Chinese Science 12 (1995): 41-76

The Disappearance of Silk Weaves with Weft Effects in Early China

Angela Sheng

[Angela Sheng was formerly Assistant Curator in the Textiles Department, Royal Ontario Museum, Toronto, Canada. She is now living and researching in Japan. Material in Figures 5, Al, A2, and A4 has been reprinted from Dorothy K. Burnham, Warp and Weft: A Textile Tenninology (Toronto: Royal Ontario Museum, 1980), with permission ofthe author.}

* * *

n 1982 spectacular costumes and textiles were unearthed from the Number I One Chu Tomb (340-278 B.C.) at Mashan in Jiangling (Hubei 1985). Complex patterns woven with weft effect were found on seven silk bands (taodai) trimming the opening of four robes. 1 This discovery all but shatters the misconception that the ancient Chinese learned to weave patterns in the weft from foreigners and obliterates the false debate about the origin of the Chinese drawloom. 2 But it also raises a new question: why did the Chinese not continue

1 The term "weaves with weft effects" follows Dorothy Bumham's classification ( 1980: 195-96). Textile terms are often confusing in both English and Chinese and this confusion is compounded in translation. As much as possible, I will use modem Chinese textile terms that refer to weave structures and provide their English equivalents. Where two different ancient textiles are the same in structure, I will use their historical names. For details on Chinese silk weaves, see Becker 1987: 23-25 and Zhao Feng 1992: 31-73. For an explantion of textile terins, see Appendix. 2 Based on textile finds from Antinoi!, Egypt dating to A.O. 300-500, Western schol­ ars generally believe that the Syrian techniques of weaving patterns in the weft led to the invention of the drawloom in Central Asia (Geijer 1979: 98-100; De Jonghe 1990: 75). The implication is that since the Chinese lacked such expertise, or at least in the absence of such evidence, weaves imported from Syria inspired the Chinese to develop a draw­ loom with a "tower" (hua/ou) as illustrated in Song Yingxing's text of 1637, Tiangong kaiwu (The exploitation of the works of nature, 1983 (1637): 86) at a much later date. 41 Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access 42 Chinese Science 12 (1995)

to develop weaves with weft effects after they had demonstrated obvious com­ petence in making them? Until this discovery, scholars tended to think that the ancient Chinese spe­ cialized only in weaving silks with warp effects,3 as exemplified by the techni­ cally difficult qirongjin (polychrome warp-faced compound tabby with piled loops or proto-velvet) found in 1972 in the Number One Han Tomb (168 e.c.) at Mawangdui in Changsha (Hunan 1973). While mastery of sericulture and silk-reeling in the Shang dynasty (16th-I Ith c. e.c.) may have led to the con­ version of long silk filament into warp, and weaves with warp effects such as have been popular in China since then (Kuhn 1982, 390-91 ),4 the advantage of silk's length should not have precluded its use as weft for weaving patterns. This article discusses the complexity of these early silk weaves with weft ef­ fects and summarizes how they are related to the much simpler tapestry, also a weave with weft effect (Sheng 1993). Whereas complex weft-patterned silk bands were used to trim robes, simple tapestry bands were probably made for use as belts. These two uses were related to the dress of the time. As the style of dress changed, it seems that artisans abandoned the weaving of weft-patterned silks until the sixth and seventh centuries when new silk weaves of different weft effects appeared. 5 This article also attempts to account for the disappear­ ance of the weaving of silk bands with weft effects in early China by analyzing changes in fashion and the social conditions of textile production from the War­ ring States period to the Former Han dynasty (206-8 B.C.). 6

However, Chinese scholars disagree. Without a draw mechanism, though not necessarily the "tower" type, these scholars argue, the ancient Chinese could not have woven such figured silks (with pattern in the warp) as those unearthed from Niya, Xinjiang dating to the Latter Han dynasty (A.O. 25-220) (Xia 1979: 76). Inventions commonly arise independently. Possibly, weavers both in China and in Central Asia arrived at ways of controlling the warp on their own without foreign influ­ ence. Intriguing designs foreign to their own tradition may also have precipitated techni­ cal improvements by Chinese and Syrian weavers. Both possibilities would support theories on how drawlooms in China evolved and differed from those in Central Asia while ignoring who did what first. For a theoretical discussion of independent inventions, see Thomas S. Kuhn 1962: 52-65. 3 For details, see Appendix. 4 The implication is that a short fiber like wool would be better suited for weaves with weft effects (Becker 1987: 81 ). 5 See in the Appendix the section on twill under Basic Textile Terms and the refer­ ence to weft-faced compound tabbies or twills in the section onjin under Early Chinese Weaves with Warp Effects. 6 Archaeology has also greatly enriched our understanding of the period (Yang 1986: 18-21 ). Because more than 2,500 Chu tombs have been unearthed from 1950 to 1980 (Gao and Xiong 1980: 51), studies of Chu culture have also proliferated (Shu 1982; Blakeley 1985-87). Proponents of the theory that Chu culture grew indigenously con­ tinue to win wider recognition (Wen Chongyi 1990; Zhang Zhengming 1990).

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Early Chinese Silk Weaves with Weft Effects

Material evidence from Mashan shows that Chu artisans wove two categories of complex weaves with weft effects: brocaded textiles, and the technically more complicated Type B chuanrao method of weft-patterning discussed in detail below. An example of the brocaded variety is found in the border of mat N26 from Mashan.7 It is ajin (warp-faced compound tabby) further brocaded with an extra weft (Hubei 1985: 40, fig. 33-2; col. pl. 11) (Figure 1). The simple geo­ metric pattern of a brocaded square in the middle of a warp-faced cross reflects an unsophisticated mechanism for controlling the warp. Brocading was also evident on one of the seven silk bands discussed in detail below. According to Peng Hao, the seven silk bands, taodai,8 were woven in two different ways for the patterns to appear in the weft (Hubei 1985, 50: table 9).9 The two types are similar in that each band is woven with one warp and two wefts-one ground weft for binding with the ground warp to form the 1/1 tabby structure and one supplementary pattern weft for making the motifs. However, the two types differ in the way that the supplementary pattern weft is woven.

Vastly increased knowledge of Chu culture allows us to treat textiles from both the earlier Chu Mashan tomb and from the later Han Mawangdui tomb as belonging to the same cultural tradition (Li 1984: 302). On the strength of this cultural similarity, I intend to draw inferences on Chu textile culture that extend to the Fonner Han dynasty. 7 On brocading, see Appendix. 8 Dai is a generic tenn still in use meaning a belt or a narrow band; tao is an ancient, generic tenn meaning silk bands. Tao does not designate any particular weave (Morohashi 1976: 4-8950 and 8-27465). The most famous tao bears the words qian Jin (thousand gold) and was discovered at Mawangdui (Shanghai 1980: 55-58). Its braided structure bears no resemblance to that of the weft-patterned tao unearthed from Mashan and is excluded from discussion here. Peng Hao also refers to another type of silk band as tao, but it is knitted rather than woven (1985: 90--95). For clarity, the latter should be called by its ancient name, xun (Morohashi 1976: 8-27241 ). It is also excluded from discussion here. 9 Due to inaccessibility, I rely entirely on Peng Hao's analysis (1984; reprinted in Hubei 1985: 43-50) the pertinent sections of which I have condensed in translation. These analyses were verified by Wang Xu, professor with the Study Group of the His­ tory of Chinese Costumes and Textiles, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing. Prof. Wang introduced me to Mr. Peng Hao, Curator of the Jingzhou Museum in Jian­ gling, during the latter's visit to Beijing in 1990. I wish to thank them both for discussing with me their work on these finds. On textile production in ancient China, especially that of silk, see Sato (1962: 107- 208; 1977). Two equally useful and more comprehensive references are Zhongguo fang­ zhi kexue jishu shi, gudai bu/en edited by Chen Weiji (1984) and Dieter Kuhn's volume on spinning and reeling ( 1988).

