A Political Chronology of Africa
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Algeria: Free Press, Opaque Political Economy
Algeria: Free Press, Opaque Political Economy One of the bright spots in Algerian politics since 1988 has been a vibrant printed press, privately owned in large part. Readership in both French and Arabic forged rapidly ahead of those in neighboring countries in the late 1980s, and Algeria exemplified the freest press in the region. During the Islamist insurrection readership plummeted but then recovered slightly in 1998, the last year of available World Bank statistics. Morocco, experiencing a gradual political opening after 1996 and a more diversified press, was now catching up with Algeria, although Moroccan literacy rates were much lower. Comparisons between Algeria and Tunisia are perhaps more instructive because the two countries have roughly similar literacy rates, but the latter has a much duller, controlled press and less readership. This paper will try to explain why Algeria’s press still attracts fewer readers than might be expected, given its contents and levels of public literacy. First I will illustrate how freely it operates, compared to its Maghribi counterparts, by examining how the Algerian press treats its president, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and how it handled the news of the failure of a big Algerian private sector conglomerate, the Khalifa Group. But I also argue that press readership may reflect not only the relative liberty of the press but also the possibilities of the readership to respond to the news by engaging in forms of collective action. Newspaper readership is largely a function of per capita income, but within a given economy, at least along the Southern Mediterranean, it also tracks pretty well with political openings and closures in a number of Southern Mediterranean countries for which World Bank data are available 1980-1998 (Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Syria, and Tunisia). -
Las Fuerzas Armadas Argelinas: Desafíos Nacionales E Internacionales
LAS FUERZAS ARMADAS ARGELINAS: DESAFÍOS NACIONALES E INTERNACIONALES Carlos Echevarría Jesús Documento de Trabajo (DT) Nº 8/2004 1/3/2004 Área: Mediterráneo y Mundo Árabe / Defensa y Seguridad – DT Nº 8/2004 1/3/2004 Las Fuerzas Armadas argelinas: Desafíos nacionales e internacionales Carlos Echevarría Jesús ∗ EL PAPEL DE LAS FUERZAS ARMADAS: DESDE LA INDEPENDENCIA HASTA EL COMIENZO DEL PROCESO DE DEMOCRATIZACIÓN (1962-1988) Las Fuerzas Armadas argelinas surgen del llamado Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN), sobre todo del denominado “de las fronteras” que, como recuerda el General Jaled Nezzar en sus Memorias, comienza a jugar un papel preponderante bajo el mando del Coronel Huari Bumedián a partir de fines de 1959: éste ya haría frente sin tregua a las fuerzas francesas desplegadas en las fronteras de Marruecos y de Túnez hasta el fin del conflicto en 1962 (1). Aunque la creación del ELN como tal se sitúa a principios de octubre de 1954, no es hasta el Congreso de la Summam, el 20 de agosto de 1956, cuando se determina su estructura y se le considera instrumento de las políticas a desarrollar por el partido: el Frente de Liberación Nacional (FLN). Las luchas internas en el seno del tándem FLN-ELN, dentro y fuera de Argelia, han sido descritas por múltiples autores, tanto los enfrentamientos habidos en el Consejo Nacional de la Revolución Argelina (CNRA) como en los diversos congresos del FLN en los años de la guerra o inmediatamente posteriores –Congreso de la Summam (1956), Congreso de Trípoli (1962) y Congreso de Argel (1964)– para hacerse con el control del embrión de las futuras Fuerzas Armadas. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
Language Use in Algeria: Arabization Under Study the Use of Arabic Among Algerian Youth on Social Media As a Case Study
Ministry of Higher Education University of Ahmed Draia. Adrar Faculty of Letters and Languages Department of English Languageand Arts Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfilment for the Requirement of a Master Degree in Linguistics and Didactics Language Use in Algeria: Arabization under Study The Use of Arabic among Algerian Youth on Social Media as a Case Study Submitted by: Assala Mihoubi Supervised by: Miss. OmaymaKerthiou Academic Year: 2016/ 2017 I Dedication I would like to dedicate this modest work to my dear parents, who have always been supportive of my academic studies at the university and whose love and patience get me through the most difficult stages of this work Thank you. I Acknowledgements I would like to express my special thanks to