is socialist system. In the second period (since characterized by radical political, economic the mid-1990s), young people have faced the and social changes that give rise to a number of real effects of a market economy and are be- new social phenomena and problems. Hence, coming increasingly acquainted with the actu- the main interest of the study here is focused al western world (in particular through labour on young people in their search for identity migration). This has given rise to new ‘class’ and social status within the newly built post- patterns of subcultural identity. socialist society, even in those cases where the society’s core values are rejected by the alter- This article aims to present the first results native sub-groups to which individuals are of the field work carried out based on meth- assigned. The study focuses on the changing ods of participant observation in the town of identity of the countercultural subcultures in Plovdiv, Bulgaria. Among the observed sub-

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 29 Vihra Barova

cultures, the informal groups of punk, skinhead and hardcore movements stand out. The main carrier of the subculture nowadays is the generation of those born in the late 80’s and early 90’s. This generation builds its identity in the years of political and economic transition and faces problems unfamiliar to the previous generations. The main research interest is focused on the stylistic orientations, ideologies, norms of behavior, and political beliefs of the post-transitional generation.

Methodology Participant observation In this particular study, participant observation is mainly used in those social situations in which the respondents act as one and may be placed under a single category as members Pic. 3 Logo „Lokomotiv“ FC - graffiti. of the subculture to which they belong. The (author’s archive) participants in the study can be further differ- studied in detail. It should be noted that the entiated by their gender, age, education and above examples are slowly disappearing from occupation, but at the observation stage they the contemporary Bulgarian context, although are the same and equal under the unifying they have existed in the past. However, there social situation and due to shared action and are new subcultural social situations in which shared space. For example, the football fans participants are likely to change their identity heading to the stadium at this point are only in one direction or another. fans of a particular team (pic. 3). The group of young people that shocks passers-by with Notes from the Underground (eth- their brightly painted mohawks standing on nography) the street corner or in front of the station at This material does not claim to be a com- this point are only members of the punk sub- prehensive description, rather a precise and culture. Similarly, the participants in an online sensitive ethnography, which seeks truthful forum at a particular time can be seen as a sep- reflection of the fluid and fragile nature of arate subcultural group defined by its tastes the youth’s subculturalidentity. This is built and ideology. on specific kind of clothing, music, ideology, Each group of participants in the observed presence in a real or virtual space, practicing social situation performs specific actions that a certain type of action (including tattooing, identify it as a recognizable group. For exam- going to concerts and/or football games, street ple, punks “make pogo” and beg for money protests). The ethnographic material is based from the passers-by.These are practices that on field research conducted in the town of are part of their identity and should first be Plovdiv in the period January-October 2012. identified by the social researcher, before being

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The selection of the fieldwork site is not ran- quently. They quickly switch from one style dom, rather is related to my search for a city to another in search for their individual iden- with a developed urban culture in which I, tity. Every subculture has its core though. The as of the researchers, but also a follower of a core members of the subcultural groups are subculture, remain an outsider. This ensured usually 10-20 people (predominantly boys) the necessary distance for ethnographic work. with strong beliefs and a deep knowledge For two months I was devoted entirely to par- about the origins, music, style, and ideology ticipant observation, while sharing a flat in of their subculture. Their age varies from 15 Plovdiv with two of my respondents (a sub- to 30 years, and presently most active genera- cultural couple) and participating in the daily tion is the one born between 1986 and 1990. life of the subcultural groups.After that period Male predominance in the study (27 young I visited the town only during specific events men and boys and only 11 young women/ (concerts, games, processions). As already girls) reveals the actual gender interrelation in noted, participant observation required the the examined subcultural styles (punk, skin- occurence of certain social situations to be ob- head, hardcore), whose norms and practices served. Several situations stood out: first, my often turn out to be an obstacle to the entry of life together with two of the respondents, sec- girls into the groups, or are the cause for girls’ ond, the place of work (fast food shop) of one exit from the groups. The numerical superior- of the key informers, and the third - the con- ity of the boys does not, however, detract from certs and parades where various subcultural the value of the data collected by and for the groups met, mingled, and in some cases op- girls participating in the subcultural groups. posed each other. Apart from this, I conducted This data can often serve as a corrective to the biographical interviews with key represen- qualitative information given by the representatives of the groups of both sexes (n = 14). I tatives of the male sex. chose them for being strict followers of the subcultural style they have chosen, and due to Group affiliations the influence they had in their group. The main identity tag – the group affiliation - includes three major subcategories Subcultural groups and styles - punk, skinhead, and hardcore, which are The main unit of research actually consists interconnected in many ways (through the of representatives from several subcultural friendly relations of the participants in the in- styles (punk, hardcore, skinhead, metal, casu- formal groups as well as their physical pres- al), who are interdependent through their per- ence in one and the same place), even though sonal informal relations. These informal youth each still constitutes a distinct subculture, groups are relatively small and probably have with its own history, discernible practices, little impact on the prevailing lifestyle in the and life-styles. They form distinct subcultural city. Thanks to the internet though, the sub- groups, but are at the same time part of the cultural groups are related to all other similar larger informal group of the “street culture” units in Bulgaria and abroad, and thus man- set up in opposition to the dominant values in age to create and maintain their unique group society. Finally, it is important to note that the identity. This identity is very dynamic. Young chosen tags (punk, skinhead, and hardcore) people are enter and leave the groups very fre- reflect the subjective self-identification of the

