THE RISE OF THE FATIMIDS IN NORTH (280-296 A.H./893-909 C.E.)

BY

WAN ASMA BINTI WAN IBRAHIM

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (History and Civilization)

Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences International Islamic University Malaysia

AUGUST 2014 ABSTRACT

This research examines local factors that helped the rise of the Fatimids in North Africa in 296 A.H./909 C.E. The socio-religious, political and economic conditions of the region provided fertile ground for the Isma'ili dāʿī, Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī to implement his da’wa strategies. The prevalence of Islam in the region and its sectarian groups facilitated the acceptance of the Isma'ili doctrine among the populace. The poor control of the ʿAbbasids over the region and the emergence of local independent states such as the Midrarids, Rustamids and Idrisids convinced the Fatimids to select the North Africa as their stronghold, with the promise of establishing their state based on the rich sub-Saharan trade. Thus, when the internal turbulence faced by the Isma'ilis in Salamiyya forced the Imām to flee, he naturally headed to North Africa due to the encouraging progress of his dāʿī there. The ’ meanwhile had successfully alienated all potential sources of support and the general public, antagonising the religious institutions and Arab militias and levying large cash taxes on the population in the late third/ninth century, making the Fatimids appear to be rescuers to many inhabitants. Al-Shīʿī approached a local proto-Shīʿa community, the , who later became the stalwart of his military forces, ingratiating himself with them as a religious teacher and then leader. Having consolidated his control over this tribe, al-Shīʿī went on to forge a multi-tribal confederation that swept across North Africa and destroyed the Aghlabid mercenary forces. Furthermore, the last Aghlabid amīr, Ziyādat Allāh III, failed to secure his own people’s confidence due to his corrupt administrative system and dissolute court. Al-Shīʿī also successfully conquered the important trade cities such as Qayrawān, Tahart and , permanently securing his supplies and making North Africa the engine of the Fatimid aspiration to statehood.

ii ملخص البحث

هذا البحث يسلط الضوء على العوامل احمللية اليت ساعدت الفاطميني على السيطرة على مشال إفريقيا يف سنة 692ه/909م. وبني أن الظروف االجتماعية والدينية واألوضاع السياسية واالقتصادية يف املنطقة شكلت أرضية خصبة للداعي اإلمساعيلي، أبو عبد اهلل الشيعي، أن ينفذ الدعوة له. وانتشرت العقيدة اإلمساعيلية بسهولة بني اجلماهري ألجل اجلماعات الطائفية يف املنطقة. وكذلك بسبب عدم قدرة العباسيني على السيطرة على بعض املناطق، فظهرت الدول املستقلة احمللية مثل املدرارية، الرستمية، واإلدريسية وغريهم. وكل هذا جعل الفاطميني خيتارون مشال إفريقيا بوصف ذلك املنطقة معقالً هلم مع الغاية بإقامة دولتهم استناداً على جتارة الصحراء الغنية. وملا فر اإلمام اإلمساعيلي من سلمية بسبب االضطرابات الداخلية تواجه اإلمساعيليني، توجه اإلمام إىل مشال إفريقيا من أجل نشر الدعوة له هناك. األغالبة يف أواخر القرن الثالث اهلجري/التاسع امليالدي االعتداء على املؤسسات الدينية وامليليشيات العربية وفرض ضرائب نقدية كبرية على السكان يف مشال إفريقيا، وهذا مما جعل الفاطمي ون يظهرون لينقذ ون العديد من السكان. الشيعي حينئذ إقرتب اىل اجملتمع احمللي املنتسب للتشيع، الكتامة، الذين أصبح فيما بعد نص ًريا لقواته العسكرية، ويعرض نفسه عليهم بوصفه معلما دينيا وزعيما هلم. وبعد سيطرته على هذه القبيلة، ذهب الشيعي إىل تشكيل االحتاد بني القبائل املتعددة اليت اجتاحت مشال إفريقيا ودمرت قوات األغالبة العسكرية. وفوق ذلك كلها، أن آخر أمري األغالبة، زيادة اهلل الثالث، مل يستطع أن يقنع الشعىب يف منطقته على ثقته نظراً ألن النظام اإلداري كانت فاسدة واحلك ومة املاجنة. وبذلك جنح الشيعي يف غزو املدن التجارية املهمة مثل القريوان، وتاهرت، وسجلماسة، بشكل دائم على إمداداهتا وجعل مشال إفريقيا احملرك لتنظم إقامة الدولة الفاطمية.

iii APPROVAL PAGE

I certify that I have supervised and read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (History and Civilization).

...... ………...……….…. Arshad Islam Supervisor

I certify that I have supervised and read this study and that in my opinion it conforms to acceptable standards of scholarly presentation and is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (History and Civilization).

...……...………...... …...... Fauziah Fathil Examiner

This thesis was submitted to the Department of History and Civilization and is accepted as a fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (History and Civilization).

...... Arshad Islam Head, Department of History and Civilization

This thesis was submitted to the Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences is accepted as a fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Human Sciences (History and Civilization).