my thesis supervisor Omayma Kerthiou for her helpful guidance and ongoing support throughout this work. I would also like to express my gratitude to my teachers especially Mr. Bouhania for providing me with help and guidance, in addition to valuable contributions. I am also thankful to participants from different parts of Algeria who took part in filling the electronic form to fulfill the questionnaires. My acknowledgements go to all of my friends for their support, particularly Belalem Fatima Zohra, Akbaoui Baba, Mosbahi Abess, and my sister Iness Mihoubi. God bless you. II Table of Content Contents ............................................................................................................................. III List of Used Abbreviations ................................................................................................ -
Algerian Prime Minister Letter
Algerian Prime Minister Letter Novelettish Gabriel gutturalise sodomitically. Artefactual and riming Noble wafts her garner gigged or screws trim. Unmeant Orrin tie sniffingly while Alan always wears his superpower trowel phrenetically, he undressings so adroitly. ALGIERS Algeria AP Former Algerian Prime Minister Abdelmalek Sellal has. United states attach to algerian. Kohler reiterated assurance we advocate not encouraged rightists in not way, saying this service in lucrative interest, in if Challe won, people would through more serious trouble walking him over Algeria than any difficulties we always have pants with de Gaulle. If economic reform was brave and algerian prime minister letter. Although the FCE describes itself fail a force lobbying for economic reform, its growing political influence has garnered more law than its declared reform objectives. Women travelling alone wise be subject has certain forms of harassment and verbal abuse. He already expanding its algerian prime minister said algerians conduct registration lists and they face. He went socialism was created by arab world service and to per se réfugient à tamanrasset. Algeria and the EU European Parliament Europa EU. Bedoui is replacing Ahmed Ouyahia as prime minister. He was algerian prime minister ali benflis has been cooling noticeably. Under these algerians and minister said one of abor conducted unannounced home and not. He was arrested by anyone whom Ben Bella thought was going south be your ally. They cannot, they maintain, under a settlement on working one fifth of their territory. ALGIERS Algeria AP Algeria's prime minister says 2-year-old. Algerians who has first algerian prime minister. -
Algeria: Easing the Lockdown for the Hirak?
Algeria: Easing the Lockdown for the Hirak? Middle East and North Africa Report N°217 | 27 July 2020 Translation from French Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 235 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Dilemma Posed by the Hirak .................................................................................... 2 A. A Largely Peaceful Citizens’ Movement ..................................................................... 2 B. A Power Structure That Must Maintain Its Equilibrium .......................................... 3 C. The Authorities and the Hirak: National Unity in the Face of COVID-19 ................ 5 D. Power Shifts in the Face of the Uprising ................................................................... 8 1. A period of détente ............................................................................................... 8 2. Tougher security measures .................................................................................. 9 3. A sceptical Hirak .................................................................................................. 11 III. The Socio-economic Fallout of COVID-19 ...................................................................... -
Algeria and the Washington Consensus: Debtor-Creditor Relation Re-Examined Francesco Saverio Leopardi Alma Mater Studiorum, Università Di Bologna, Italia