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respondents and are not the result of external the prior period), while the hardcore scene has systematization. More than 50% of the respon- managed to stay away from politics. Punk and dents identified themselves as punks (n = 22), skinhead movements have accepted political including four “former”-punks and another identifications commonly linked to anarchism five who have switched to another subcultural and nationalism, respectively. The punk ‘mo- style and self-identification. hawk’ is no longer raised. It usually remains In the beginning of the 1990’s these youths hidden under a baseball cap or a hood. Thus, were always together. They visited and stayed the opposing left- and right-wing groups still at the same places and dressed and behaved look much alike (both ‘combs’ and shaved similarly, but most importantly, they were all heads remain hidden). Outsiders refer to them friends and shared both a desire for greater in a derogatory way as ‘the hooded.’ Hardcore freedom and a feeling of superiority in relation and metal movements are most often apoliti- to other young people. In the early 1990s, ‘old cal, but socially enagaged, and casual move- school’ punks became favourites of the media, ment is mainly focused on football, ideology and such publications were common. Punks and style, and less focused on music as a dis- were treated like dissidents more in tune with tinctive feature of their identity. an unknown western lifestyle. The outward appearance of punks provided their main av- Subcultural divisions - ideologies enue of opposition to the imposed official cul- Subcultural life in the town of Plovdiv is ture. They wore safety pins on their clothes, in divided into many factions and is subject to their ears, and even under their skin. Bushy various divisions, which set boundaries be- hair was dyed the most unnatural of colours. tween the groups. I can outline several ideo- The preferred hair-style was the ‘comb’ (i.e., logical strands that have become an integral the ‘mohawk’ in English). Chains hung over part of the current subcultural identity. These their torn and hand-made clothes. Jeans were are anarchism (it rejects religious, liberal and cut under the knee. They wore black leather communist ideas and is typical of punk), jackets and raincoats, the surfaces of which anarcho-communism (it rejects religion, fas- were decorated with buttons of their favourite cism and liberalism and accepts the commu- bands. Whether male or female, their outward nist ideas, and is typical of the left-wing part appearance was more or less the same. Female of punk and skinhead cultures), patriotism punks cut their hair short and wore the same (it rejects liberalism and stands closer to the kind of army boots as the boys. Nowadays the conservative ideas and Christian values, and large group of punks has split into various is typical of skinhead and metal movements), factions. Some are indifferent to social real- and nationalism (it rejects religion, liberalism ity while others are socially critical, and there and communism and is typical of the right- is fighting between these groups. Thus, the wing movements of skinheads, punks, and punk culture has given birth to new groups other subcultures). The politicized division of punks, skinheads (red and right-wing), and of “left” and “right” wings is very noticeable, hardcore fans. It is important to note that in even though all these young people know the post-transitional period, punk (politically each other and often visit the same places оn the left) and skinhead movements turned and events, but in the end, “left” and “right” out to be strongly politicized (in contrast to wings are not friends and are filled with mu-