.…………………………...... Ibrahim Mohamed Zein Dean, Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge and Human Sciences

iv DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own investigations, except where otherwise stated. I also declare that it has not been previously or concurrently submitted as a whole for any degrees at IIUM or other institutions.

Wan Asma Wan Ibrahim

Signature………………………….... Date………...... ……………..

v

INTERNATIONAL ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY MALAYSIA

DECLARATION OF COPYRIGHT AND AFFIRMATION OF FAIR USE OF UNPUBLISHED RESEARCH

Copyright © 2014 by International Islamic University Malaysia. All rights reserved.

THE RISE OF THE FATIMIDS IN NORTH AFRICA (280-296 A.H./893-909 C.E.)

No part of this unpublished research maybe reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without prior written permission of the copyright holder except as provided below.

1. Any material contained in or derived from this unpublished research maybe used by others in their writing with due acknowledgement.

2. IIUM or its library will have the right to make and transmit copies (print or electronic) for institutional and academic purposes.

3. The IIUM library will have the right to make, store in a retrieval system and supply copies of this unpublished research if requested by other universities and research libraries.

Affirmed by Wan Asma Wan Ibrahim

…………………………….. ……………………. Signature Date

vi

To my beloved parents

vii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Alḥamdulillāh. All praise only belongs to Allāh subḥanahu wa taʿalā, the Most Merciful and the Most Compassionate. It is only due to His love, mercy and grace; I had been able to complete my humble thesis. Salutations and blessings upon the chosen messenger, the Prophet Muḥammad ṣallallāhu ʿalaih wa sallam.

Here I would like to express my most gracious thanks to my supervisor, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Arshad Islam for his help, guidance and advice to complete my writing. I also would like to extend my sincere appreciation to all my lecturers in the Department of History and Civilization; Dr. Wan Suhana Wan Sulong, Dr. Fauziah Fathil, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Hafiz Zakariya, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Abdul Ghani Yakob, Prof. Hassan Ahmed Ibrahim and all those who had moved on to other places; Prof. Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk, Prof. Ataullah Bogdan Kopanski, the late Prof. Ghassan Taha Yaseen (raḥimahu Allāh ʿalaih) and Assoc. Prof. Dr. Abdul Rahman Tang Abdullah for their continuous encouragement and inspiration in improving my dissertation.

Not forgotten, my deepest gratitude to Sis. Mazian Yusof, (the secretary), as well as Sis. Azura Abdul Jalil, (the previous Secretary) of the department, for their kind assistance. Furthermore, I also want to acknowledge my indebtedness to my self- appointed personal counsellor Dr. Nadwah Hj. Daud and Dr Fauzi@Fauri Ahmad from the Department of Language and Literature for their constant insight and motivation. Many thanks to all my friends and those who gave their hands in the process of completing my writing, directly and indirectly for their excellent ideas and help.

Lastly, my special thanks, acknowledgement and appreciation to all my beloved family members, especially to my grandfather, Wan Jaafar Wan Sulaiman, my parents; Wan Ibrahim Wan Jaafar and Wan Rohimah Wan Hassan, my uncles and aunties; especially, Rosli Zainun and his wife, Che Nab Daud, and my siblings, particularly my sister; Wan Qamariyah Wan Ibrahim and her husband, Hasbullah Daud. Without all of your patience, tolerance, inspiration and sacrifice; this dissertation would not be done. Only Allāh subḥanahu wa taʿalā could repay all of your kindness and generous support. May He, the al-Mighty grants His blessing and goodness upon all of us. Āmīn.

viii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Abstract…………………….…………………………………………………….. ii Abstract in Arabic…………………….………………………………………...... iii Approval Page…………………….……………………………………………… iv Declaration Page……………………….…………………………………...…….. v Copyright Page…………………………………………….………...... vi Dedication……………………………………………………………………….... vii Acknowledgements…………………...... ………………………………..…...... viii List of Figures……………………………………………...... xii

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION………………………...... 1 Statement of the Problem………………………...... 4 Significance of the Study…………………...... 5 Objectives of the Study……………………………...... 7 Literature Review …………………………………...... 7 Contemporary Arabic Sources…...…………………………………... 8 Later Arabic Sources…………………………………………………. 10 Secondary Sources (English and Arabic)…………………………….. 11 Thesis…………………………………………………………………. 17 Methods and Procedures…………………………………………………... 18 Outline of Chapters ………………..…………………...... 19

CHAPTER TWO: GENERAL SURVEY OF NORTH AFRICA……...... 22 Socio-Religious Condition……………………………………………...… 22 Islam in the region………………………………………………….... 22 Kharijis……………………………...... 23 Ibāḍīs and Ṣufrīs...... 23 Shīʿas………………………………………………………..……….. 23 Dāʿīs of Abū Sufyān and al-Ḥulwānī…...... 23 Zaydi Shīʿas……...... 24 Political Scenario…………………………………………………...... 25 The Decentralisation Policy of the ʿAbbasids: The Aghlabids…….... 25 Local Independent States……………………………………...... 26 Midrarids………………………..……………………...... 26 Rustamids…………………………...... 27 Idrisids………………………………………………...... 28 Independent Tribesmen……………………………..……………….. 30 Tribal Military………………………………...……...... 31 Economic Background…………………………………...………...... 32 Conclusion………………………………………………...... 35