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A. Textile

warp !

weft .---..

B. Diagram showing brocading

C. Pattern

Figure 1. Brocaded jin on border of mat N26, Mashan tomb, ca. 340-278 s.c., Jingzhou Museum. Source: Hubei 1985: 40, fig. 33-2; colored plates 11-1 , 11-2, lower band.

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A. Lower band

weft t

warp..--.

B. Weave structure C. Pattern

warp t

weft ..--.

0000000

Figure 2. Silk band with Type A paosuo weft-patterning on robe N12, Mashan tomb, ca. 340-278 s.c., Jingzhou Museum. Source: Hubei 1985: 51, fig. 41, color plates 19-1, 11-2.

The Type A Paosuo Method of Weft-patterning

Peng Hao has defined the Type A tao according to its weft-patterning method of paosuo where the supplementary weft is shuttle-thrown into the open shed when required to make a motif and otherwise left to float over two warp ends on the back of the textile (Hubei 1985: 43-44). The French term lance cor-

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A. Textile

B. Pattern warp~

Figure 3. Silk band with Type B chuanrao weft-patterning on robe N10, tianlie (hunting-in-the-field), Mashan tomb, ca. 340-278 s.c., Jingzhou Museum. Source: Hubei 1985: 48, fig. 39-1; color plates 18. responds best to the Chinese tenn paosuo. However, because this weft is not woven into the selvage, it really should be considered brocaded. w Thus this Type A paosuo method falls in the first category of complex weaves with weft effects made by Chu artisans. The only example of Type A is one of the two bands trimming robe Nl2 (Hubei 1985: 51, fig. 41; col. pl. 19-1, lower band) (Figure 2a top, 2b, 2c). Fea­ turing a pattern of large diamonds and small hexagons, it measures only 2.3 cm wide, narrower than the other band (6.1 cm) also trimming the same robe. The latter (Hubei 1985: col. pl. 19-2, upper band) (Figure 2a bottom) shows a similar pattern but is woven in the Type B method, as are the other five silk bands. This Type B method is the second category of complex weaves with weft effects that Chu artisans mastered.

10 Having examined two silk bands at the Hermitage Museum, MR986 and MR988, Gabriel Vial finds them similar in structure to the Mashan example on robe Nl2, which he prefers to consider as brocading and not lance (Riboud 1992: 19-23).

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The Type B Chuanrao Method of Weft-patterning

A special method of chuanrao, "threading through and crossing back," dis­ tinguishes the Type B weft-patterned silk bands where the pattern weft is not one continuous yam (as in the Type A paosuo method) but rather is made of threads of several colors wound on small bobbin-like shuttles, one for each color (Hubei 1985: 45-46, 48 fig. 39-1; col. pl. 18) (Figure 3). To color in a small area, a weaver would thread the pattern-weft of that color three times through the warp to the textile's face, bring it across several ends and thread it through the warp again to the textile's back, and back again to the textile's face (Hubei 1985: 46, fig. 37-2) (Figure 4).

warp !

weft .----.

. I Z l 4 5 I 1 I I JI 11 U U U U II weft

Figure 4. Type B chuanrao weft-patterning method. Source: Hubei 1985: 46, fig. 37-2.

The above summarizes Peng Hao's technical analysis; what follows is my interpretation. The structural difference between the two types of weft­ patterning methods affords the Type B an advantage in design. Because the pattern weft wraps around the ground warp (for the pattern) three times, a silk band woven in the Type B chuanrao method is thicker and sturdier than that woven in the Type A paosuo method or brocading. This structural strength probably accounts for both the greater width and more complex patterns, such as the tianlie (hunting-in-the-field) (Figure 3) and /ongfeng (dragon and phoe­ nix) on the Type B bands trimming robes NIO and N22 (Hubei 1985: col. pis. 18, 20). The ground-warp count of Type B ranges from 32 to 48 ends per cm and the ground-weft count, 20 to 32 threads per cm. Both densities reflect a fine control

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of silk yam used for the warp and weft. 11 The warp count also suggests the exis­ tence of a reed with fine dents through which the warp ends are dressed on the loom. The width of the silk bands points to the use of a small, narrow portable band loom or, alternatively, a pattern-heddle loom with an equal number of treadles and shafts for the weaving of narrow bands (Zhao Feng 1992: 19). At present we still lack evidence to prove one or the other. Both brocading (Type A paosuo) and the Type B chuanrao method permit the weaving of textiles with weft effects through the use of an extra weft. Both resemble embroidery in some ways. 12 To embroider, one pierces a textile with a threaded needle to make designs. To brocade and to weave in the Type B chuanrao method, one uses a small bobbin-like shuttle and runs it in and out of the warp threads. The similarity lies in the tools (needle and bobbin-like shuttle) and the motion of adding extra threads to make a pattern. However, embroidery is worked by hand with a needle on a previously woven textile (Reath 1927: 49- 52), while threads of the brocading weft and the Type B chuanrao weft are woven into a textile on the loom as the textile is woven. But the latter differs from the two former in that neither the brocaded nor the embroidered pattern forms an integral part of the textile. Cut away the brocaded or embroidered pattern, the textile remains intact. Cut away the pattern on the textile woven in the Type B chuanrao method, no textile will remain. In this last aspect, the Type B chuanrao method of weaving with weft effect is similar to tapestry.

Tapestry

Tapestry (Ice) is usually a weft-faced tabby of one warp and weft (Sheng 1993) (Figure 5). 13 The weft effect does not result from the use of an extra weft. Unlike the ground weft (but not the pattern weft) that is woven from selvage to selvage in a brocaded textile, the weft (one and only) in tapestry is made of threads of different colors that are carried back and forth in small bobbin-like shuttles for making patterns. This is called tong Jing duan wei in Chinese (Chen Juanjuan 1979). Tapestry, brocaded and Type B chuanrao weft-patterned weaves are all alike in that small shuttles are used for making patterns. However, unlike brocaded textiles but similar to the Type B chuanrao weft-patterned weaves, if one were to cut away the pattern from the tapestry, then no textile will remain. But tapes­ try is far simpler than the complex chuanrao weave. It seems implausible that

11 For a detailed discussion of the preparation of silk yarn at this time, see Dieter Kuhn 1988: 157--60, 172-74, 198-202. 12 I wish to thank Amina Malago for further strengthening my thinking on this point (personal communication). 13 Its binding can also be a balanced tabby where half of the textile surface shows the warp and the other half, weft, or even a twill (Burnham 1980: 144).

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Chu artisans would know how to weave the more complex latter and not the much simpler former. Indeed, some funerary warpi inventories (yice) written on bamboo slips (zhujian) weft._. from Tomb Number One of Changtaiguan at Xinyang discovered in 1957 and from Tomb Number Two of Wangshan at Jiangling ex- Figure 5. Tapestry, see also Figure A-2. cavated in 1965 contain Source: Dorothy Burnham 1980: 144. information relevant to the tapestry weave. 14 On some bamboo slips we find the word ke, written with the silk radical beside ge, leather, that is, precisely the ke in kesi, silk pictorial tapestry, as it is sometimes written (Zhongwen xi 1978: 67). From the accompanying artifacts, it has been established that this ke referred to a woven textile and not leather. 15 In these inventories, ke is also used in conjunction with the word for band or belt, dai. Contexts in which the word ke occurs permit us to judge that the textile it refers to was as precious as other cited special textiles such as zu andjin (Liu 1986; Zhang Zhenlin 1980: 86). Also ke could be a narrow band of one color (su), sometimes used as a belt with jade belt hooks (Liu Yu 1986: 129, bamboo slip 2-07). The belt hooks (daigou) were elaborately inlaid with white and yel­ low gold featuring animal motifs. The silk belt would also have to be suffi­ ciently strong to hold these gold-inlaid jade hooks. Certainly if the belt were tapestry, it would be sufficiently strong. 16 Unfortunately, no textiles were found in either tomb. However, both tombs date to the middle and late Warring States period, close to the period assigned to the Mashan Tomb in which was found our Type B weft-patterned silk bands. Thus, the ancient Chinese probably wove narrow silk bands in tapestry (kedai),

