STUDIA ETYMOLOGICA CRACOVIENSIA STUDIA ETYMOLOGICA CRACOVIENSIA 12 (2007) CONDIDIT ET MODERATUR MAREK STACHOWSKI KRAKÓW 2007 Editorial Board: Marek Stachowski (Chief Editor) Kinga Maciuszak (Co-Editor) Tomasz Majtczak, Marzanna Pomorska (Assistants to the Editor) Academic Consultants: Árpád Berta (Szeged) Uwe Bläsing (Leiden) Anna Bochnakowa (Kraków) Eugen Helimski (Hamburg) This volume has appeared thanks to the financial support of the Jagiellonian Univer- sity’s Faculty of Philology and the Institute of Oriental Philology at the Jagiellonian University. We would ask for all references to be encompassed by the abbreviation SEC. The contents and style of the articles remain the sole responsibility of the authors them- selves. All unpublished non-commissioned works will not be returned. On editorial matters please contact the Chief Editor: Prof. Dr. Marek Stachowski, ul. Barska 1/4, PL – 30-307 Kraków; e-mail: [email protected]; fax: (+48) 0-12 422 67 93. Books for review and contributions for publication should be sent to the Editor. ISBN 978-83-233-2345-7 Copyright © 2007 by Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego All rights reserved. No part of this journal may be reproduced in any form without prior written permission from the Publisher. Jagiellonian University Press ul. Wrocławska 53, 30-011 Kraków, Poland tel. 0-12 631 01 97, fax 0-12 631 01 98 mobile 0-506 006 674 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.wuj.pl Bank account: BPH PBK SA IV/O Kraków, 62 1060 0076 0000 3200 0047 8769 CONTENTS Articles José Andrés ALONSO DE LA FUENTE: Once again on Ainu kaco c and Nivx q P P as/-xas ........................................................................ 7-9 Philippe BILLÉ: Remarques sur le nom des tinamous ........................ 11-15 Tomasz GACEK: Computer terminology in the Tajik language ......... 17-29 Bernd GLIWA: Zur Etymologie von litauisch gõjus ‘Hain’ und rõjus ‘Paradies’ sowie slawisch *gajь und *rajь .................................. 31-61 Juha JANHUNEN: On the names of the Tangut ................................. 63-73 Jenő KISS: Gedanken über die etymologischen Forschungen ............ 75-80 Michael KNÜPPEL: Einige sinologische Ergänzungen zum “Ety- mologisch-ethnologischen Wörterbuch tungusischer Dialekte” .. 81-89 Ivan KOTLIAROV: Some observations on the Friulian etymolog- ical and historical dictionary from the Romance specialist’s perspective ................................................................................... 91-97 Witold MAŃCZAK: Développement phonétique irrégulier dû à la fréquence et dictionnaires étymologiques .................................... 99-105 Şerife ÖZER: Das Suffix -(y)IcI zwischen Derivation und Flexion .... 107-112 W. Wilfried SCHUHMACHER: Varia etymologica 1-20................... 113-131 Kenneth SHIELDS, Jr.: Hittite aši, āšma and the deictic origin of Indo-European sigmatic verbal formations .................................. 133-138 Roman SOSNOWSKI: The question of Italian etymology of Polish pion ‘plumb (line)’ ....................................................................... 139-151 Wojciech SOWA: A note to “Phrygian” words in Greek .................... 153-170 Marek STACHOWSKI: Die Etymologie von ttü. şimdi ‘jetzt’ und işte ‘voilà’ vor gemeintürkischem Hintergrund .................................. 171-176 Alexander VOVIN: Once again on the etymology of the title qaγan .. 177-187 Robert WOODHOUSE: New Phrygian ζειρα(ι), ζως, πεις and πειες .. 189-201 Review Johnny Cheung: Studies in the Historical Development of the Ossetic Vocalism (rev. by K. Maciuszak) ................................................. 203-206 Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia vol. 12 Kraków 2007 José Andrés ALONSO DE LA FUENTE (Madrid) c ) ONCE AGAIN ON AINU kaco AND NIVX q P P as/-xasT*TP P According to John Batchelor (1975: XX), the Ainu word kaco ‘shaman’s c drum’ is a borrowing from Nivx q P P as/-xas ‘id.’. This view has been accepted de facto for a long time and nobody suggested different options. For example, Janhunen in his important paper on Siberian shamanistic terminology came to the same conclusion as Batchelor in the Ainu section on Ainu shamanism (1986: 111). At this time, Vovin’s book on the reconstruction of the Proto-Ainu language (1993) was not yet available. Had Janhunen been able to use Vovin’s work, he would certainly have treated this Ainu shamanistic term differently. The main goal of this brief paper is therefore to demonstrate that a detailed analysis of the material will show that this conclusion is not precise, since kaco is of Ainu origin in the new light of evidence offered by Vovin’s book. First, it is necessary to point out that Ainu kaco LH (Hattori 1964: 177) contains the affricate /c/, which according to Vovin does not belong to the Proto-Ainu phonological