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tual suspicion towards each other. There are, characteristics associated with various forms of course, a sufficient number of members of of protest against the existing social order and the subcultures, who insist on being apolitical cultural norms. (“I’m just an underground person! Don’t want Despite the numerous divisions among to be labeled in any way!” A.V., 21-year old the informal groups, there are several similari- girl, hardcore punk), and also there are many ties that deserve attention. Tattooing stands as members, who are engaged in “green” move- a major unifying practice - one lasting act of ments. They occupy a neutral position and are devotion in the subcultural way of life, which more into the subcultural style itself, rather also proves that not everything is just fashion. than being ideologically engaged. True music The fact that many of my respondents cannot fans are probably more likely to be classified find jobs or are forced to quit their jobs and as apolitical, while ideologically committed accommodations because of their tattoos and fans of the “left” and “right” demonstrate body piercings is enough evidence that the act their preferences only in the politicized musi- of tattooing goes beyond fashion and enters cal styles of their subculture, which musically into more intimate zones. Here the individual are often similar, but with politically engaged- is aware and takes the risk of his/her action, lyrics. especially as some of the tattooed symbols (connected to the far-left and far-right subcul- Unifying traits of the subculture - ture symbols) bear the risk of a wider margin- dressing and tattooing alization or possible physical violence. The subcultural unit brings together After the “spectacular” subcultures of the young people from different styles, who are 70s and 80s (see Hebdige 1979), unification in aware of their different-mindedness and also clothing comes to replace the spectacular sub- of the fact that their chosen style is not just culture looks, but nevertheless some specific a fashion („but someone else tries to make it clothing brands and accessories remain with- fashionable,” A.L., 25-yr., punk), but a way of in the subcultural styles under examination. life that includes both practice and ideology One particular case is the British brand “Fred (pic. 4), and possesses some countercultural- Perry“(pic. 5), which is an integral part of the clothing of the examined subcultural groups in all their politicized and apolitical varieties. For example, a single polo of “Fred Perry” may pass from person to person as a gift or in exchange and thus be worn by people with different musical and ideological biases. The same practice applies to the British shoe-brand “Dr. Martens“. In general, sportswear domi- nates as certain clothing brands attain certain hidden messages. The basic idea is for a “hidden”, sometimes esoteric culture, whose signs are recognizable only from a limited number of people with some knowledge about a Pic. 4 Punk’s not dead - graffiti. (author’s archive) particular subculture. Knowing the symbolic

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people are very narrow-minded and they think the way they live is the way it should be and that things cannot be done otherwise, and suddenly some different people show up and tell them “Here, look, I‘m not afraid of being ugly“ (L.A., 25-year-old punk) With the above examples of tattoos and clothing I tried to describe the outward expression of the subcultures, in these cases where they really have become ways of life. This process of “becoming”, of taking the risk, however, does not happen to all members of the subculture groups. Each group has a “core” and “periphery”, as the peripheral members periodically change, moving from one movement to another or completely leaving the subculture. With a short story from the Pic. 5 A “Fred Perry” store in Plovdiv, a “Fred Perry” field I would like to describe this difference. polo. (author’s archive) When I went to my first meeting with meaning of certain clothing remains important the punks in their neighbourhood in Plovdiv, for all the movements I have explored. There- I met a classic-looking punk-rocker waiting fore, “dressed punk” (to wear punk clothes) for me at the bus stop. He was dressed “full- and “being punk” (to be punk) are defined dress” - a leather jacket adorned with studs, as two different concepts (see Rothaus 1984), patches and badges of punk and oi!bands which have class character (because “any rich (Oi! is a subgenre of punk rock that originated boy or girl at a certain point tries to prove him- in the United Kingdom in the late 1970s. The self in a foreign environment for him, „A.T., music and its associated subculture had 22 years old girl, sXe hardcore). In all cases, the goal of bringing together punks, skin- the clothes are just a tool to express inner con- heads and other working-class youths), a victions. Punk represents the most prominent handmade back engraved with “Chaos UK”, example in this respect, for it aims to provoke rolled up white jeans, army boots with one public and make fun of the “elites”: yellow and one red tie. Only the “mohawk” „My interpretation of punk as a way of was missing and was replaced by very short life, because most of all punk is a way of life for hair. We went for a beer to the nearby off-li- me, and I think it is the idea that you’re free to cense and then sat down near the tower-block do what you want, in the way you want it, and he lived. This evening the group of punks in- I think that all these clothes, these styles, they cluded two more boys. One of them was also are just a tool to provoke society. Perhaps that wearing a leather jacket and bleached jeans, a is how the style has appeared at first. The main hooded sweatshirt and army boots with red question was to hold up to ridicule the society ties. The other was wearing a black sweat- by saying “Look, I can do it, despite your be- shirt with a classic German punk band logo. liefs and expectations of the world“, for some Both of them had short hair as well. They said