14· Since 1949, seven lots of eight hundred or so such bamboo slips were found in six tombs in Changsha, Hunan (close to the Mawangdui site), Jiangling, Hubei (not far from the Mashan site), and Xinyang, Henan. Faculty at the Chinese Department of Zhongshan University formed a group specifically to study these Chu bamboo slips within the Re­ search Laboratory of Ancient Languages and Scripts. After years of work, they published various reports. Some contain information relevant to the tapestry weave (Zhongwen xi 197 ~} - Possiby the association with leather derives from the fact that leather requires cut­ ting to be made into anything. 16 Although we lack extant tapestry belts, we know that tapestry was considered a strong enough weave to be used for making shoes in the Eastern Jin dynasty (A.D. 317- 420). By then, the silk tapestry weave was called zhicheng (Zhao Chengze 1980: 134).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access 50 Chinese Science 12 (1995) to be used as belts, even though the earliest tapestry fragments from China dat­ ing to the Fonner Han dynasty (206-8 B.C.) are woven in wool, dazhi (Wu Min 1992: 78-92). In summary, let us suppose that early Chinese artisans wove narrow silk bands with weft effects, using both the simple tapestry and the complex weft­ patterning of brocading (Type A paosuo) and the Type B chuanrao method. The uses of these silk bands seem related to their narrowness. Probably, tapestry bands were used as belts, though none has yet been found. The one brocaded (Type A paosuo) silk band 17 and the six Type B chuanrao silk bands from Mashan were used as trim. Beside these, none other has surfaced. Why? Were these weaves so unique as to have come from elsewhere? If so, we still lack proof. 18 Or, did these early Chinese silk weaves with weft effects disappear as the result of a change in fashion?

Changes in Fashion

Belts and Silk Bands

Belts and silk bands were intricately related in ancient Chinese dress. As the style of dress changed over time, so did the style of belts and silk bands. Belts were initially necessary to tie clothing together. A small jade figurine excavated from the tomb of Fu Hao in An yang in 1976 dating to the Anyang period (ca. 1300--ca. 1030 B.C.) shows a person wearing a wide, patterned belt at the waist over a narrow-sleeved long top (Zhou and Gao 1984: 19, fig. 15). The patterned top features a quju youren opening, that is, the left opening covering the right opening at an angle on the wearer's right side. 19 Patterned weaves trim the top along the opening, sleeve-opening and at the hem. A wide band falls from the belt. Worn with a skirt, this top was probably designed for the aristocracy (Shen 1981: 2-3). Narrow silk bands (sitao) were also used as belts. For example, two pottery figures excavated from Houma, Shanxi dating to the Eastern Zhou (770-256 B.C.) show each man wearing a silk band knotted at the waist over a narrow­ sleeved, long top (Fig. 6a, b). Similarly, a bronze soldier excavated from Changzhi, Shanxi and dating to the Warring States period has his short top

17 Because the length and the selvage-to-selvage width of the brocaded Jin trimming mat N26 of Mashan are unknown, it is difficult to compare the use of this textile with those of the brocaded silk band. 18 Riboud (1992: 19) suggests this possibility based on the techniques and the ico­ nography without supporting evidence. 19 This follows Shen Congwen's interpretation regardless of whether the two front openings fall straight down or not (1981: 2-3, 9).

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belted with a band of silk weave (Shen 1981: 15, fig. 3) (Figure 6c). These tops also feature the quju youren opening. Such tops worn with trousers afford ease of movement. Peasants and laborers probably wore this combination of clothing but made of plain cloth instead of silk. This style also influenced the so-called nomadic dress (hufu) (Shen 1981: 16).

A. 8 .

C.

Figure 6. Narrow silk belt on pottery and bronze figures; (A) and (8) pot­ tery figures from Houma, Shanxi, ca. 770-256 B.c.; (C) bronze figure from Changzhi, Shanxi, ca. 475-221 B.C. Source: Shen Congwen 1981 : 15, fig. 3.

Aristocratic women do not seem to have worn such tops. Wooden figurines excavated from the Chu tomb at Xinyang show ladies wearing long robes of wider sleeves belted at the waist (Shen 1981: 18-19, fig. 11) (Figure 7). The elaborately patterned belts also carry jade pendants. These belts could have been made of sturdy tapestry (Liu 1986: 129, bamboo slip 2-07). If so, tapestry belts would have been too thick to be easily knotted. Probably tapestry belts were fastened by thin silk bands as were leather belts before belt hooks were invented (Sun Ji 1993 [ 1986]: 204 ).

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Figure 7. Silk belt with jade pendants on wooden figurines from Xinyang tomb, ca. 475-221 B.c. Source: Shen Congwen 1981: 18-19, fig. 11.

The earliest extant belt hooks are bronze and date to the early Spring and Autumn period (770-476 B.C.). They could have derived from the combined use of silk bands and jade rings (not pendants) (Sun Ji 1993 [1986]: 204-5). With the rapid advance in metallurgy applied to ornaments during the Warring States period, belt hooks grew in size and decorative complexity to assume more sym­ bolic than practical value (Lawton 1982: 123, Freer Gallery of Art acc. no. 16.443). Certainly an abundant number of belt hooks made of bronze, gold, sil­ ver, even iron and jade, dating to that period have survived (ibid.: 89-125). Curiously, no belts were found in either the Mashan or the Mawangdui tomb. Also, only one broken belt hook (I: 3.9 cm; w: 0.4-0.9 cm) was discov­ ered in the Mashan tomb (Hubei 1985: 74, pl. 33-4). Had belts gone out of fashion? How had the style of dress changed?

Style of Dress: Mashan Robes

Since the inception of the dress code in the early Eastern Zhou, all classes were governed by strict rules of dress to maintain social distinction and there­ fore social order (Du 1992: 732-46; Wang 1977). However, it would appear from the Mashan finds that by the mid Warring States period the dress code was beginning to break down. The Mashan tomb belonged to an anonymous lady who died around age 45, sometime between 340 and 278 B.C. She was a mem­ ber of the shi (knight) class, just above the class of commoners (Hubei 1985: 17,

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95). 20 According to the Book of Rites (Liji, yuzao I: 498), a person of this class was not allowed to wear patterned weaves. The Mashan finds show otherwise. Three of the twelve long robes buried with this anonymous lady were made of patterned Jin. 21 Except for two robes in tabby (NI, N23), the other robes in tabby and gauze were further elaborately embroidered (Hubei 1985, 20). All were trimmed along the opening, sleeve­ opening and at the hem. Various trims included tabby, qi, Jin, and weft­ patterned silk bands. Plenty of patterned weaves in sight! Whether padded with silk floss (mianpao), single in layer (danyi), or lined (jiayi), all twelve robes were cut to approximate the style of dress called shenyi. The Book of Rites stipulates that it be one long robe (as opposed to the combi­ nation of a top and a bottom); that it have broad sleeve openings; that its circum­ ference at the waist be three times that of the sleeve-opening and that of its hem be even larger; that it have a youren opening; and so on (Liji, yuzao I: 497-98). Although these robes were cut in three different ways, all were one-piece, with large sleeves, wide waist and hem, and with the quJu youren opening. The Mashan robes thus fit the prescription (Hubei 1985: 20-21, fig. 23) (Figure 8). 22 However, although people of the knight class could wear robes with trim (Chunqiufanlu, 204, 208-10), the trim (yuan) was not permitted to exceed 3.4 cm (1.5 cun) according to the Book of Rites. 23 The width of trims found at Mashan violated this limit. Except for the seven weft-patterned silk bands that trimmed the opening of four robes (NIO, Nl2, Nl5, N22), trims used every­ where else were tabby (qi), or most oftenJin. Weft-patterned silk bands varied from 2.3 cm (Nl2, Type A paosuo) to 5.6-6.8 cm (Type B chuanrao). In con­ trast, wider trims were invariably made ofJin, varying from 6 to 9 cm along the opening and 9.5 to 17 cm along the sleeve opening (Hubei 1985: 20, table I). Clearly, the trim, embroidery, and patterned weaves enhanced the ornamental value of the dress. The decorative purpose far outweighed the previous ritual significance. The ornamental vocabulary reserved for the nobility had also been appropriated by wealthy non-aristocrats to the extent that critics advising rulers on wise governance repeatedly condemned such extravagance (Mozi xianhua 1,

