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1974
The political image of William Pitt, first earl of Chatham, in the American colonial press, 1756-1778
Carol Lynn Homelsky Knight College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences
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Recommended Citation Knight, Carol Lynn Homelsky, "The political image of William Pitt, first earl of Chatham, in the American colonial press, 1756-1778" (1974). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539623667. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-zm1q-vg14
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KNIGHT, Caxol Lynn Homelsky, 1946- THE POLITICAL IMAGE OF WILLIAM PITT, FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM, IN THE AMERICAN COLONIAL PRESS, 1756-1778.
The College of William and Mary in Virginia, Ph.D., 1974 History, modem
University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
© 1974
CAROL LYNN HOMELSKY KNIGHT ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE POLITICAL IMAGE OP WILLIAM PITT,
FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM, IN THE AMERICAN COLONIAL PRESS,
1756 - 1778
A Dissertation
Presented to
The Faculty of the Department of History
The College of William and Mary in Virginia
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
by
Carol Lynn Homelsky Knight
1973
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission APPROVAL SHEET
This dissertation is submitted in partial fulfillment of
the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
Carol Lynn Homelsky Kriight
Approved, September 1973
John
adJjiL (j U» t . Thaddeus W. Tate, Jr.
Ludwell H. Johnson, III
T h Q( Bruce T. McCully
Margarpt L. Hamilton Department of Government
ii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... iv
LIST OP TABLES ...... v
LIST OP FIGURES...... vi
ABSTRACT ...... vii
CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Republican Ideology and the American Revolution Public Opinion and the Colonial Newspaper
CHAPTER II. WILLIAM PITT'S EARLY CAREER: THE IMAGE OP A REAL WHIG...... 28
CHAPTER III. WILLIAM PITT: THE IMAGE OF HIS CAREER IN THE COLONIAL PRESS, 1756 - 1766...... 57
CHAPTER IV. LORD CHATHAM: THE IMAGE OP HIS CAREER IN THE COLONIAL PRESS, 1766 -1778 ...... 116
CHAPTER V. CONCLUSION ...... 162
APPENDIX I. REACTION IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS TO POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS ASCRIBED TO WILLIAM PITT, 1756 - 1778 202
APPENDIX II. INDEX TO AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES DESCRIBING CHATHAM'S POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS, 1756 - 1778 ...... 203
APPENDIX III. REACTION IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS TO EVENTS IN CHATHAM’S CAREER, 1756 - 1778...... 245
APPENDIX IV. INDEX TO AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES DESCRIBING PUBLIC REACTION TO EVENTS IN CHATHAM’S CAREER, 1756 - 1778 ...... 249
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 394
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The writer wishes to express her appreciation
to Dean John E. Selby, under whose supervision this
dissertation was written, for his patient guidance
and criticism throughout this investigation. The
author is further indebted to Professor Thaddeus
W. Tate, Jr., Professor Ludwell H. Johnson, III,
Professor Bruce T. McCully, and Professor Margaret
L. Hamilton for their careful reading and criticism
of the manuscript.
Additionally, the writer wishes to acknowledge
the outstanding collections of colonial newspapers
on microfilm at the Institute of Early American
History and Culture and The Earl Gregg Swem Library.
iv
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OP TABLES
Table Page
1. Source of Articles on Pitt Appearing in Colonial Newspapers, 1756-1778 ...... 21
2. The Twenty American Newspapers with the Greatest Number of Articles on Pitt, 1756-1778...... 27
3* Categories of Characteristics Ascribed to William Pitt in American Newspapers, 1756-1778...... 165
4. Characteristics Ascribed to William Pitt in American Newspapers, 1756-1778 ...... 166
v
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OP FIGURES
Figure Page
1. American Cities Publishing Newspapers Used in this S t u d y ...... 25
2. Incidence of Newspaper Articles on Pitt, 1756 - 1778 ...... 26
3. Expressions of Opinion About William Pitt in the American Press, 1756 - 1778 . . . 58
vi
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT
This dissertation elucidates the political image of William Pitt, the first earl of Chatham, as presented in the American press between 1756 and 1778. It also sheds light on the picture of British politics and politicians that Americans were exposed to in the colonial newspapers. The generalizations regarding Pitt's image are derived from a detailed reading of all English language newspapers printed in the thirteen American colonies between 1756 and 1778, save fourteen with extremely short or erratic publishing schedules.