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they were “anti-star”. Politically they were all fluctuation of their participants, contribute to “leftists”,and listened to anarcho-punk and the flow of information between the groups. generally less known punk bands from all over This statement applies much more to the girls, the world. Later on several other boys and who have been identified by some scholars girls with “non-punk” looks joined our com- from The Birmingham School (The Centre for pany. Their presence gave me a good example Contemporary Cultural Studies) as periph- on the existence of “core” and “periphery” in eral to the subcultures themselves (McRobbie, the subcultural milleu. The “core” (the three Graber 1976). The girls make the communica- punks, in this case) states its class affiliation in tion between the groups possible. However, in outspoken terms, i.e.the “working class” affili- most cases their mobility is not highly appre- ation (interestingly, the term is used mainly in ciated among the core members of the group English) and tends towards political orienta- (and therefore control over girls’ friendships tion. Highlighting the subcultural style by ap- outside the group is very strong), but it facili- pearance is also typical of the “core”, though tates the knowledge about the Other. even the core memebers tend to “hide” and go A girl entering a subcultural group runs “casual”, when they go downtown on order the risk of being perceived as an almost im- to avoid any trouble with the police or with personal gadget attributed to her partner or as another opposing group. That is the reason a “light woman“ that only “creates conflicts why the “core” prefers the territory of the within the group and ruins friendships be- neighbourhood, while the periphery members tween boys“ (P.S., 22-year-old casual). On the more easily go the the central parts of town. other hand, a girl that is continuing her educa- For the “core” people, punk clothing cannot tion after highschool secures greater freedom be bought from the shops, and they do not for herself and a justexcuse for leaving the accept the existence of “punk” brands, which parental home without entering into a new are too commercialized for them. As “good” one and raising a family. Higher education brands (i.e. those who are ‘working class’ and certainly has a much more decisive meaning not expensive) are considered “Lonsdale” and for the girls than for the boys in these groups “Dr. Martens “, which are actually iconic for and often leads to a certain rethinking of the the skinhead movement, too. In practice, this subcultural identity, which does not necessar- seems to reflect a current symbiosis between ily mean its total rejection. For example, more the two classical styles (punk and skinhead) than half of the respondents (n = 21) have fin- on the basis of “working class” ideology, but ished secondary schools or are vocationally nowadays political divisions often make these trained. Two of the respondents have finished two incompatible. This incompatibility is elementary schools only. Graduates represent somewhat solved by the stylistic solutions of approximately one third of the respondents (n the newly aroused subcultures of the casuals = 14). Before making any conclusions on this and the hardcore movements. matter, it should be remembered that the over- whelming proportion of those who have only completed secondary school is related to one Girls and subcultures fundamental value, which is shared among The internal dynamics between “core” and the studied subcultures: Climbing the social “periphery”,which are related to the constant ladder is in fact not a priority, and indiffer-