CHAPTER THREE: ON THE EVE OF FATIMIDS REVOLUTION……... 36

ix Migration of Imām ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī to North Africa………...... 36 Phase I: ……………………………………...... 36 Departure from Salamiyya………….………………...... 36 Concealment Period in Ramla………………………...... 39 Salamiyya under Zikrawayh’s sons Rule……………...... 39 Phase II: ……………………………...... 40 The arrestment al-Ḥusayn b. Zikrawayh……………………...… 40 The Isma'ili Development in Yemen…..……..……………...... 40 Decision on North Africa……………………………………….. 41 The Aghlabids in the late Third/Ninth Century………………...... 44 Religious Institutions: The Mālikis………………..………...... 44 The Arab Army………………………………...... 45 Unpopular Economic Policies……………………….…………...... 46 Ibrāhīm II and the Arab Notables………………….………...... 47 The Neighbouring States………………………….………………...... 48 Rustamids………………………………….………...... 48 Idrisids…………………………………….…………...... 49 Midrarids………………………………….…………………...... 49 Conclusion………………………………………………….…...…………. 50

CHAPTER FOUR: THE ISMA'ILIS’ DAʿWA STRATEGIES IN NORTH AFRICA…...... 52 Religious Approach……………………………….…...... 52 Makkah as a Starting Point of Isma'ili Daʿwa……………….…...... 52 Continuation of Previous Daʿwa: Kutama as a Target Group…...... 53 Pious Personality Development…………….………………...... 54 Knowledgeable……………………………………………...... 54 Noble/Prophetic Attachment………………….………...... 55 Majālis (Instructional Session……………….………………...... 55 Daʿwa Organisation………………...……………………………...... 56 Political Scheme………………………………...……………...... 56 Establishment of Political Base……………………………...... 56 Consolidation of al-Shīʿī Rule….………………………………...... 59 Conquest and War-Strategy……………………………………...... 60 The Aghlabids’ Resistance…………………………………………...... 62 The Fall of Raqqada………………………………………………...... 65 Failure of Ziyādat Allāh III………………….………………...... 66 Al-Shīʿī and Neighbouring Local States…..……………...... 68 Conclusion………………………………………………………...... 69

CHAPTER FIVE: CONCLUSION…………………….……………………… 71

BIBLIOGRAPHY……………..………………………………….……...... 76 Primary Sources (Arabic)…………………………………………………. 76 Secondary Sources (Arabic)……………………………………………..... 76 Secondary Sources (English)……………………………………………... 78

x Secondary Sources (Non-English)………………………………………... 80 Articles………….…………………………..……………………………. 80 Thesis……………………………………………………………………... 81 Online Sources……………………………………………………………. 81

APPENDIX I: LIST OF THE AGHLABID AMĪRS…………………...... 82 APPENDIX II: LIST OF THE FATIMID CALIPHS OF NORTH AFRICA...... 83

xi LIST OF FIGURES

Figure No. Page No.

2.1 Map of the local political powers in the region before the arrival of 29 the Fatimids

2.2 The sub-Saharan trade routes and some important trade centers 34

3.1 The popular routes taken by ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī to North 43 Africa

xii CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

The fourth/tenth century Muslim world had witnessed three rival caliphates in

Baghdad, Spain, and North Africa. They were the ʿAbbasids caliphate of Baghdad, the

Umayyads of Spain, and the Fatimids of North Africa. The ʿAbbasids caliphate which was founded in 132 A.H./750 C.E. by Abū al-ʿAbbās al-Saffāh (r.132-137 A.H./749-

754 C.E.), was on the road to decline, and fast losing its effective control on the far flung principalities, particularly in North Africa.1 ʿAbd al-Rahman III (r.299-349

A.H./912C.E.- 961 C.E.), a descendent of the Umayyad dynasty, declared himself as the Caliph in the Iberian Peninsula in 316 A.H./929 C.E.2 This declaration was made in response to the rise of the Fatimids3 who ruled North Africa (297- 361 A.H./909-

972 C.E.) and later Egypt until 567 A.H./1171 C.E.4

The present study focuses on the rise of the Fatimids Caliphate in Northern

Africa. The term ‘Fatimid’ is derived from the name of the Prophet Muḥammad’s

(s.a.w.) daughter, Sayyidatinā Fāṭimah (r.a.), from whom the Fatimids claimed their