20 The translation of shi as "knight" follows K. C. Chang (Li 1985: 460). 21 Robes Nl5, Nl6, Nl9. The others were made of tabby (NI, NS, NIO, Nl3, Nl4, N22, N23,), and gauze (N9, Nl2), all silk (Hubei 1985: 20, 25). 22 Shen Congwen interprets quju as the front opening of the dress crossing at an an­ gle regardless of whether the opening falls straight or not ( 198 l: 12, 15). By this defini­ tion, these Mashan robes qualify as shenyi. But Sun Ji disagrees. He argues that quju means a curved opening that wraps the robe and only this type can be considered shenyi ( 1993 [ 1982]: 105-6). This view seems too limited. 23 Liji, yuzao I: 497. Calculation based on an extant ruler and textile where 2 chi 2 cun of that time= 51 cm (Wu Min 1992: 25-26).

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A.

B. c. T T Figure 8. The style of dress: Mashan robes. (A) pad­ ded robe N15, (B) padded robe N1, (C) padded robe N10, Mashan tomb, ca. 34~278 B.c., Jingzhou Mu­ seum. Source: Hubei 1985: 21, fig. 23.

Style of Dress: Mawangdui Robes

The shenyi dress grew popular sometime during the transition from the Warring States period to the Former Han dynasty (Sun Ji 1993 [1982]: 105). With its increased popularity, the shenyi deviated further from the earlier pre­ scription, to judge from the Mawangdui finds belonging to the wife of the Mar­ quis of Dai (Dai hou) of one century later.25 One lined and eleven padded robes26 that can be categorized as shenyi show several changes. Only the front opening of three padded robes (329-12,-13,-14) falls straight down;27 on all the

24 I wish to thank Martin Powers for his many useful suggestions and references on this subject. For his theory on the rhetorical discourse of art, see Powers 1991 . 25 I believe this to be a reasonable supposition even if we take into account that Lady Dai might have been of a higher rank than the anonymous knight's lady of Mashan and that these two samples are the only ones available. 26 The three single-layered robes (danyi) are so diaphanous that they cannot be outer wear and should be excluded from the category of shenyi, even though they are of the same style (Hunan 1978, 1: 69; 2: col. pl. 78). 27 As does that of one single robe (329-6) (Hunan 1973, 1: 69).

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other robes it curves and wraps the dress to the back (Hunan 1973, l: 66--67; figs. 54, 55) (Figure 9). Because the latter style requires about 40% more mate­ rial than the former, the more wrapped style is definitely more luxurious. In addition, whereas the three padded robes of the straight-falling front are made of silk tabby with printed patterns, the nine more wrapped robes are mostly made of either patterned qi or /uo, both more complex weaves that, in some cases, are further embroidered with ornate patterns (Hunan 1973, l: 65, 68--69).

A. B.

wrapped straight-falling front

Figure 9. The style of dress, Mawangdui robes. (A) robe 329-10, (B) robe 329-12, Mawangdui tomb, ca. 168 B.C., Changsha Mu­ seum. Source: Hunan 1973, 1: 66-67, figs. 54, 55.

However, there is more. The trims on the Mawangdui robes (mostly ranging from 18 to 21 cm along the opening and from 26 to 44 cm along the sleeve opening) are much wider than those on the Mashan robes (Hunan 1973, l: 68).28 Moreover, only three robes have trim made of patterned silk, but this silk is the exceptional qirongjin (warp-faced compound tabby with pile) (329-10, 357-3, 357-5). The rest are trimmed in plain silk, no longer made of complex weft­ patterned silk bands as was the case in the third century B.C. (Hunan 1973, 1: 54-55, 65, 68). Most significantly, a trim-28 cm wide and 348 cm long, of

28 Only the trim on robe 329-5 is 7 cm wide along the front and 5 cm wide along the sleeve opening made ofjin. It is difficult to judge from color plate 78 whether the trim is Jin or qirongjin.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access 56 Chinese Science 12 (199 5) plain brown silk ready to be sewn to a robe-was preserved as such (Hunan 1973, 1: 67--68, item 329-7). The most obvious changes in fashion seen in the articles described above are the wrapped style and the wider trim. The wrapped style of dress might have reduced the need for a belt, though plain and very thin belts were still worn for form. Because the body of the dress could display exotic new weaves and pat­ terned belts might actually compete with belt hooks that show off intricately worked precious metals, the aesthetic focus would have shifted from the belt to the belt hooks. Until further evidence is found, however, this reasoning remains a conjecture. However, the wider trim definitely shifted the aesthetic focus from individual ornamented parts-the trim, the belt, or the body of the dress-to the contrast between the trim and the body of the dress. The overall effect of the Mawangdui robes is one of freedom and more dynamic styling, and in this re­ spect they are remarkably different from the Mashan robes that seem restrained, though elegant in design. The evolution of design in dress corresponds to the stylistic change in other decorative arts. However, one side effect of the change in dress is that narrow silk bands (maybe both the simple tapestry used as belts and the complex weft-patterned silk bands used as trims) became obsolete. This change in fashion should have affected the demand and therefore the supply of fashionable accessories such as weft-patterned trims and belts. However, this alone would be insufficient to explain entirely the disappearance of weft­ patterned silk weaves.

Social Conditions of Textile Production

State Workshops

The specialized techniques and equipment used in their manufacture sug­ gests that complex silk weaves from Mashan and Mawangdui were probably woven in state workshops, following earlier royal models.29 A bronze seal bear­ ing the words zhong zhi shi shu (central weaving workshop seal), discovered in a tomb in Changsha dating to the Warring States period, confirms the existence of such a state weaving workshop, probably still located outside the city walls near the stables and close to where artisans lived (Zhao Xiyuan 1983: 189). 30

29 During earlier Western Zhou times (I Ith c.-771 B.C.) only royal workshops pro­ duced luxury goods for the exclusive use of the aristocracy, with their sale to others strictly forbidden (Zhao Xiyuan 1983: 186). Likewise for luxury silks (Sato 1962: 45, 120; Kuhn 1982: 397-98). The royalty ruled the state; royal workshops were state work­ shops. 30 Weaving workshops continued to produce the needed textiles as attested by a similar seal unearthed from Xi'an and dating to the Han dynasty (Xiong 1982: 64). Al-