The articles appearing in the colonial newspaper that described either Pitt's career or his political principles were classified according to the event or characteristic they dealt with and labeled regarding their evaluation of Pitt's position. These articles measured the rise and fall of Pitt's popularity in America through his career and isolated the particular characteristics by which he was judged. They are presented in two bibliographic appendixes to document fully the conclusions drawn from the research. Taken together these appendixes serve as an index to articles on Pitt in the colonial newspapers.
The study concludes that newspaper articles on Pitt stereotyped him as a paragon of political virtue while at the same time depicting British politics as riddled with the corruptions of faction and influence. It indicates that the image of Pitt appearing in the colonial newspaper identified him with a set of political ideals acceptable to Americans but long since discarded by practical politicians in Britain. It suggests that colonists looking at articles on Pitt largely reprinted from British sources which described him as having these impractical political notions were misled about political realities in the mother country. Finally, since there was uniformity in the image of Pitt appearing in various colonies and among both patriot and tory papers, this study reveals the value of investigating political images and stereotypes as keys to understanding an American political consensus in the Revolutionary period.
vii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE POLITICAL IMAGE OF WILLIAM PITT,
FIRST EARL OF CHATHAM, IN THE AMERICAN COLONIAL PRESS,
1756 - 1778
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I:
INTRODUCTION
Republican Ideology and the American Revolution
American historians have been recently reminded that we
must look for the causes of the American Revolution much earlier
in the eighteenth century than 1763.'*' If the Revolution is to be
considered more than a precipitous response to a series of events
that neither singly nor collectively add up to sufficient cause
for rebellion, we must uncover long-range causes. We must discover
"why in less than a dozen years after 1763 the colonists became p so estranged from Britain as to take up arms against her."'1
One approach to the American Revolution that has consistently
recognized far-reaching influences has had an intellectual
orientation. In an interpretative vein that began when Caroline
Robbins published a description of the political theory of
Algernon Sidney in 1947^ and has continued steadily through the
1Jack P. Greene, "An Uneasy Connection: An Analysis of the Preconditions of the American Revolution," in Essays on the American Revolution, ed. by Stephen G. Kurtz and James H. Hutson (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973)3 pp. 32-80.
2Ibid., p. 33.
^Caroline Robbins, "Algernon Sidney’s Discourses Concerning Government: Textbook for Revolution,"William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., IV (1947), 267-296. See also Professor Robbins’ Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman: Studies in the Transmission, Development and Circumstance of English Liberal Thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the War with the Thirteen Colonies (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959)•
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work of Cecelia Kenyon, John Selby, Bernard Bailyn, Trevor
Colbourn, Gordon Wood, and others** it was determined that the
Americans acquired a particular variety of whig ideology from
their English heritage which colored their perception of
English politics and created a frame of reference from which
they evaluated both colonial political experience and imperial
relations. Bred on the opposition literature of the struggle
between the king and the House of Commons in the first half of
the seventeenth century, of the exclusion crisis of 1679 - 1681,
and of the early Hanoverian period, the colonists had become
sensitized to the dangers inherent in power and the "dangers of
corruption — the corruption of massed wealth, the corruption of
luxury, the corruption of indolence and moral obtuseness, all of
which threatened to destroy the free British constitution.""^
^Cecelia Kenyon, "Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Representative Government," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XII (1955), 3-43; John Edward Selby, A Concept of Liberty, unpubl. Ph. D. diss., Brown University, 1955; Bernard Bailyn, ed., Pamphlets of the American Revolution 1750-1776 Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1965); Trevor Colbourn, The Lamp of Experience: Whig History and the Intellectual Origins of the American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1965); Gordon Wood, The Creation of the American Republic 1776-1787 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969). For a full discussion of the historiography of the republican interpretation of the American Revolution see: Robert E. Shalhope, "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of An Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXIX (1972), 49-80.