1 Abū al-ʿAbbās al-Saffāh founded the Caliphate in 132 A.H./750 C.E. with the revolution brought by Abū Muslim al-Khurāsānī (d.137 A.H./755 C.E.). They successfully gained Muslim support with powerful slogan al-riḍā min āl Muhammad to overthrow the Umayyads. The caliphate survived until 656 A.H./1258 C.E. See M. A. Shaban, The 'Abbasid Revolution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 138-168; The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Abbasids.” 2 The Umayyad Caliphate was founded in 41 A.H./661 C.E. with its capital in Damascus. The name ‘Umayyad’ was taken from the ancestor of Muʿāwiyah b. Abī Sufyān. The dynasty was finally ended by the ʿAbbasid revolution in 132 A.H./750 C.E. However, some of his descendents established their rule in Spain in 316 A.H./929 C.E. This dynasty survived till 422 A.H./1031 C.E. See The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Umayyads.” 3 Ibid.; See also Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 1:478. 4 E.J. Brill’s First Encyclopaedia of Islam 1913-1936, “Fatimids.”

1 ancestry.5 The Fatimids were Isma'ilis, an offshoot of the Shīʿa sect. The origin of the sect can be traced back to the nomination of Ismāʿīl b. Jaʿfar (d.143 A.H./760 C.E.) as the successor of Imām Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq (d.148 A.H./765 C.E.), the sixth Shīʿa Imām.

However, this selection could not be materialized because Ismāʿīl predeceased his father in 143 A.H./760 C.E. After that, Imām Jaʿfar al-Ṣādiq, nominated his other son,

Mūsā al-Kāẓim (128-183 A.H./745-799 C.E.) as his successor. However, some of the

Shīʿas continued to maintain Ismāʿīl as their spiritual leader instead of Mūsā.6

Furthermore, the followers of Ismāʿīl formed a new sect and appointed his son,

Muḥammad (c.120-179 A.H./c.738-795 C.E.) as their Imām to continue their daʿwa7 activities.8

In the middle of third/ninth century the Isma'ilis established their headquarters in Salamiyya (Syria), from which they regularly despatched their dāʿīs in the Muslim territories such as Kufa, Yemen, Bahrayn, Sind and North Africa. The chief dāʿīs in their respective regions were responsible for the recruitment of new propagators for their sect. In 286 A.H/899 C.E., ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī (c.260-322 A.H./874-934

C.E.), the first Fatimid Caliph, was declared as the new Imām of the sect. He introduced the new principle of “Mahdiship”9 whereby he claimed that the awaited-

5 Ibid.; Farhad Daftary, Historical Dictionary of the Isma'ilis (Lanham: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2012), 52. 6 Ḥasan Ibrāhīm Ḥasan, Tārīkh al-Dawla al-Fāṭimiyya fī al–Maghrib wa Miṣr wa Sūriyya wa Bilād al- ʿArab (al-Qāhirah: Maktabah al-Nahḍah al-Miṣriyyah, 4th edn., 1981), 31. 7 Daʿwa is Arabic term which literary means to call or invite and it could comprise religious, political and social aspects. In general religious perspective, the word ‘daʿwa’ could be understood as “Propagation of Islam through word and action, calling the people to follow the commandments of Allah Ta’ala”. In ‘politico-religious’ context, with special reference to Isma'ili-Fatimid movement, the word could also be translated as propaganda or mission. This is because, the daʿwah initiated by the Isma'ilis was to call or invite the support of the masses to serve their political aim for the establishment of the state as to rule Muslim community based on their ideological system. See Bassam Sulaymān Abughosh and Wafaa Zaki Shaqra, A Glossary of Islamic Terminology (London: Ta-Ha Publishers Ltd., 1992), 32; The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Da’wa”. 8 Farhad Daftary, “The Earliest Isma'ilis” in Shi'ism, edited by Etan Kohlberg (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2003), 242. 9 The doctrine of “Mahdiship” was developed in the early phase of the Shīʿa movement where the death of their Imām was denied, rather they believed that during this period the Imām went to

2 Imām would appear from his lineage. Thus, he nullified the previous belief in the returning of Muḥammad b. Ismāʿīl as the Mahdī. Although some of their followers accepted this new code of belief, the senior dāʿīs of Iraq and Bahrayn rejected this idea and stuck to the old doctrine.10 Due to this division, the centre of the movement slowly lost its grip over some provinces and the chief dāʿīs started to act independently.11

Apart from this internal crisis, the Isma'ilis had to face the opposition of the

ʿAbbasids caliphs, who tried to protect their region from what they considered to be un-Islamic and deviant teachings.12 However, the Isma'ili dāʿīs continued to actively propagate their daʿwa and gained support from the surrounding people. After getting more strength and support, they openly revolted by declaring the installation of

ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī as their Imām. However, this public announcement revealed the identity of their leader, ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī. Therefore, to prevent his arrest, he escaped to North Africa.13