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Only women seemed to have worked in state workshops for weaving, dyeing, and embroidery. Numerous extant texts refer to niigong (woman's work) that ranged from sericulture (Shuoyuan, 548), silk-reeling (Hanshi, 213), selection of raw materials of silk and ramie for weaving (Dadai, 286), to weaving and em­ broidery (Shuoyuan, 711-12). Whereas hereditary slave-like family clans worked in royal workshops in the Western Zhou (Tong 1981: 9), laws recorded on bamboo slips excavated from Qin Tomb Number Eleven of Shuihudi at Yunmeng county, Hubei in 1975 (Yunmeng Qinjian 1986) reveal a significant change by the time of the Warring States period. Workers in state workshops by then were mostly nubi, slave-like serfs converted from criminals or prisoners of war and their families. 31 Most importantly, even aristocrats of one state could, by being captured in war, de­ scend to the status of nubi and work for the nobility of the victorious state (Zuochuan, Zhaogongyear26; Chen Lianqing 1983). Like other contemporaneous state workshops, those for weaving inherited a hierarchical structure from earlier times (Tong 1981: 9). Unearthed from Tomb Number Forty-four of Zuojiatang at Changsha in 1957, a fragment of brown silk Jin shows on its edge the inked words nii Wu shi (woman surnamed Wu). 32 Since craft masters (gongshi), responsible for the quality of goods produced, headed other workshops at this time, and in the Han dynasty weaving masters (zhishi) directed weaving workshops, this signature could have belonged to a weaving master of the Warring States period.33 Such a master would have controlled the workshop that greatly valued women textile workers. Unlike unskilled women whose workday was counted only half that of a man, the workday of a skilled woman textile worker was

though weaving workshops are not mentioned in extant texts for the Warring States pe­ riod, they are mentioned in texts for the Han dynasty. For example, while in 66 e.c. both the Eastern and Western weaving workshops operated for the court in Chang'an (Xi'an), by 28 B.C. Emperor Cheng abolished the first to reduce expenses (Han shu, j. 8, 1: 389; j. l 9a, 1: 438). 31 On the distinction of nubi from slaves in the Marxist sense, see Chao Kang and Ch' en Chung-i 1986: 20--36. On the status of nubi based on the Qin Iii (Laws of the Qin dynasty), see Li 1985: 475 and Wu Shuping 1986. 32 Definitely a signature, it was accompanied by the cinnabar imprint of a seal. Whether the name belonged to a weaver or to the seamstress who sewed the two pieces of the fragment together is unclear (Xiong 1975: 49). 33 Craft masters received severe punishment for inferior goods (Li 1985: 466--70; Wu Rongzeng 1986: 46). The practice of inscribing the manufacture's name was common for other media such as lacquerware (Yu Weichao 1985 [1976]). References to weaving masters are available for the Han but not for the Warring States period (Sun Yutang 1963: 171, fnt. 3). Riboud and Lubo-Lesnichenko propose to read "Han" and "ren" as either "the master weaver or the owner of the workshop" for a Han silk fragment with inscription (L.C. 07a, The National Museum of India, New Delhi). However, this reading is a speculation without any supporting evidence (Riboud 1972-73: 22).

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considered equivalent to that of a man (Wu Rongzeng 1986: 47). Indeed, skilled women textile artisans were so valuable that-unlike unskilled, non-textile workers-they could not be freed from state workshops (Wu Shuping 1986: 133). Female textile artisans enjoyed particular renown for their craft in the state of Lu (Shiji, huozhiliezhuan, 520). It was probably as a result of this reputation that in 589 B.C. the state of Chu agreed to peace with Lu on condition of receiv­ ing as indemnity one hundred each of weavers, seamstresses, and wood carvers (Zuochuan, j. 25: 32a-b). The prohibition against freeing these women artisans and the acceptance of them as war booty strongly suggest that they carried with them in their hands and heads the precious technical knowledge of making spe­ cial textiles. Although we lack evidence of artisans' state of literacy at the time, we can surmise that whoever controlled them controlled the transmission of technical knowledge.

The Rise of Private Workshops and Their Weaves

Although direct evidence of private weaving workshops in the Warring States period is still lacking, several factors indicate their rise. The rapidly in­ creasing urban population stimulated the development of a market economy (Hsu 1977; Hsu 1989: 10; Liang 1980: 7). Although improved agricultural tech­ nology raised productivity, farming intensified because of the general increase in population. 34 Many peasants left their land and sold their labor as artisans (Xinyujiazhu, 21; Guanzi 15/4). In order to survive, many peasants also sold themselves as private nubi. Some households kept several hundreds of such nubi; others even had thousands (Chao and Ch'en 1986: 32-37). Their masters bought and sold them as com­ modities or gave and received them as gifts (Chen Lianqing 1983: 349). Rarely used for farming, an activity difficult to supervise and control, most private nubi worked around the home or in household industries (Chao and Ch'en 1986: 75- 76).15 Peasant women could also supplement income from agriculture by undertak­ ing handicraft work. Indeed, widows, abandoned wives, or poor women could

34 The average peasant household of five people tilled only one hundred mu of land by the Warring States period (Chao and Ch'en 1986: 7-10). 35 For example, Shuyi of the state of Qi kept four thousand ironsmiths at home pre­ sumably to work in his foundry (Chen Lianqing 1983: 349). References to private workshops are not available for the Warring States period. The wife of Marquis Zhang Anshi of the Han dynasty was supposed to have done the spin­ ning and weaving in her household herself. Although she had seven hundred private servants, it is not evident that she had organized them to make textiles. If she had, then her workshop had reached a large enough size to have been in a position to experiment with new weaves (Han shu, j. 59 liezhuan 29, 1: 247).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access Angela Sheng: The Disappearence ofSilk Weaves with Weft Effects 59 even earn their livelihood, supporting their children and elders, by spinning, weaving, and sewing.36 If private weaving workshops indeed came into existence, what weaves did they produce? No text shows that they wove figured silks such as those un­ earthed from Mashan and Mawangdui. The circulation of complex weaves came about through gifts or other channels that bypassed the market system altogether (Sato 1977: 190-95). Certainly sericulture was widespread and the cultivation of textile fibers commonplace. Local tribute indicates regional specialization. 37 On close inspection, most textiles offered as tribute were fine tabbies of silk and bast fibers. Summarizing Sato Taketoshi's textual research, from Yanzhou came silk yarn (si) and patterned silk (zhiwen) that resulted from colorful warp rather than complex patterning techniques. From Qingzhou came silk yarn and cloth woven of hemp (xi). Finely woven black silk (xuan qiangao), still a tabby, came from Xuzhou. From Yangzhou came a special zhibei, either cotton cloth or more likely, purple silk tabby-still a plain weave. From Yuzhou, fine cloth made of hemp (xi), creeper-vine (chi), and ramie (zhu), as well as fine, new silk floss (kuang) were sent. Only the tribute from Jingzhou (in which the Mashan tomb was located) was unusual: xuan xun Ji zu. Xuan meant black and xun, yel­ lowish red; in remains unclear whether Ji referred to pearls and zu to a wide band made of plain silk, or whether Ji and zu referred to some other weaves. None of these weaves were figured where the patterns resulted from complex patterning techniques. Nor was anyone prohibited from wearing these weaves except by the size of one's purse. Surely if private workshops could have woven figured silks, they would have merited a mention. That only plain silk and cloth were recorded suggests that the technology of weaving figured silks was largely restricted. This raises the question of how the anonymous knight's lady of Mashan or Lady Dai ob­ tained their figured silks when the production was limited to state workshops. If their ruler bestowed upon them such silks as gifts, it would have been unlikely for the ruler to deliberately contradict the sumptuary laws (not that this could not happen, of course). However, sumptuary laws were indeed violated. Thus, there must have been another channel of distribution.

36 In the Han dynasty, such women were thus commemorated as virtuous if they did not remarry. Although the cited text is a later one, these references describe women of the period in question (lienii zhuan I: I la-b; 2: 7a-b; 4: IOa-b, 4: 12a-b; 5: IOa-b; 6: I 7a-b). Strangely, only men (and mostly in the state of Lu) were noted for weaving grass sandals to eke out a living (Xinxu, 225; Xinyujiaozhu, 160). 37 Listed in the Yugong chapter of Shangshu (54: 113-44), probably written during the Warring States period (Sato 1977: 148-56; Hsu 1977: 319-20).

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Who Controlled Complex Weaving Technology?