^Bernard Bailyn, "The Central Themes of the American Revolution: An Interpretation," in Essays on the American Revolution, ed. by Kurtz and Hutson, p. 9-
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Although it is clear that these political theories were
widely circulated in newspapers, broadsides, essays, and pamphlets,
it has not yet been determined specifically how the colonists
related these general political principles to particular
politicians or events. Two questions arise concerning the manner
in which the American colonists understood the whig ideology and
applied it to their political experience. Could the Americans
isolate the political characteristics that they found desirable
to form a general political profile or index by which they could
evaluate particular public figures? Are the elements of this
profile discernible and quantifiable by the historian?
If the American colonists had regular criteria for the
evaluation of political figures, then by careful reading of the
relevant source materials it should be possible to produce a
list of the most widely accepted standards of political behavior
by identifying the most frequently repeated evaluative words
and phrases. Prom such an index it will further be possible to
determine the political assumptions upon which the colonists
acted and to assess their understanding of political reality.
Operational aspects of the whig ideology also need considera
tion. Were the aforementioned standards applied equally to all
politicians or to an individual evenly throughout his political
career? The answer to this question will indicate the constancy
of the colonists' political thought. If colonial descriptions
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varied or standards were erratic, applying sporadically only
to some public figures, historians have justification for
casting doubt on the sophistication or the sincerity of
American embracement of the whig ideology. On the other hand,
if the colonists consistently and regularly applied the same
political principles to all politicians and sustained their
watchfulness throughout a politician’s entire career, then
we must take both the political evaluations and their ideological
bases seriously.
Equally important in determining the significance of the
whig standards is whether individual politicians became
stereotypes based on those characteristics. Did various
political figures after a time come to represent in idealized
form either the positive values that the colonists sought or
the negative features that they feared? Did some political
images personify the defense of English liberties and others
portray the sinister conspiracy against them? Was there any
place in the scope of eighteenth-century conceptions for a
middle ground or an undecided politician?
My own research and the recently published essay of John
Brewer^ indicate that some politicians did indeed acquire
political images which tended to reflect the extremes of
^John Brewer, "The Paces of Lord Bute: A Visual Contribution to Anglo-American Political Ideology," Perspectives in American History, Vol. VI (1972), 95-116.
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eighteenth-century political thought. Brewer’s investigation
of the image of the earl of Bute suggests that whiggish
portrait painters attempted to capture the negative public
conception of him on canvas, portraying him with lips curling
in an evil smile and painting him in dark colors appropriate
for a sinister power behind the throne.7
The nature of these political images needs to be explored
more fully. Exactly what do images tell us about the
sophistication of the eighteenth-century concept of politics?
Can the study of the political images of important British
figures provide us with insights into the decay of Anglo-
American political relations? Can such a study help determine
turning points in the changing relationship between Britain
and her colonies?
Another question to be considered relates to one of the
most intensely debated issues of Revolutionary historiography —
the extent to which the colonists achieved a consensus on
basic political principles at the time of the Revolution. It
has been argued by Edmund Morgan^ and others that the Revolution
was essentially a political revolution from Great Britain, not
an internal revolt to redistribute power in the colonies.
7Ibid., 104.
^Edmund S. Morgan, "Conflict and Consensus in the American Revolution," in Essays on the American Revolution, ed. by Kurtz and Hutson, pp. 2B9-309. See also Edmund S. Morgan, The Birth of the Republic 1763 - 1789 (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1956), pp. 14-77, and John C. Miller, Origins of the American Revolution (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1943), ch.2
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Americans, Morgan argues, were basically united in both
their political beliefs and their political goals. Thus,
if it can be shown that colonists in Massachusetts were
confronted with substantially the same image of British
politicians as their compatriots in South Carolina, it would
suggest that Americans had a uniform reaction to political
developments in Great Britain. In his study of the Stamp
Act C r i s i s ^ Morgan established that there were no geographic
or political differences in the American reaction to this
event. Whether this reflected a genuine political and
ideological consensus or was only an atypical response can
be tested in part by examining the political characteristics
by which politicians were assessed throughout the colonies.1(^
Finally, some historians have suggested that in the
last half of the eighteenth century there was a measurable
change in British policy toward the American colonies-1--1- and
^Edmund S. Morgan and Helen M. Morgan, The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953)-
l^For a discussion of a possible time lag in the American response to the support of the Revolution see John Shy, "The American Revolution: The Military Conflict Considered as a Revolutionary War," in Essays on the American Revolution, ed. by Kurtz and Hutson, pp. 121-156.