Soon the news of ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī’s arrival in Sijilmasa,14 his hideout in the region, spread among his supporters, and they managed to keep in touch secretly. After five-years, al-Yasaʿ b. Midrār, the chief of the area, find out about

occultation and would come back as the Mahdī who would restore the world with justice. Actually, the two key concepts of – hidden and return – were the core beliefs of the Shīʿas in general but in the case of the early Isma'ilis they believed in the return of Muhammad b. Ismāʿīl as the expected Mahdī. See Ahmad Ibrahim Abushouk, “The Ideology of the Expected Mahdi in Muslim History: The Case of the Sudanese Mahdiyya 1881-1898”, Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, vol. 30, no.1 (2009): 45-46. 10 Farhad Daftary, “The Earliest Isma'ilis”, 260-262. 11 Jonathan M. Bloom, Arts of the City Victorious: Islamic Art and Architecture in Fatimid North Africa and Egypt (London: Yale University Press, 2007), 16-17. 12 There were many examples of persecutions among the Shīʿa leaders by the Abbasids had taken place during this time like Muhammad b. ʿAbd Allāh known as ‘al-Nafs al-zakiyyah’ who was killed with his brother by ʿĪsā b. Mūsā under the command of Caliph al-Manṣūr (136-158A.H. / 754-775C.E.). Furthermore, during the reign of Caliph al-Hādī (r.169-170 A.H./785-786 C.E.), there was another Shīʿa leader revolted. The man who claimed as descendent of S. al-Husayn b. S. ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib was executed in 169A.H. / 786C.E. Ḥasan, 31-32. 13 Jonathan, 17-18. 14 Sijilmasa was a capital city of local sate, the Midrarids which located in south-eastern Morocco. See M. Brett and Elizabeth Fentress, The (Oxford: Blackwell Publisher Ltd, 1997), 89.

3 ʿUbayd’s presence, and he put him under house arrest.15 In the meantime, the Isma'ili dāʿī in North Africa, AbūʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī successfully captured Raqqada, the capital city of the Aghlabids16 in 296 A.H./909 C.E. and included the name of ʿUbayd

Allāh al-Mahdī in the Friday khuṭba and struck the coins.17

Abū ʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī, then marched to Sijilmasa and rescued ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī and brought him to Raqadda, a city near Qayrawan, and declared him as the first Fatimid Caliph in 297 A.H./910 C.E.18 The Fatimids continued to rule North

Africa until 361 A.H./972 C.E. when the fourth Caliph al-Muʿizz (341-364 A.H./953-

975 C.E.) left for Egypt, and the administration of North Africa was assigned to the members of the Zirid family; one of the Sanhaja tribes.19 In Egypt, the Fatimids ruled for about two-hundred years and were overthrown by Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī (531-

588 A.H./1137-1193 C.E.), the founder of the Ayyubid dynasty in 567 A.H./1171

C.E.20

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

This study attempts to explore the important local factors that led to the rise of the

Fatimids in North Africa. It focuses on the role played by the inter-connections and cooperation between the local tribes and the Isma'ili dāʿīs. It examines the socio-

15 The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Midrar.” 16 Ibrāhīm b. al-Aghlab was the founder of the Aghlabid in 184 A.H./800 C.E. Before that he was the Abbasid governor of the Zab. He was given decentralized rule over Ifrīqiyya, in which Shainool sketches in “the greater part of and eastern to Zab”, on behalf of Caliph Hārūn al- Rashīd (169-193 A.H./786-809 C.E.). This dynasty continued to rule until they were replaced by the Fatimids in 296 A.H./909 C.E. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Aghlabids.”; Shainool Jiwa, “The Initial Destination of the Fatimid Caliph ‘Abd Allah Al-Mahdi’s Dar Al-Hijrah: Yaman or Maghrib” (M.A. thesis, McGill University, 1984), 88. 17 Jonathan, 18. 18 Ibid., 18-19. 19 Zīrī b. Manād (r.323-360 A.H./935-971 C.E.) was a local tribal chief in Ashir, in the mountain of Titteri. They supported the Fatimids rule in North Africa and joined their military expeditions against the rivals. The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Sanhadja.”; See also M. Brett and Elizabeth Fentress, 95-97. 20 Paul E. Walker, Exploring an Islamic Empire: Fatimid History and its Sources (London: I.B. Tauris, 2002), 2.

4 religious, political, and economic conditions of the region which are conducive for the arrival of the Fatimids. Besides, the study also provides the background of the

Fatimids before the establishment of their state, and factors that brought them to the region. The study attempts to answer whether the rise of the Fatimids is the result of effective propaganda among the indigenous population or other local factors.

Hence, the research questions which the study looks into are:

1. What were the socio-religious, political and economic situations in North

Africa before the emergence of the Fatimids and how they contribute to

the rise of the Fatimids?

2. What were the driving forces that culminate in the establishment of the

Fatimid rule in North Africa?

3. How did the Fatimids establish their link with the local people and what

was the significance of these connections?

It may be noted here that this research will focus mostly on the Fatimid activities in North Africa. Therefore, their activities in other regions like in Egypt,

Yemen, or Syria will not be examined in detail here. Moreover, this study covers the period from 280 A.H./893 C.E. to 296 A.H./909 C.E. which begins with the arrival of the Ismaili dāʿī, AbūʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī to the region, and ends with the formal declaration of the first Fatimids ruler, ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī as the new Imām in

Raqqada city.

SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The study is fundamental in its role to fill the neglected parts in the early history of the

Fatimids, where it could be found that a majority of the researches that have been carried out focus more on the genealogical aspects of the Fatimid caliphs and their

5 achievements in Egypt, rather than investigating the events that led to the foundation of their rule in North Africa.21 Indeed, this matter has been highlighted by M.A.

Shaban (1992) when he says: “All researches already been carried out have common weakness: they do not take into consideration early developments nor all of the important circumstances in the areas the Fatimids controlled.”22 Therefore, this study aims to fill in this lacuna.

Other than that, this study attempts to shed some light on another angle of investigating the Fatimids; rather than focusing on the development of its sect, it shifts to emphasize the forces in North Africa which helped in the foundation of the dynasty.

Moreover, the thesis intends to equalize the one-sided interpretation that comes from one particular perspective or ideology. It also tries to challenge the idea that the establishment of the dynasty in the region is mostly due to virtuous and righteous of

Isma'ili doctrine, like what has been mentioned by Jamil M. Abun-Nasr:

But Abū ‘Abdulla’s success seems to have been due above all to his patient dedicated work as preacher, and to his being able to present the Isma'ili doctrine of the Imāmate as the only basis of legitimate authority and the Muslims’ only hope to achieve justice and social equality.23

Accordingly, the research here attempts to look at the matter from a different perspective by not only focusing on certain theological or ideological standpoints, but also encompassing the historical aspects of the movement.

21 Among the works that concentrated on genealogical aspect of the Fatimid caliphs i.e. Bayard Dodge, “Al-Isma'iliyyah and the Origin of the Fatimids”, The Muslim World, vol. 49, (1959): 296-305; Bernard Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism: A Historical Background of the (Cambridge: W. Heffer  Sons Ltd, 1940); Wladimir Ivanow, Isma'ili Tradition Concerning the Rise of the Fatimid (London: Oxford University Press, 1942). 22 M.A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 2:188. 23 Jamil M. Abu Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 60.

6 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main objectives of the study include:

1. To assess the condition of North Africa prior to the arrival of the Fatimids

as to examine the conduciveness of the local situation for the

establishment of the dynasty in the region.

2. To find out the causes that culminated in the Fatimids’ immigration to the

region.

3. To discuss the ways adopted by the Fatimids to gain the support of the

locals in order to scrutinize the rationale behind the assistance given by

them to the Fatimids.

LITERATURE REVIEW

According to M. A. Shaban, numerous works on the Fatimids have been produced.24

In the past several years, we have seen that it is still a subject of interest that is being explored at several research institutions. For example an effort initiated by the

Institute of Isma'ili Studies which has actively published a series of publications in this field.25 Therefore, for this study several works have been selected to be examined, which can be categorized into:

24 Shaban, Islamic History…, 2:188. 25 Among related publications are Wilfred Madelung and Paul E. Walker, The advent of the Fatimids: a contemporary Shi'i witness translation of Kitab al-Munāẓarā by Ibn al-Haytham; Farhad Daftary, Ismaili Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies, Hamid Haji, Founding the Fatimid state: the rise of an early Islamic empire translation of Qaḍi al-Nuʿman’s Iftitāh al-Da’wa and Sumaiya A. Hamdani, Between revolution and state: the path to Fatimid statehood: Qadi al-Nu’man and the construction of Fatimid legitimacy. For latest publication visit http://www.iis.ac.uk/ retrieved on 06 March 2013.

7 Contemporary Arabic Sources

Al-Yaʿqūbī’s (d.284A.H/897C.E.) al-Buldān26 contains general description on several areas in North Africa which was based on the information he collected during his journey to the region in the late third/ninth century. He gives details on various cities like Qayrawan, the capital city of the Aghlabids,27 Tahart, the centre of the

Rustamids,28 Sijilmasa, midpoint of the Midrarites,29 etc. He also illustrates the vicinities around these important city-states, and their relationship, particularly with the Aghlabids. He also adds demographical composition of each city and their natural resources.30 Undoubtedly, this data is very crucial to understand the nature of the region before the appearance of the Fatimids as it was gathered by eyewitnesses.