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ence to the basic social institutions is the norm image of Marilyn Monroe, the pop icons of the of behavior in the informal groups. However, 50s and 60s) and the protest against the loss this fundamental value is not shared to the of femininity in the modern world, which is same extent among the girls in the groups. I expressed by the eccentric aesthetics of their argue that girls in these groups are in search style(pic. 6). for a solution, which will be able to moderate Besides the pin-up trend, girls in the the above-mentioned extreme rules and values groups often follow the style chosen by their of the examined subcultures. I argue that the partners because the external expression of “pin-up” girl’s style represents a kind of mod- this style appears to be the main reason for erate solution, which successfully combines choosing a particular partner. In a nutshell, tattoos with challenging vintage femininity, subcultures are attractive - “I always dreamed and cooking and other typically female skills of this. A tough and tattooed guy with pierc- that in the end do not conflict with the eman- ings, who likes everything I like, and goes to cipated image of the modern woman:”This is the same places I go, mate!”(A.V., 22 years my new religion (the pin-up style). I mean, I old, hardcore punk). A boy with tattoos on found it on the Web and gradually began to his arms and legs is more desirable than a boy gather some more information, right, about the with none, that’s the reality. It is the subcul- transition, right, how the hostess appears not tural capital that brings prestige and popu- only as a woman who do some things at home, larity. There are cases in which both partners but that actually in this way she may look a have different ideological views, but are stylis- lot better and very attractive and free”,(I.V., tically similar and thus attracted to each other. 23-year-old pin-up). “Pin-up” girls are not Subcultural capital is important for both sexes necessarily politically engaged, in contrast to to develop a subcultural career (through their their boyfriends, but their style also combines appearance, knowledge and practices),which the nostalgia of the past (the swing culture, the is supposed to compensate for the existing social problems and losses in their everyday life. For example, the large number of unemployed in the survey is immediately striking (n = 10). Their education, however, ranges from the lowest to the highest degree. This trend is associated with real economic conditions in Bulgaria, but it is also related to a typical subcultural trait, which Sarah Thornton calls “economic indiscipline” (Thornton: 1997).

Conclusions The post-subculture theory assumes a considerable blurring of the boundaries between the subcultural styles and also the rise of newly formed fluid groups that are rather called “scenes” and “tribes”, as some scholars Pic. 6 Girls and subculture. (author’s archive) even question the very existence of the sub-

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cultures and their norms and values (Bennet, though? According to the ethnographic data Kahn-Harris 2004, Bennet 2002 ; Hesmondhal- of my research, becoming “working class” (a gh 2005; Hodkinson 2007). However, I argue term used quite often among the respondents) that such a denial of the subcultures’ potential is not related to the diploma you may hold is not fully applicable to the model of devel- because the economic restrictions are greater opment of the subcultural styles in Eastern than was foreseen. Youth subcultural styles Europe, where the political transition went inherited from the “transition” period as pro- hand-in-hand with the active participation of Western and somewhat “elitist” because of various dissident minded and pro-Western (at their prevalence in the cities, the capital, and the time) subcultural heroes. The generation elite high-schools, are undergoing rapid trans- of transition was engaged in various forms of formation and taking on new forms, embrac- political protest, including subcultural ones. ing ideologies characteristic of the working However, the subcultural appearance and be- class, and accordingly changing their modes havior in the present is as fashion and provo- of expression and symbols. The subcultures cation as a protective reaction that has a dif- of the “ghetto”, the suburbs, and the small ferent colored class and political expression town’s periphery come to take their place with because the subcultures seek solutions to cur- new imagery, ideology and symbols and insist rent rather than past problems. Nowadays the on being heard. “spectacular”subcultural challenge (see Heb- dige: 1979) with open Western bias directed References at the socialist system is already replaced with Barova 2011. Social stratification and another form of reaction, by the confession of youth subcultures since 1989 [Socialna strati- far left and far right ideologies that deny many fikacia i mladezhki subkulturi sled 1989]. Bul- of the neo-liberal characteristics of the post-so- garian Ethnology, 1, 5-2. cialist society from which many young people Bennett A. 2002. Researching Youth Cul- feel excluded and disadvantaged. ture and Popular Music: A Methodologi- That is why every subcultural analysis cal Critique. The British Journal of Sociology, must take into account the conversion of the Vol. 53, No. 3, pp. 451 to 466. individual into a member of a particular sub- Dichev, Koleva 2010. The “new young” culture. When the connection between edu- [Novite mladi]. Seminar BG, vol. 3. www. cation and further professional development seminar-bg.eu is interrupted and/or superseded, the identi- Dichev, Rone 2012. New cultural geom- fication with a subculture appears to replace etry [Nova Kulturna Geometria]. Sofia. the missing link in the socialization of the Habeck, J. O. 2009. Does life make more individual. Therefore, the classical authors sense now? Young people’s life projects and in the subculture theory (Clarke 1973; Cohen the new feeling of stability in Russia. Folklore: 1972; Hall, Jefferson 1976; Willis 1977) high- Electronic Journal of Folklore, 41, 189-206. light the connection of the most radical sub- http://www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol41/habeck. cultures with the working class origin of their pdf members. Is this class model applicable to Hall, S., and T. Jefferson (eds.) 1976. Re- the social structure of post-socialist societies, sistance through Rituals: youth subcultures in