Du Zhengsheng argues that lowly aristocrats who controlled crafts rose most rapidly toward the end of Western Zhou (11th c-771 B.C. ). He cites the story of a minor fur official, Qiu Wei, who is commemorated on several bronze vessels (Du 1979: 584-88). Qiu Wei gave jade, fur, silk, and a carriage to Ju Bo, an impoverished noble who lacked the necessary to attend an important royal ceremony. In return, Qiu Wei received land and the right to hunt fox in Ju Bo's woods. Qiu Wei raised surplus fur and obtained more land from another noble to further increase his fur enterprise. He amassed enough wealth that his grand­ daughter could marry into a most prominent family. If Qiu Wei used his control of the fur enterprise to advance his social posi­ tion, why would not those in control of the weaving workshops have done the same? For example, they might have offered the latest weaves as gifts to aristo­ crats in exchange for some personal gain. This could explain how the anony­ mous knight's wife of Mashan and Lady Dai of Mawangdui came to possess figured silks that they were prohibited from wearing. Of course, the enforcement of dress codes and sumptuary laws is often difficult. The frequent admonitions against extravagance attest to its existence. We have already seen that weaving masters headed state workshops from which women textile workers could never be freed. If weaving masters could have privately gained from their monopoly of the state workshops, they would have ensured that complex weaving techniques remained under their exclusive control. Only artisans in state workshops wove figured silks. No one else knew how. Such figured silks were not available as commodities on the market. How­ ever, they could be siphoned off from the workshops by the weaving masters. Thus, one way or another, state workshops supplied the aristocracy regardless of the channel of distribution. It is more likely that the state workshops catered to the whims of the aristocracy than that aristocratic tastes were dictated by the state workshops. Indeed, whatever the fashion that the court set, people with means copied it (Mozi xianhua 1, ciguo 6, 28-29). Of course, technical break­ throughs could also affect the styles of ornamentation. The development of fancy belt hooks is a case in point. Conversely, when tapestry belts and weft­ patterned silk bands used for trimming shenyi robes went out of fashion, state workshops would have also stopped making them. It would appear then that because of the lowly aristocrats' monopoly of crafts, early Chinese silk weaves with weft effects died a premature death. Al­ though abundant fragments of wool tapestry dating to the Han dynasty have been found in Xinjiang (Wu Min 1992: 78-92), silk tapestry only next reap­ peared in shoes dating to the Eastern Jin (A.O. 317-420) (Zhao Chengze 1980: 134). Silk weaves with weft effects such as brocading (Type A paosuo) and Type B chuanrao seem to have vanished altogether. Not until the early Tang (A.O. 618-907) do we find complex weft-patterned silk weaves again. However, these new weaves, weijin (polychrome weft-faced compound tabby or twill),

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access Angela Sheng: The Disappearence ofSilk Weaves with Weft Effects 61 probably resulted from Western influence (Zhao Feng 1992: 57). The evident disappearance of early silk weft-patterned weaving technology suggests an in­ teresting hiatus in the development of Chinese textile technology.

Appendix: Notes on Textile Terms

Basic Textile Terms

Historically the Chinese have tend to group textiles by fiber, giving promi­ nence to silks (Chen Weiji 1984, Wu Min 1992, Zhao Feng 1992). This system of classification, like other systems based on color, texture, pattern, use, or his­ torical time and place of origin, cannot be universal. Only the criterion of weave structure can be applied to all textiles as long as they are products of hand looms. 38 Nancy Andrews Reath's classification of hand-loom weaves (1927) is the easiest to grasp for readers with some knowledge of textiles. Irene Emery ( 1980) compares textile structures from the point of view of how they appear visually. In contrast, Dorothy Burnham ( 1980) provides the clearest definitions of textile terms from the point of view of how textiles are woven or made. Her work, adapted and expanded from the Vocabulary of Technical Terms (CIETA 1964), largely reflects Gabriel Vial's technical analysis. In addition, John Becker ( 1987) discusses from experience the reconstruction of ancient Chinese weaves. These references complement one another and serve as the basis for the following explanation and definitions. A textile (zhipin) is woven of warp (jing) and weft (we1). The warp threads or ends (jingxian) are stretched in parallel lines from the warp-beam (jingzhou) to the cloth-beam (buzhou) on the loom (zhiji) (Figure A-1). Certain warp ends are threaded individually through loops of cords or heddles (zongyan). A hed­ dle-rod is a stick with the heddles attached to it. A shed stick is one used to separate certain warp ends from others as a shedding device. In weaving the simplest tabby, half of the warp ends are alternately raised and lowered by means of a shed stick (kaikou gan) and a heddle-rod (tiaohua gan), either manually or mechanically. The opening thus created between the two groups of warp threads is called a shed (suokou) and it allows the passage of a shuttle (suo) between the separated two groups of warp ends. Each shuttle carries a weft thread or pick (weixian) that travels from one side to the other called selvage (zhibian). More complex weaves can be woven by adding more heddle-rods as pattern rods. When heddles are grouped together-which is called a shaft (zongpian}-these warp ends can be raised (or lowered) simultaneously.

38 Because ancient Chinese textiles were woven on hand looms, we need not be con­ cerned with the vast variations of complex weaves produced on power looms.

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Figure A·1. The basic loom prin­ ciple. Source: Adapted from Burn­ ..... ham 1980: 87 .

Warp ends and weft picks can intersect in different ways, form­ ing various weaves (zuzhi) or binding systems. There are three principal weaves where the warp and weft intersect at right angles: tabby, twill, and satin.39 A tabby (pingwen) is "a weave based on a unit of two [warp] ends and two [weft] picks, in which each end passes over one and under one pick" (Burnham 1980: 139) (Figure A- 2a). A tabby can be woven on any loom which by definition must have a shed­ ding device for the minimum two sheds (shed and countershed).

A. Tabby B. Twill

C. Satin

warp I

weft

Figure A-2. The three basic weaves: Tabby, twill, and satin. Source: Dorothy Burnham 1980: 113, 139, 154.

39 Where the warp and weft do not intersect at right angles but instead loop, cross, knot, twine, or crush one another, they fonn other structures. These include gauze and plaited weaves, knotted rug weaves, lace, knitted and crocheted weaves, embroidery and hooked rugs, and felt (Reath 1927: 4). We are not concerned with these categories in this article.

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In ancient China, the earliest silk tabby was called bo, then zeng, and was woven on the backstrap loom (yaoji) (Figure A-3a) at first, then the double­ beam loom of Lu (shuangzhou Lujl) (Figure A-3b), then on a slanted loom with two treadles for the mechanical control of shedding (xie zhiji) (Figure A-3c) (Zhao Feng 1992: 17-18, 29). Juan, which originally referred to unbleached and undyed silk tabby, came to designate silk tabbies in general around the fifth to the sixth centuries. This meaning persists today (Zhao Feng 1992: 33). A tabby woven of bast fibers is generally called bu and that of wool, he. Fine wool was called Ji and patterned wool tabby, huaji.40

A. Back-strap loom B. Double-beam loom of Lu

C. Slanted two-treadle loom

D. Bamboo-barrel loom

Figure A-3. Looms: (A) back-strap loom (yao j1); (B) double-beam loom of Lu (shuangzhou Lu j1); (C) slanted two-treadle loom (xie zhij1); (D) bamboo-barrel loom (zhulong jt). Source: (A), (8) Zhao Feng 1992: 29, fig. 1-2, 1-3; (C) Xia Nai 1979: 114, fig. 13; (D) Chen Weiji 1984: 227.