H j a c k P. Greene, "An Uneasy Connection," in Essays on the American Revolution, ed. by Kurtz and Hutson, p. 65. See James A~. Henretta, "Salutary Neglect:" Colonial Administration Under the Duke of Newcastle (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972); Carl Ubbelohde, The Vice-Admiralty Courts and the
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that this change provoked the Revolutionary movement. Some
have argued in behalf of the British that the change was
motivated by a concern for greater efficiency in the
imperial administrative structure in the years following
1748.12 Others have insisted that, as Americans perceived
it at least, the change was prompted by the corruption of
politicians close to the throne.-*-3
If in fact the key to Anglo-American relations after
1750 was ideological rather than administrative, we need to
establish the specific criteria of Americans for evaluation
of the problem and try to determine more precisely on what
basis they decided that the forces of corruption had taken
irrevocable control of the English government.
These questions about the nature of colonial perceptions
of British politics and politicians in the Revolutionary era
can be answered in part by measuring the image of one British
American Revolution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, i960); Charles Ritcheson, British Politics and the American Revolution (Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 195*0; and Oliver Morton Dickerson, The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951), ch. 6 .
12Ibid.
^Bernard Bailyn, The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 94-95.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8
politician, William Pitt, as it was projected in colonial
newspapers from 1756 to 1778. The object is not a definitive
study of American opinion of Pitt. For that much more
extensive research would be necessary in contemporary
letters and diaries, legislative records, and pamphlets.
Indeed, we already have substantial evidence of Pitt's
popularity in the American colonies from the place names,
statues, and commemorative medals, coins, and paintings
dedicated to him. But it is not as well known what Americans
found so appealing in Pitt. Were they enamoured of him
solely because he supported them on imperial questions?
Or did he in addition embody attributes that from their
political view constituted the essence of good statecraft?
To find an answer this study will survey one aspect of
colonial public opinion that can be assayed in quantified
form, one clearly defined body of sources that can be
measured exactly. It will analyze precisely the image of
Pitt that colonial Americans found in their newspapers
between 1756 and 1778 on the assumption that it was a
significant factor in forming their opinion of him and thus
of British politics generally.
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Public Opinion and the Colonial Newspaper
Inasmuch as this study surveys colonial newspapers to
investigate one area of eighteenth-century American political
opinion it is important to consider the relationship between
the newspaper and public opinion. Can it be ascertained
whether articles and interpretations appearing in the
newspapers in colonial days affected popular thought about
contemporary events and personalities? Were colonial editors
influenced by the tastes and opinions of their readers when
they selected the material to be published? Did public
prejudices about newsworthiness and editorial points of
view affect the content of the papers and the tone used by
the colonial printer?
In his study of newspapers in the Revolutionary period,
Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., answered affirmatively to these
questions and emphasized the role that the newspaper played
in forming public opinion. He considered it the chief
propaganda tool of the Revolutionary movement because it
synthesized the work of many authors and many sources of
opinion.^ For that reason, newspaper analysis may establish
the ideas of a fair number of presumably influential, or at
least vocal, Americans. Granted that, because we can never
^Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr., Prelude to Independence: The Newspaper War on Britain, 1764 - 1766 (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1958), pp. 45-46.
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be certain to what extent readers believed what they read,
newspaper analysis alone cannot determine the full and
precise content of public opinion. Yet knowledge of the
ideas presented to the public in the press, especially over
a wide area and for a long period of time, can establish in
broad outline the building blocks out of which colonial
thought was formed.