system. This fact is very important because Janhunen concluded in his paper that the borrowing from Nivx had taken place a long time ago. Presuming that Janhunen meant that this borrowing had taken place at Proto-Nivx and Proto-Ainu stages,1 TP PT it is obviously necessary to deal with Proto- h h Nivx *k P P P ac P V and Proto-Ainu *katyo LH rather than with the forms from the modern languages. The latter has *ty, as in modern Ainu /c/ is derived from: a) *t before *i, e.g. *tis L ‘to cry’ > Nayoro, Asahigawa, Yakumo cis L, Hokkaidō cysy, b) consonant cluster *py-, e.g. *pyAA LL ‘mouth’ > Asahigawa paroho LHL, Nayoro caro LH, Hokkaidō car, and c) consonant cluster *ty before *a, *o and *u, e.g. *tyuk L ‘to fall’ > Na- yoro, Asahigawa, Yakumo cuk H, Saru cuk H, cuk-ita L-HL, Hokkaidō ) T*TP I would like to express my most sincere gratitude to Alexander Vovin (University of P Hawai’i at Manoa) for having read and discussed with me some earlier drafts of the present paper. All errors are my responsibility. 1 TP PT Vovin’s Proto-Ainu reconstruction goes back to the first millennium AD (1993: 155-156). 8 JOSÉ ANDRÉS ALONSO DE LA FUENTE chuk-an, PA *tyOrtya HL ‘to shoot (a bow), to hit (the mark)’ > Nayo- ro, Asahigawa, Yakumo cotca HL, Raichiska cohca.2 TP PT According to the traditional point of view proposed by Batchelor, there is no doubt about the direction of the borrowing: it should be from Nivx to Ainu, because even from the religious point of view, Ainu has undergone a great influence of the Nivx culture.3 TP PT It is therefore necessary to assume a correspond- h ence between Proto-Nivx *c P P and Proto-Ainu *ty. The natural phonological change seen in this correspondence implies the direction of the borrowing from Ainu to Nivx, since it is easier for a consonant cluster *t + *y to be borrowed as h an affricate *c P P , rather than for an affricate to be borrowed as a consonant clus- ter. Such a reductio ad absurdum should be avoided in historical linguistics. At any rate, those authors who think that the direction was really Nivx → Ainu would have to explain the geographical distribution of the Modern Ainu forms: Horobetsu and Nayoro, both located on the Japanese island of Hokkaidō (Horobetsu is near to Sapporo, and Nayoro is to the north of Asahikawa) and Raichiska, on Sakhalin Island. The first two forms certainly cannot be loans from Nivx for simple geographical reasons, but the last one could be the result of such a process. This distribution of kaco in the Ainu dialects leads to the con- c clusion that it is more natural to consider Nivx q P P as/-xas as a borrowing from Ainu (Horobetsu and Nayoro dialects), and not vice versa.4 TP PT With regard to the etymology of *katyo LH > kaco, there is a verb kācō ‘exclamation or clap produced by women dancing behind men’ (Tamura 1996: 268),5 TP PT which however does not solve the problem related to the original meaning of the root although it should, despite its onomatopoeic character, be connected with *katyo LH. In addition, the way in which both forms are related is still to be explained, because although it is possible to speculate about an onomatopoe- ic or expressive origin of the vowel lengthening (which the Raichiska variant does not support), Ainu does not provide any kind of evidence for a process like Spanish mu ‘moo’, onomatopoeic sound made by a cow, giving a verbal form mugir ‘to moo’, since it would imply firstly that kaco is the onomatopoeic 2 TP PT Vovin (1993: 12-16, 34-35, 39-40 respectively). As for *py, Vovin originally re- constructed *pr, but Sidwell (1996: 182) has showed that *py- is a much better reconstruction, using as paradigmatic example the opposition between *tr, where *r is not palatalizing, and *ty, where *y is working in the same way as *r in Vovin’s *pr. For a partial Proto-Nivx reconstruction, cf. Austerlitz (1982, 1986). 3 TP PT “The shamanism of the Ainu is normally assumed to have evolved under the influ- ence of their northern neighbours, notably the Nivkh” (Janhunen 1986: 111). 4 TP PT There is a lot of Ainu loanwords in Nivx, e.g. Proto-Ainu *asir LH ‘new’ → Proto- h c c P P P ir ‘id.’ > Amur Nivx c P uz-, East Sakhalin Nivx c P ir-, or Proto-Ainu *agi LL Nivx *c P c c P P i ‘crossbow’ > Amur Nivx and East Sakhalin Nivx k P i ‘arrow’ → Proto-Nivx *k P (Vovin 1993: 158-162). 5 TP PT Alexander Vovin (p.c.). AINU kaco AND NIVX qcas/-xas 9 sound produced by the shaman’s drum – quite hard to demonstrate – and secondly that vowel lengthening works as a derivational means, something for which there is no evidence at all. In sum, the Ainu word *katyo LH > kaco LH ‘shaman’s drum’ belongs to the most archaic part of the Ainu lexicon and might be a loanword in Nivx. On the other hand, the relation of this term to kācō ‘exclamation or clap produced by women dancing behind men’ remains obscure.