Euxeinos 11 (2013) 37 post-war Britain. London. (eds.)The Subcultures Reader. London and NY, Hebdige, D. 1979. Subculture: The Meaning 200-209. of Style. London. Hesmondhalgh, D. 2005. Subcultures, Scenes or Tribes? None of the Above. Journal of About the Author: Youth Studies, Vol. 8, No. 1, pp. 21 to 40. Dr. Vihra Barova works as a research fel- Hodkinson P., W. Deicke (eds.) 2007. low at the Institute of Ethnology and Folklore Youth cultures: scenes, subcultures and tribes. Studies at the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, New York. Sofia. During research work for her Ph.D. she Ivanova, M. 2005. Youth means of ex- received two fellowships at the Max Planck pressing views in public post-communist Institute for Social Anthropology in Germany, Bulgaria [Mladezhki sposobi za izraziavane and was part of the Marie Curie international nashvashtania v publichnoto prostranstvo na- Ph.D. program promoting anthropology in postkomunisticheska Bylgaria]. - In: Problems Central and Eastern Europe. Her main re- of Bulgarian Folklore, vol. 10, 111-116. search interests include kinship studies, youth Ivanova, R. [1997] 2000.Goodbye dinosaurs, subcultures, and urban anthropology in gen- welcome crocodiles! Ethnology of change [Sbogom- eral. Recent publications: 2008: Post-socialist dinozavri, dobre doshli krokodili! Etnologia napro- Punk Identity: From Dissidents to Workers. In: mianata]. Sofia. Schröder, I. W., A. Vonderau(Eds.). Changing McRobbie, A. and Garber, J. 1976. Girls Economies and Changing Identities in Postsocial- and subcultures-an exploration. In S. Hall and ist Eastern Europe. Münster: LIT, vol. 20, 155- T. Jefferson (eds.) Resistance through Rituals: 170, ISBN: 978-3-8258-1121-1 2010: Exchange youth subcultures in post-war Britain. London. and Reciprocity in the Family in Rhodope Mitev P.E. 1988. Youth and social change Mountains, South Bulgaria. Studying Kinship [Mladezhta i socialnata promiana]. Sofia. Relations as Social Networks. – EthnoScripts Mitev, P.E. and J. Riordan (eds.) 1996. Eu- (Analysen und Informationen aus dem Institute rope. The Young. The Balkans. Sofia. fuer Ethnologie der Universitaet Hamburg), Heft Mitev, P.E. 1999. Europe, the Europeans 1, S. 49-62, ISSN: 1438-5244 and the European values in the eyes of young 2012: Family Networks and Exchange Be- people in Bulgaria. In P. E. Mitev (ed.), Bulgar- tween Town and Village: The Transformation ian Youth Facing Europe. Sofia, 7-43. of Socialist Kinship Ideology into a Postsocial- Pilkington, H. 1994. Russia’s Youth and Its ist Kinship Practice - Ethnologia Europaea, 42 (1), Culture: A Nation’s Constructors and Construct- 64-77, ISSN 0425-4597; ISBN: 9788763537476 ed. London and New York. e-mail:[email protected] Pilkington, H. et al. 2002. Looking West?: Cultural globalization and Russian youth cultures. Pennsylvania. Rothaus, L.G. 1984. Punk femininity; style and class conflict, paper presented at American Popular Culture Association, Toronto. Thornton, S.1997. The social logic of subcultural capital. In: K. Gelder, S. Thornton,

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