Can we then estimate how many people in the eighteenth
century were influenced by the newspaper? How wide an
audience did the press reach? How many subscribers did
newspapers have, and how many people read copies that others
had purchased? The answer by the mid-eighteen hundreds was
many. The eighteenth century witnessed a remarkable growth
in both the number and the circulation of newspapers... In
1700 there was only one newspaper in the colonies, published
at Boston.^ But between 1756 and 1778 there were sixty-seven
English language newspapers printed in eleven colonies. In
addition, the Revolutionary era saw a particularly large
increase in circulation in the principal towns. In the
period following the passage of the Stamp Act the average
circulation of newspapers located in large towns ranged
between 1,000 and 3 S500 copies."^ A newspaper with a particular
-^Sidney Kobre, The Development of the Colonial Newspaper (Gloucester: Peter Smith, I960), p. 9FI
l6Ibid.
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point of view could be sold to political sympathizers over
a wide area. Rivington's New York Gazetteer, the strongest
tory newspaper, had a circulation of more than 3 S600, selling
copies of its issues wherever there were tories to buy it.^
In general the newspapers were printed in towns, but
this did not mean that they had no impact on the countryside.
Newspapers were carried from the place of publication to
other towns within a colony or even to other colonies by
official postriders. Subscriptions for a metropolitan
newspaper might be sold widely through the surrounding
countryside. Subscription agents for the South Carolina
Gazette, for example, were found from Wilmington, North
Carolina, to Mobile in the Floridas.1^
Altogether, taking into account both the actual sub
scribers and the other members of their families and the
practice of passing newspapers from hand to hand, it can
be concluded that an important segment of the politically
minded, literate population read, and presumably were
17Ibid. ■j Q Frank Luther Mott, American Journalism (New York: The Macmillan Co., 19^1 )3 P~- 60.
■ ^ H e n n i g Cohen, The South Carolina Gazette, 1732-1775 (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1953)* p. 11 .
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influenced by, the colonial newspaper. One of the best
estimates is that in the 1760’s there was an aggregate
newspaper circulation of 14,000 weekly. To this may be
added a conservative estimate of the number of people who
read someone else's newspaper, perhaps another four or five
persons per paper. The result is about 5 percent of the
total white population of approximately one and a half
million.^
The problem with using the newspaper to determine the
ideas of either the reading or writing public is complicated
for the colonial period by the fact that newspapers reprinted
so much from other colonies and abroad. Can it be assumed
that the editor selected only the material and editorial
viewpoint that he liked or his readers seemed to want? Or
was he indiscriminate in what he reprinted from other
sources?
The best answer was given by the colonists themselves.
The impact of the newspaper on public opinion was recognized
by contemporaries. Both whigs and tories in the colonial
struggle used their newspapers as effective organs to PI persuade and cajole. x As the Revolution grew closer,
newspapers frequently became identifiable in terms of
? n Mott, American Journalism, p. 59-
^Isidney Kobre, The Foundations of American Journalism (Talahassee: Florida State University, 1958 )} p. 81.
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pro- or anti-Revolutionary sentiment. The colonial printer
with a particular editorial viewpoint drew upon his sources
to produce a newssheet that reflected his opinion,22 and his
opinions were increasingly joined on his pages by those of
his unpaid contributors who used the newspaper to express
their opinions, offered in letters and essays.23
This trend was typical of the history of journalism
generally. Beginning as a chronicle of events, the newspaper
first became a potent force for political persuasion when it
began to reprint political pamphlets and politically motivated ? U letters and essays. Bor the period of this study,
inflammatory pamphlets such as The Nature and Extent of
Parliamentary Power Considered; in Some Remarks upon Mr.
Pitt’s Speech2^ serialized in metropolitan newspapers spread
revolutionary sentiment far and wide. In both the items
printed and the editorial tone taken, the publisher
recognized his reader’s tastes — indeed he had to if he P f\ was going to stay in business. ° Americans were quite aware
22Kobre, Development of Colonial Newspaper, p. 160.
23jim Allee Hart, The Developing VIEWS ON THE NEWS Editorial Syndrome, 1500 - 1800 (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970); p. 131.