40 The convention in English is parallel: taffeta refers to fine silk tabby, cloth to tabby of cotton, linen or wool.

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A twill (xiewen) is a weave "based on a unit of three or more [warp] ends and three or more [weft] picks, in which each end passes over two or more adja­ cent picks and under the next one or more, or under two or more adjacent picks and over the next one or more. The binding points are set over by one and on successive picks, and form diagonal lines" (Burnham 1980: 154) (Figure A-- 2b). The ancient Chinese term for silk twill is ling. This weave probably did not appear until the sixth century A.D. when the addition of one more shaft to the two-treadle loom (of two shafts) permitted the weaving oftwill.41 Early Chinese shafts were probably not a series of heddles held between two horizontal bars as they would be today. Rather, it was more likely that the heddles were tied on the warp each time the loom was set up and the heddles were attached to a rod. Gradually the rod changed in form to have two sides and became like a shaft. On the slanted two-treadle loom, a long cord then connected the shaft to the treadles for their raising and lowering by foot. Eventually a loom with many treadles evolved with one treadle for each shaft, up to fifty or sixty shafts for the weaving of complex patterns. Alternatively, a round bamboo barrel (zhulong Ji) was used to hold about one hundred bamboo pattern heddle-rods connected to the heddles. As the barrel rotated, different pattern heddle-rods would raise different warp threads, one heddle-rod at a time (Figure A-3d). When this type of loom with the bamboo barrel might have appeared remains unclear, possibly as early as the third cen­ tury A.D. but more probably around the sixth century (Zhao Feng 1992: 19-20). It seems that in early China people wove wool twill and called it xiehe (Chen Weiji 1984: 389-91). No twill of bast fiber seems to have been made then. A satin (duanwen) is a weave "based on a unit of five or more [warp] ends and a number of [weft] picks equal to, or a multiple of, the number of ends. Each end either passes over four or more adjacent picks and under the next one, or passes under four or more adjacent picks and over the next one. The binding points are set over two or more ends on successive picks and are distributed in an unobtrusive manner to give a smooth appearance" (Burnham 1980: 113) (Figure A-2c). At least five shafts would be necessary for weaving satin. Thus, the earliest textual reference speaks of plain satin of five warp threads in the Southern Song (Zhao Feng 1992: 43-44). The word duan itself denotes silk, and was never used to refer to a satin weave of other fiber. Each of the three principal weaves may be simple where there is only one set of warp threads and one set of weft threads, or compound where the warp or the weft is divided into two or more series, one of which appears on the face while the other or others appear on the reverse, or with pile (velvet) where supplemen­ tary threads project from the ground textile forming loops (Figure A-4a; also see

41 Xijing zaji (Miscellaneous records of the western capital) of the sixth century, at­ tributed to Liu Xin or Ge Hong but probably by Wu Jun of Liang (Kuhn 1988: 442; Zhao Feng 1992: 40).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access Angela Sheng: The Disappearence ofSilk Weaves with Weft Effects 65 qirongjin below). Further, each may be brocaded, that is, have a pattern (hua) resulting from weaving a supplementary pattern weft (huawei) into the ground weave (dizu) (Figure A-4b).42 To form the pattern, the brocading weft would "float" (fu) over the warp.

A. Brocading B. Pile or velvet

ground warp/weft 11 :== ground warp/weft 11 :== brocading weft - pilewarp I Figure A-4. Pile or velvet and brocading. Source: Dorothy Burnham 1980: 14, 165.

Moreover, textiles can also be plain (sumian) or not.43 When plain, the tex­ tile surface is uniform and unbroken so that the weave unit is constantly re­ peated without variation as in tabby, or in plain twill where the diagonals are regular, or plain satin where the textile face is entirely satin. When not plain, textiles are ornamented structurally.44 The woven patterns can appear as warp effects, weft effects or both warp and weft effects (Burnham 1980: 194-98).

42 These categories of simple, compound, pile and brocaded follow Reath's classifi­ cation (1927: 8). 43 Unlike the English "plain" which refers to the weave and does not necessarily refer to any restriction in color, su means monochrome colors of white, off-white, or light beige (Li Yingqiang 1993: 18 and 148) and mian refers to the surface. 44 Whereas Reath contrastsp/ain withfancy weaves (1927: 4), for our purposes, it is clearer to divide textiles between those that are strucurally plain and those that are not. However, even structurally plain textiles can be ornamented in other ways such as in the choice of color, twist, and weight of the warp and weft threads and the density of warp

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Early Chinese Weaves with Warp Effects

The main distinction between a weave with warp effect and a weave with weft effect is whether the pattern results mainly from the manipulation of the warp or of the weft (Burnham 1980). Complex patterns usually require addi­ tional threads, either as complementary or as supplementary warps (or wefts). Weaves with warp effects include gauze, warp-patterned weave with supplemen­ tary warp, warp-patterned weave with complementary warps (such as warp­ faced compound tabby, jin), warp-pile weave, and warp-twined weave.45 A weave can be warp-faced (or weft-faced) where the warp (or weft) predominates on the surface or on both sides of the textile, more or less concealing the weft (or warp). In the simple tabby (of one warp and one weft) the warp predominance can be achieved by the use of thick warp (weft) and thin weft (warp) or of a higher ratio of warp ends to weft picks per area (or vice-versa). Archaeological evi­ dence shows that although this visual effect may be ornamental, it does not re­ sult from any change in the weave structure of tabby. An example is the ex­ tended tabby of two warps where two threads of warp are woven as one, creat­ ing also a ribbed effect as evident in finds dating to the Spring and Autumn pe­ riod (770--476 B.C.) excavated from Henao and finds dating to the Han dynasty unearthed in Hebei. Either warp-faced or weft-faced, they are called qian (Zhao Feng 1992: 35). An example of weft-faced tabby with warpwise rib found on hemp shoes (N20) from the Mashan tomb shows densely spaced warp (80 ends/cm) covering the more sparsely spaced weft (IO picks/cm) (Hubei 1985: 33, pl. 22-1 ). Although the excavation report calls this textile ti, ti itself means heavy silk tabby and not necessarily a weft-faced tabby with warpwise rib. Theoretically the warp (or weft) predominance can be achieved similarly in the simple twill or simple satin, but there is no evidence of such variations in early China. Weaves with warp or weft effects can also result from a variation in the binding system. Two examples in early China are both silk weaves with warp effects: qi and Han qi. 46 Material evidence from the Shang and Han dynasties and weft count. Also, while weaving is fundamental to the making of the basic textile, it is not the only method of ornamenting a textile. Dyeing, printing and embroidery are equally important methods of ornamentation. 45 Weaves with weft effects include brocaded weave, knotted pile, lampas, tapestry, weft-loop weave, weft-patterned weave with supplementary weft, weft-patterned weave with complementary wefts, weft-pile weave, weft-twine weave, and weft-wrap weave. Weaves with both warp and weft effects include color and weave effects, double-faced weave, double weave, self-patterned weaves (Burnham 1980: 196-98). 46 After Aurel Stein and others published their Chinese Turkestan finds, special weaves generated considerable interest in the West (Andrews 1920; Burnham 1965, 1971; Riboud 1992; Simmons 1956; Sylwan 193 7, 1949). Han qi was wrongly identified as "Han damask" until Xia Nai corrected the misnomer in 1963 (reprinted in 1979). De-

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access Angela Sheng: The Disappearence ofSilk Weaves with Weft Effects 67 shows that qi is a warp-faced tabby (ground) with 3/1 twill (pattern), and Han qi is also a warp-faced tabby (ground) but with warp-floats 3/1 on every other warp end (pattern) (Xia 1979: 74, fig. 5) (Figure A-5a, b). Using a treadle loom with two shafts for weaving the simple tabby, a weaver would only need to add pattern heddle-rods to lift appropriate groups of warp ends for making these warp-faced geometric patterns. The greater the number of warp ends and weft picks needed for a pattern repeat, the more pattern heddle-rods would be needed. For example, the pattern repeat of diamonds and leaves found on a textile fragment from Niya is 3.9 cm in height (72 weft picks) and 8.2 cm in width (about 500 ends, at 66 ends/cm). At least 38 pattern heddle-rods or shafts would have been needed to weave this textile (Chen Weiji 1984: 311-12).

A. Qi 8. Han qi

C. Han qi, funerary top N2

Figure A-5. (A) Qt, (B) Han qi; (C) Han qi, funerary top N2 from Mashan tomb, ca. 340-278 e.c., Jingzhou Museum. Source: (A), (8) Xia Nai 1979: 1094, fig. 5; (C) Hubei 1985: 29, fig. 29.