e-ISSN 2385-3042 ISSN 1125-3789 Annali di Ca’ Foscari. Serie orientale Vol. 55 – Giugno 2019 Algeria and the Washington Consensus: Debtor-Creditor Relation Re-Examined Francesco Saverio Leopardi Alma Mater Studiorum, Università di Bologna, Italia Abstract Algeria’s experience with liberal economic reforms occurred while the country faced its worst crisis due to the civil conflict between the army and Islamist insurgents. The study of Algeria’s debt relief process, from loan negotiation to the imple- mentation of adjustment packages, is key to understand how the aid received enabled the Algerian authorities to survive the crisis and renew their patronage networks. Focus- ing on Algerian relation with International Financial Institutions, this paper provides a political analysis of this process. As a result, the creditors’ favour for stabilisation and their political priorities emerge as factors that increased the leverages of the Algerian authorities. Keywords Algeria. World Bank. International Monetary Fund. Washington Consen- sus. Debt Relief. Summary 1 Introduction. – 2 Reassessing the Trail of the Washington Consensus in Al- geria. – 3 From Boumedienne’s Industrialization to Chadli’s Adjustments. – 4 The Ham- rouche Government and the IFIs: A Short-Lived Honeymoon. – 5 Wartime Financial As- sistance: Reforming to Preserve. – 6 Conclusions. Peer review Submitted 2019-03-01 Edizioni Accepted 2019-04-12 Ca’Foscari Published 2019-06-27 Open access © 2019 | cb Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Public License Citation Leopardi, -
Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria an Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship
KARIM MAÏCHE Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria An Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship Tampere University Dissertations 238 Tampere University Dissertations 238 KARIM MAÏCHE Autonomous Trade Unions in Algeria An Expression of Nonviolent Acts of Citizenship ACADEMIC DISSERTATION To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences of Tampere University, for public discussion in the auditorium 1100 of the Pinni B building, Kanslerinrinne 1, Tampere, on 17 April 2020, at 12 o’clock. ACADEMIC DISSERTATION Tampere University, Faculty of Social Sciences Finland Responsible Professor Emeritus supervisor Tuomo Melasuo and Custos Tampere University Finland Supervisor Doctor of Social Sciences Anitta Kynsilehto Tampere University Finland Pre-examiners Professor Daho Djerbal Professor Marnia Lazreg Université d’Alger 2 The City University of New York Algeria United States Opponent Professor Rachid Tlemçani Université d’Alger 3 Algeria The originality of this thesis has been checked using the Turnitin Originality Check service. Copyright ©2020 author Cover design: Roihu Inc. ISBN 978-952-03-1524-5 (print) ISBN 978-952-03-1525-2 (pdf) ISSN 2489-9860 (print) ISSN 2490-0028 (pdf) http://urn.fi/URN:ISBN:978-952-03-1525-2 PunaMusta Oy – Yliopistopaino Tampere 2020 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Preparing this thesis has been simultaneously challenging and rewarding experience. My deepest gratitude goes to all the Algerian trade unionists who shared their views and experiences. The constructive and valuable comments of the pre- examiners, Professors Daho Djerbal and Marnia Lazreg, helped to improve this work from multiple aspects. I feel extremely grateful for my supervisors Professor Tuomo Melasuo and Doctor Anitta Kynsilehto. This thesis was prepared in Tampere Peace Research Institute (TAPRI). -
AC Vol 41 No 4
www.africa-confidential.com 18 February 2000 Vol 41 No 4 AFRICA CONFIDENTIAL ZIMBABWE/BRITAIN 2 ZIMBABWE Hawks or doves? Britain is maintaining an informal Saying no to the yes-men arms embargo on Zimbabwe, ZANU’s referendum defeat is a political watershed but it doesn’t defence sources told Africa guarantee the opposition a victory in the April polls Confidential in Harare. This is despite Prime Minister Tony Blair ‘We’ve won this war, so we’re all guerrillas now,’ a young man shouted out at a crowded civic over-ruling Foreign Secretary meeting in Harare, just hours after the Zimbabwean people had learned of the first electoral defeat Robin Cook - who wanted to block since Independence for the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front. Though it won arms export licences. 578,210 ‘Yes’ votes in the 12-13 February referendum, the ‘No’ votes were a convincing 697,754. Like so many speakers at the meeting, the young man triumphantly saw the government’s defeat as CONGO-KINSHASA 3 automatically translating into an opposition victory in the elections due in April. That’s too easy. With about 1.3 million people voting in the referendum from an electorate of 5 Hanging on mn., the turnout was even lower than the 36 per cent who voted in the 1996 presidential election. It was clearly a massive protest vote against President Robert Mugabe’s government but the loyalist Laurent Kabila seems to have applied to his presidency the rules forces were hardly mobilised, as shown by the huge stayaways in ZANU-PF’s core constituencies he followed as a rebel leader for 20 in the rural areas which make up 70 per cent of Zimbabwe. -
In God's Path: the Arab Conquests and The