2^Ibid., p. 1 i*9.
25william Hicks,(Philadelphia, 1768).
2^Kobre, Development of the Colonial Newspaper, p. 168.
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of what they wanted to read in their weekly papers. When
they looked for news from England, for example, they wanted
to know primarily about war and politics.But while there
is evidence that the reading public's predilections affected
the tone and content of the colonial paper, it is difficult
to tell how accurately the newspaper reflected that opinion.
About all that can be said is that certainly newspapers
tried to stimulate the opinions of the reader by presenting
political information in a persuasive light. At the same
time, they also must have paid some heed to, and so reflected,
their readers' prejudices.
By the time of the American Revolution, then, most
colonial newspapers were identifiable in terms of their
political sentiment. Some had tried to be neutral. However,
neutral papers tended to be pressured to take a more popular
stand as the war grew closer. Newspapers with moderate
positions often shifted one way or the other as the press
of events forced them to re-evaluate their opinions. During
the Stamp Act crisis Thomas Green's Connecticut Courant was
largely neutral, but later he included among his essays and
published letters those of patriots writing under such
pseudonyms as Alexander Windmill, Cato, and Eucrates.^8
27Mott, American Journalism, p. 52.
2^Hart, Views on the News, p. 149.
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Similarly tory papers were destroyed and their editors run
off or temporarily exiled by the patriot populace. One of
the most important pro-English papers * Rivington's New York
Gazetteer, was raided by a patriot mob in 1775
Among the best known patriot papers was the Boston
Gazette, which had as its principal contributors Sam Adams,
Jonathan Mayhew, James Otis, John Adams, Joseph Warren,
Thomas Cushing, Samuel Dexter, Oxenbridge Thatcher, and
Samuel Cooper.Other New England newspapers with pronounced
p a t r i o t ^ l leanings were: Massachusetts Spy (Boston) 1770 -
1775; Essex Gazette (Salem) 1768-1775; New England Chronicle
(Cambridge) 1775-1776; Continental Journal (Boston) 1776-1783;
Independent Ledger (Boston) 1778; Evening Post (Boston)
1775-1780; Freeman’s Journal (Portsmouth, New Hampshire)
1776-1780; Portsmouth Mercury and Weekly Advertiser (Portsmouth,
New Hampshire) 1764-1765; Newport Mercury (Newport) 1758-1783;
Providence Gazette (Providence) 1762-1783; New Haven Summary
(New Haven) 1758-1773; Connecticut Courant (Hartford) 1764-1783;
Connecticut Journal and New Haven Post-Boy (New Haven)
1767-1777; and the Norwich Packet (Norwich) 1775-1783-
29;Lawrence Counselman Wroth, The Colonial Printer (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1964), p. 177-
3°Frederick Hudson, Journalism in the United States (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1873)> P- 105.
3lThis information regarding the political leanings of the colonial newspapers is taken from Kobre, Development of Colonial Newspaper, pp. 147-148. For additional information see Clarence Saunders Brigham, History and Bibliography of American Newspapers, 1690-1820, 2 Vols. (Worcester: American Antiquarian Society, 1947).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16
Tory papers In New England included: the Boston
News-Letter (Boston) 1704-1776; the Boston Post-Boy
(Boston) 1734-1775; the Boston Chronicle (Boston) 1767-
1775, neutral leaning to the tory side; the New-Hampshire
Gazette (Exeter) 1764-1776; and The Norwich Packet
(Norwich) 1773-1776.
In the middle Atlantic colonies the principal patriot
papers were: Holt's Weekly Journal (New York City) 1776;
New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy (New York City) 1743-
1773; New-York Mercury (New York City) 1768-1776; New-York
Packet (New York City) 1776-1783; Constitutional Gazette
(New York City) 1775-1776; The New Jersey Gazette (Burlington)
1777; New-Jersey Journal (Chatham) 1779; Pennsylvania Gazette
(Philadelphia) 1727-1778; Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly
Advertiser (Philadelphia) 1742-1783; Pennsylvania Packet
(Philadelphia) 1771; Pennsylvania Chronicle (Philadelphia)
1766-1774; Pennsylvania Evening Post (Philadelphia), which
shifted to a loyalist viewpoint from 1777 to 1784; and
Freeman's Journal (Philadelphia) 1781.