Two examples of Han qi were found in the Mashan tomb: one as trim on a funerary top (N2) and the other on one sleeve of robe N13. Unlike the usual, monochrome qi and Han qi, these two examples were woven in warp of red, buff, and black silk threads and weft of brown silk threads (Hubei 1985: 29, fig. 29, 34, col. pis. 8-2, 9-3) (Figure A-5c). spite its name, such structure was already known in the Shang (Becker 1987: 25-41; Zhao Feng 1992: 37-38, 65).

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In contrast, the weaving of another early Chinese silk weave with warp ef­ fect, j ingjin or polychrome warp-faced compound tabby, would have been more complex insofar as the mechanical repetition of the pattern unit is concerned. The use of a device to facilitate the separation of warp series such as clasped heddles (of two loops) as well as pattern heddle-rods would have been neces­ sary. Also, one weaver would not have sufficed. Two assistants would have been needed to help lift the pattern heddle-rods and to clear the sheds (Becker 1987: 58-78). Early Chinese jin were warp-faced compound tabbies woven on treadle looms of two shafts. By the Sui dynasty (A.D. 581-618), the addition of one more shaft to the loom permitted the weaving of polychrome warp-faced com­ pound twill, xiejing jin. Weft-faced compound tabbies or twills, weijin, did not appear in China until the Tang dynasty (A.D. 618-907) (Zhao Feng 1992: 56-- 57). Whether warp-faced or weft-faced, Chinese jin were always made of silk.47 Numerous examples of polychrome warp-faced compound tabby (jingjin) were found in the Mashan tomb (Hubei 1985: 34-43). Woven in two or three colors, these weaves feature geometric patterns and stylized birds formed with diagonal lines, squares, and diamonds. The more complex the pattern (and curves are more complex than linear lines), the more necessary it is for the shedding device to be such that the warp ends to be raised or lowered at a time be reduced to as few as possible. Thus, one can surmise from the geometric patterns that the control of warps was probably still achieved with pattern hed­ dle-rods. The widths of these finds ranged between 45 and 50.5 cm, which con­ firms the use of an ordinary treadle loom for silk tabbies that were of similar widths (Mailey 1974: 103). One unusual jin weave is the textile used on robe Nl5. Long warp floats highlight the pattern of small diamonds (Hubei 1985: 37, 39-40, pl. 22-4). Chi­ nese textile specialists have not yet come to any definitive answer on the tech­ niques of this weave (Zhao Feng 1992: 56). An even more complicated silk weave with warp effect is the qirongjin or polychrome warp-faced compound tabby with pile. To weave a textile such as samples N6- l and N6-2 found in the Mawangdui tomb (Shanghai 1980: 43-54), one would need much more yam for the pile warp than the rest of the warp (to make the projecting loops). Instead of winding the pile warp around the warp beam, one could add individual weights to groups of the pile warp threads so these threads for the pile could be released separately from the rest of the warp threads. Moreover, to make the pile, the weaver would insert a thin round stick such as a knitting needle through the shed when the pile warp would be lifted (Becker 1987: 71-78). As in weaving the warp-faced compound tabby, the

47 In contrast, the earliest patterned weaves in the West were weft-faced compound tabby (taquete) in wool or wool and linen dating to A.O. 300 from Antinoi!, Egypt (Becker 1987: 79-129).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 12:23:56PM via free access Angela Sheng: The Disappearence ofSilk Weaves with Weft Effects 69 weaver would still need two assistants to help lift the pattern heddle-rods and clear the sheds. Other weaves with warp effects such as the gauze and tablet-woven warp­ twined weave are not discussed in this article.

References

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Glossary

I. Clothing and Textile Terms

bu;til cloth buzhou ;(pfl!I cloth-beam chiM fine cloth of creeper-vine chuanrao ~m "threading through and crossing back" dai'/W band, belt daigou'/W~ belt hooks danyiftt?R single-layered clothing dazhiU woven wool duanwen~ silk satin fu, fuxian ~. ~~ float, floating warp or weft ge:J! creeper-vine ge 1j1i leather Hanqir•~ warp-faced tabby with warp floats 3/1 on every other warp hufu i!if:ID~ nomadic dress huaji {Efn patterned wool tabby hualou {Efl pattern tower (on a drawloom) ji JI pearl? ji In fine wool tabby jian*l extended tabby of2 warps (or 2 wefts), silk jiayi ~?R lined clothing

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jin jlB silk polychrome compound warp-faced com­ pound tabby or twill jing, jingxian H warp, warp ends jingjin ~j!B polychrome warp-faced compound tabby jingzhou ~!Jdl warp-beam juanm silk tabby, plain silk kaikou gan MID~ shed stick ke*f tapestry kedai*fm tapestry band or belt kemao*f=§ wool tapestry kesi *fk:*- silk pictorial tapestry kuang If silk floss ling*i silk twill mian 00 textile face mian*11J silk floss mianpao*11Jl'f!l robe padded with silk floss paosuo t»A~ shuttle-thrown (lance) pingwen 3¥*-t tabby qi~ warp-faced tabby with 3/1 twill qianjin tao -f-frl$ braided silk band with "thousand gold" words (Mawangdui find) qirongjin ~~j!B silk polychrome warp-faced compound tabby or twill with piled loops (proto-velvet), also called qimaojin quju Bi!i@l crossed opening (of clothing at front) shenyi:a.?x. loose, long robe prescribed in Book ofRites shuangzhou Luji ~!Jdlfg.t! double-beam loom of Lu si k*' silk yarn su* plain, of one color suo~ shuttle suokou~D shed opening tiaohua gan ti~1E~ heddle-rod tao$ ancient term for silk band wei, weixian *l.*l~ weft, weft picks weijin *lj/j! polychrome weft-faced compound tabby or twill xi~ hemp cloth xiehe *"'m wool twill xiewen *"'*-t twill xiezhijiQUI! slanted loom (with two treadles) xiufi11 embroidery xun• color: yellowish red xun~ll ancient term for knitted silk band xuan~ color: black xuan qian gao ~­ finely woven black silk (tabby) youren ;fi~ dress style with left opening covering the right front on the person yaoji Bit! backstrap loom yuan ~ trim or edge of clothing

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zhibian41lif selvage zhibei4:1lffe. purple plain silk (or plain cotton)? zhicheng 41/Vt tapestry weave, term used after Eastern Jin zhiji41l~ loom zhipin416b a textile zhishi41Mi weaving master zhiwen41l)C woven patterns zhong zhi shi shu ~4il:ijjk central weaving workshop seal zhu *5' ramie zhulongji t'rft~ bamboo-barrel loom zongyan**!m heddle (eye) zongpian **J:l shaft zu*ll. ancient term for silk band (made of plain silk)? zuzhi*-filil weave or binding system

II. Personal Names

Ju Bo ~fB Emperor Cheng /Vt~ King Wuling Jltll.:E. King Zhongshan ~L.lJ.:E. Dai Hou -*~ Fu Hao mH nil Wushi "9:li.E!;; Qiu Wei ~flj Shuyi of Qi ;]&~·~ Song Yingxing *1!!£ ZhangAnshi ~~i!!:

III. Place Names

Changsha ~ij) Changzhi ~ra Changtaiguan ~"Ei'lll Houma ~.Wi Jiangling m~ Jingzhou ;f!J~+I Mawangdui ,W,.:E.!1£ Mashan ,W,L.lJ Pingshan ij!L.lJ Qingzhou wm Shuihudi utde:ttB Wangshan ~L.lJ Xinyang Fall.I Xuzhou ~m Yanzhou ~~+I

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Yangzhou ~1-H Yunmeng ~p Yuzhou rtHI

IV. Others

chi R cun -t gongshi IMi Han WI longfeng ftll. mu w. nu bi Qinlu ~$~- ren e shi ± tianlie HHfi yice jlfflt zhujian ttM

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