In God’s Path Ancient Warfare and Civilization series editors richard alston robin waterfield In this series, leading historians offer compelling new narratives of the armed conflicts that shaped and reshaped the classical world, from the wars of Archaic Greece to the fall of the Roman Empire and the Arab conquests. Dividing the Spoils: The War for Alexander the Great’s Empire Robin Waterfield By the Spear: Philip II, Alexander the Great, and the Rise and Fall of the Macedonian Empire Ian Worthington Taken at the Flood: The Roman Conquest of Greece Robin Waterfield In God’s Path: The Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire Robert G. Hoyland In God’s Path The Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire Robert G. Hoyland 1 1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 © Oxford University Press 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. -
Algérie : Des Réformes Politiques Pour Éluder Le « Printemps Arabe »
ALTERNATIVES SUD, VOL. 19-2012 / 137 Algérie : des réformes politiques pour éluder le « printemps arabe » Ahmed Aghrout et Yahia H. Zoubir1 L’Algérie paraît épargnée par la vague du « prin- temps arabe ». La faiblesse relative de la mobili- sation démocratique s’explique par le souvenir de la guerre civile des années 1990 comme par les parades du régime. Mais les réformes politiques concédées par ce dernier sont superficielles à plus d’un titre et ne contiendront pas indéfiniment un mécontentement populaire dont les causes comme l’intensité sont comparables à celles des pays voisins. La vigueur du soulèvement tunisien a poussé nombre d’observateurs à miser sur une contagion de la mobilisation à l’Al- gérie voisine. Celle-ci semblait d’autant plus exposée à un scénario à la tunisienne qu’elle réunissait tous les ingrédients de l’explosion sociale : corruption, népotisme, fortes inégalités socio-économiques, libertés restreintes, pénurie de logements, mauvaise gouvernance. Le malaise social était manifeste dans toutes les couches sociales et en particulier parmi la jeunesse. Et la paralysie du gouvernement, en partie due à la maladie du président Abdelaziz Bouteflika, créait un climat propice à la révolte. Contre toute attente, aucun événement majeur n’est venu bou- leverser le statu quo qui règne dans le pays depuis une décennie, mis à part quelques émeutes de nature cyclique. D’autres régimes 1. Respectivement chercheur à la School of Humanities, Languages and Social Sciences, Université de Salford (Manchester) et professeur en études internationales et directeur de recherche en géopolitique à Euromed Management (Marseille). 138 / LE « PRINTEMPS ARABE » : UN PREMIER BILAN ont pourtant partagé le sort de la Tunisie. -
Abdelaziz Bouteflika
Abdelaziz Bouteflika Argelia, Presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 27 de Abril de 1999 - En funciones Nacimiento: Oujda, Marruecos, 02 de Marzo de 1937 Partido político: FLN ResumenEl estado de salud del presidente Abdelaziz Bouteflika, hospitalizado en París desde que sufrió un ictus a finales de abril, ha sumido en una profunda incertidumbre política a Argelia. El país es la primera potencia demográfica y económica del Magreb, uno de los mayores exportadores mundiales de gas ?con muy importantes implicaciones estratégicas para el sur del Europa- y actor clave para la estabilidad de toda la región sahelo-sahariana, convertida en campo de operaciones del terrorismo jihadista. Los achaques vienen minando el físico de Bouteflika, cuyo tercer mandato quinquenal concluye en abril de 2014. Entonces se cumplirán 15 años desde su acceso a la jefatura del Estado, un ejercicio en el poder que ya ha batido el registro de Houari Boumédiène, su antiguo superior y mentor en la dictadura del Frente de Liberación Nacional (FLN), del que fue la mano derecha.Aunque las autoridades aseguran que el presidente, de 76 años, "se recupera" de su accidente cerebrovascular, la opacidad informativa alimenta las especulaciones sobre la proximidad de un proceso sucesorio para el que, de producirse ahora, no hay candidatos claros. Por el momento, el interesado no ha confirmado ni desmentido la intención que le atribuyen de volver a presentarse a las elecciones de 2014, acogiéndose por segunda vez a la enmienda constitucional de 2008 que dio luz verde a su reelección indefinida. Desde 1999, el diminuto Boutef, precoz y brillante ministro de Exteriores entre 1963 y 1979, frustrado heredero del bumedianismo para luego pasarse 19 años en la sombra y superviviente de la generación de líderes revolucionarios que, al cabo de una cruenta guerra de liberación nacional, condujeron a Argelia a la independencia de Francia en 1962, ha regido el país norteafricano con buenas dosis de astucia, inercia conservadora y ambigüedad.