Firāq al-Shīʿa31 (c.280 A.H./893 C.E.), attributed to either al-Ḥasan b. Mūsā al-Nawbakhtī (d.c.300 A.H./912 C.E.), or Saʿad b. ʿAbd Allāh al-Ashʿarī al-Qummī

(d.301 A.H./913-914 C.E.), supplies data on the early formation of the Isma'ili sect, its factions, and doctrines. The author was a follower of the Twelvers sect of Shīʿas, and was a contemporary of the Isma'ili movement during the late third/ninth century. He describes the various Shīʿa sects along with their doctrines, and religious practices including the Isma'ilis and its branches like al-Mubārakiyya, al-Khaṭṭabiyya, al-

Qarāmiṭa.32

26 al-Yaʿqūbī, al-Buldān (Bayrūt: Dār al-Kutub al-ʿIlmiyyah, 2002). 27 Qayrawan, which is located in the centre of modern-day Tunisia, was the administration centre of the early Muslim power. It was founded by ʿUqba b. Nāfi’ (d.63 A.H./683 C.E.) in 50 A.H./670 C.E. It used to be the Aghlabid capital before it moved to Raqqada during the reign of Ibrāhīm II (d.289 A.H./902 C.E.). See The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “al-Kayrawan.” See also, al-Ya’qubi, 186. 28 The city was the capital of the Rustamid dynasty from 161-296 A.H./778-909 C.E. This Ibadite- Kharijis centre was established by ʿAbd al-Rahman b. Rustam (d.171 A.H./788 C.E.) with the aid from the local tribes. See The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Rustamids” and “Tahart.” 29 This city, which is situated in south-eastern Morocco, was the midpoint of the Midrarid government before its decline in 366 A.H./976-977 C.E. See The Encyclopaedia of Islam, “Midrar.” See also M. Brett and Elizabeth Fentress. 30 Ibid., 180-192, 195-198. 31 al-Nawbakhtī, al-Ḥasan b. Mūsā, Firāq al-Shīʿa (Bayrūt: Dār al-Aḍwāʾ, 2nd edn.,1984). 32 Ibid., 42-43, 67-76.

8 Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-Ṭabarī’s Kitāb al-Rusul wa al-Mulūk33

(223-310 A.H./838-923 C.E.) is a universal history up to 302 A.H./914-915 C.E. He discusses the Abbasids’ endeavour to crush the Isma'ilis in various wars. He gives the details of the Isma'ili uprisings in Bahrayn led by Abū Saʿīd al-Jannābī, as well as in

Iraq and Syria led by Zikrawayh b. Mihrawayh with his sons, which occurred in c.287-294 A.H./900-908 C.E.34 These incidents paved the way for the migration of the first Fatimid Caliph, ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī to North Africa.

Abū al-ʿArab Muḥammad b. Aḥmad b. Tamīm (d.333 A.H./940 C.E.), and Al-

Khushānī’s (d.360-361 A.H./970-971 C.E.) Kitāb Ṭabaqāt ʿUlamāʾ Ifrīqiyya,35 contains information on intellectual, and religious life of the region with particular reference to the Isma'ili daʿwa. It describes an interesting debate between the local

Sunni Jurist, Abū ʿUthmān Saʿīd b. Muḥammad b. al-Ḥaddād, and Isma'ili dāʿī, Abū al-ʿAbbās, on the issue of Imāmate of Sayyidinā ʿAlī (r.a.) and status of other companions of the Prophet Muḥammad (s.a.w.) by citing the examples from the

Qurʾān and hadīth.36 It is also interesting to note that their persistent daʿwa has given the Isma'ilis a foothold deep in the North African society, and Aghlabid Amīrs are unable to stop them.

33 Abū Jaʿfar Muḥammad ibn Jarīr al-Ṭabarī, Kitāb al-Rusul wa al-Mulūk, ed. Muhammad Abū al-Faḍl Ibrāhīm (al-Qāhirah: Dār al-Maʿārif, 6th edn., 1990). English translation by Franz Rosenthal, ed. E. Yar- Shater (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985). 34 Ibid., 10:78, 94-115, 121-136 35 Abū al-ʿArab and al-Khushanī, Kitāb Ṭabaqāt ʿUlamāʾ Ifrīqiyyah (Bayrūt: Dār al-Kitāb al-Lubnānī, n.d.). 36 Ibid., 198-212.

9 Later Arabic Sources

Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān’s (d.363 A.H./974 C.E.) Iftitāḥ al- Daʿwa wa Ibtidāʾ al- Dawla (346

A.H./957 C.E.37) and its English translation can be found in Hamid Haji’s Founding the Fatimid State: The Rise of an Early Islamic Empire.38 Part of this work is based on the autobiography of an Isma'ili dāʿī in Yemen, Ibn Ḥawshab (d.302 A.H./914

C.E.) but the original work is now inexistent. He gives a vivid description of Abū

ʿAbd Allāh al-Shīʿī’s (an Isma'ili dāʿī in North Africa) life in Yemen and his daʿwa work as well as military activities in North Africa. In his explanation, al-Nuʿmān describes the sojourn of ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī in North Africa till he was declared as the Caliph.39

Muḥammad b. Muḥammad al-Yamanī’s Sīra al-Ḥājib Jaʿfar 40 (compiled around 365-386 A.H./975-996 C.E.), is based on a diary of ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī’s chamberlain, Jaʿfar b. Manṣūr al-Yamanī, who was with ʿUbayd Allāh al-Mahdī at the time of his departure from Salamiyya to North Africa. He narrates the full account of his journey until he reached Raqqada and was declared a Caliph. He stresses that the

Abbasid’s pursuit and the self-initiated revolt of its faction compelled the Isma'ili leader to move out from their headquarters in Salamiyya.

37 Farhad Daftary, Ismaili Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies (London: I.B. Tauris, 2004), 143. 38 Qāḍī al-Nuʿmān b. Muḥammad b. Ḥanīfa, Iftitāḥ al- Daʿwa wa Ibtidāʾ al-Dawla, translated from Arabic by Hamid Haji, Founding the Fatimid State: The Rise of an Early Islamic Empire (London: I.B. Tauris Publishers & Co. Ltd., 2006). 39 Ibid., 45-205. 40 al-Yamanī, Muḥammad b. Muḥammad, Sira al-Ḥājib Jaʿfar, n.a., Istitār al-Imām wa tafarruq al- duʿāt fi Jazāʾir li ṭalabihi, introduction written by W. Ivanow, “Mudhakkirā fī Ḥarakā al-Mahdī al- Fāṭimī”, Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts, University of Egypt, vol. 4, part 2 (1936): 107-133; W. Ivanow, Ismaili Tradition Concerning…, 184-223.

10 Ibn Khaldūn’s (732-808 A.H./1332-1406 C.E.) Kitāb al-ʿIbar,41 is an important source for the Isma'ili movement in North Africa. He gives a detailed account of the region, particularly the tribal structure of the local population, socio- economic and political conditions. He offers good information on the early establishment of the Isma'ili movement in the Arabian Peninsula and their daʿwa activities in North Africa. In his description, he mentions the installation of ʿUbayd

Allāh al-Mahdī as a Caliph and the subsequent rule of his successors.42

Secondary Sources (English and Arabic)

Abdallah Laroui’s The History of the Maghrib43 describes the third/ninth century as an era of “empire building”44 in North Africa. He however, suggests that this development occurred based on religio-political phenomenon, which was driven by economic forces. He includes information on the sources of income of the local tribes who lived in different areas. He explains that local powers around the region during that time include the Aghlabids. He highlights the political strife between the dynasty and the local tribes in Kabylia, the settlement of the Kutama who was the strong supporter of the Fatimids, as it is shown from the Aghlabids’ security policy towards this area. He also revealed the limitation of the Aghlabids’ political influence over the local tribes – most of the settlers in the capital city were immigrants, while the natives who enjoyed autonomy, lived outside the city.45 He also briefly discusses about the

Isma'ili daʿwa movement in North Africa.

41 Ibn Khaldūn, Tārīkh Ibn Khaldūn al-musammā Kitāb al-ʿIbar wa Dīwān al-Mubtada wa al-Khabar fī Ayyām al-ʿArab wa al-ʿAjam wa al-Barbar wa man ʿāṣarahum wa min dhawi al-Sulṭān al-Akbar (Bayrūt: Dār Ibn al-Ḥazm, 2003). 42 Ibid., 2:1250, 1262-1263, 1271-1274, 1424-1428, 1441-1457, 2387-2439. 43 Abdallah Laroui, The History of the Maghrib: An Interpretive Essay (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1977). 44 Ibid., 105. 45 Ibid., 105-106, 116-117.

11 S.M. Stern’s Studies in Early Isma’ilism46 is based on original sources such as

Firāq al-Shīʿa, Sīra al-Ḥājib Jaʿfar, Iftitāḥ al-Daʿwa, etc. It provides useful information regarding the historical background of the Isma'ilis, and their daʿwa activities in the Muslim regions. He evaluates the achievements and failures of their daʿwa activities and the enrolment of the new converts.47 However, he has focused his discussion more on doctrinal aspects of the Isma'ilis, rather than their daʿwa activities, particularly in North Africa.

Jamil M. Abu al-Nasr’s A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period is a study of the geography of North Africa - its demography, economic, religion, and politics. He describes the process of Islamization and Arabization of the locals and the interactions between the Arabs and the tribesmen. He highlights that there is a common political alliance practised between the foreign rulers and the tribal chiefs along with internal conflicts that facilitated the Isma'ili daʿwa to gain support of the native and subsequent rise of the Fatimid state.48 He however, only briefly discusses about the Isma'ili movement in North Africa.

Mohamed Talbi’s article “The Independence of the Maghrib”49 provides significant details of the political setting of North Africa before the coming of the

Fatimids. He highlights the establishment of Arab rule in the region, which includes different religious beliefs like those of Sunnis, Shīʿas and Kharijis. He identifies this area as the fertile land for anti-ʿAbbasids activities which found suitable ground for the Shīʿas’, and Kharijis’ activities. We may conclude in the words of R. Dozy:

46 S.M. Stern, Studies in Early Isma’ilism (Leiden: The Magnes Press. 1983). 47 Ibid., 47-83, 189-223, 289-298. 48 Jamil, 16-18, 64. 49 Mohamed Talbi, “The Independence of the Maghrib”, in General History of Africa: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh centuries, edited by M. El Fasi (UNESCO: Paris, 1988), 3:246-275.

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