Besides Rivington's New York Gazetteer, which became
the Royal Gazette (New York City) 1777-1783, tory papers in
the middle colonies included: New-York Mercury (New York
City) 1776-1783, which played both sides, but became
tory after 1777; New York Mercury and General Advertiser
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(New York City) 1779-1783; Albany Gazette (Albany)
1771-1772; Pennsylvania Ledger (Philadelphia) 1775-1778;
Pennsylvania Mercury (Philadelphia) 1775; Royal
Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia) March-May 1778; and
Pennsylvania Evening Post (Philadelphia) 1777-
In the southern colonies the patriot papers included:
the Maryland Gazette (Annapolis) 17^5-1783; the Maryland
Journal (Baltimore) 1773; Maryland Gazette (Baltimore)
1775-1778; the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) Rind 1766-177^;
the Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) Purdie 1775-1779; the
Virginia Gazette (Williamsburg) Purdie and Dixon 1766-1775;
the Virginia Gazette and Norfolk Intelligencer (Norfolk)
177^; the North Carolina Gazette (New Bern) 1768-1778;
the North Carolina Gazette and Weekly Post-Boy (New Bern)
1764-1766; the Cape Fear Mercury (Cape Pear) 1769-1775;
South Carolina Gazette (Charleston) 1732-1775; the Gazette
of the State of South Carolina (Charleston) 1777-1780; and
South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (Charleston)
1765-1775.
There were very few tory papers in the southern colonies:
The South Carolina and American General Gazette (Charleston)
1758-1781, which became the Royal Gazette (Charleston) 1781;
the Georgia Gazette (Savannah) 1763-1776; and the Royal
Georgia Gazette (Savannah) 1779-1782.
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Besides the work of Arthur M. Schlesinger, Sr.,one
of the most Important recent studies of the colonial press
is by Richard L. Merritt.33 While Schlesinger approached
the subject Impressionistically, Merritt worked more
scientifically. In his study he examined colonial newspapers
between 1735 and 1775 to determine when the colonists stopped
thinking of themselves as Englishmen overseas or as citizens
of a particular colony and began to see themselves as
Americans. He proceeded by identifying certain key words
or phrases which indicated a growing sense of community
among Americans and then searched for them in the newspapers.
Since he was contrasting his discovery of these emotionally
connotative words with the appearance of other symbols
indicating that the colonists still identified themselves
in regional groupings or with Great Britain, he paid
particular attention to the differences between articles
originating in other colonies or in Britain printed in the
same newspaper. He obtained quantified information on the
frequency of the symbols and made detailed comparisons.
However, he restricted his survey to seven representative
newspapers from five cities: Boston, New York, Philadelphia,
^^Schlesinger, Prelude to Independence.
33Richard Lawrence Merritt, Symbols of Community, 1735-1775 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966) p. 19^.
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Williamsburg, and Charleston. In each case the newspaper
selected had been published for most of the period he
covered, was available, and was considered by most
authorities to have been an opinion leader. Merritt’s
study was further based for the most part on a random
sample of four issues per year in the selected newspapers.
His conclusions suggested that shifting political demands
in colonial America resulted, first, in the disintegration
of community ties between the colonies and the mother
country and, then, the integration and eventual political
amalgamation of the colonies themselves.
This study follows the approach Merritt pioneered.
It quantifies the articles describing William Pitt in the
colonial newspapers in order to determine the image of him
that they projected. It includes all available English
language newspapers, specifically excluding German news
papers printed in Philadelphia because of their limited
and peculiar readership.
There also were some English-language newspapers that
had such short and erratic publishing schedules that they
could not have had much influence on their readers or dissem
inated much political information. They were also excluded
from this survey. They were: The American Gazette (Salem,
Massachusetts) 1776; The Salem Gazette (Salem, Massachusetts)
1774-1775; New Hampshire Gazette (Exeter, New Hampshire)
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1778; The New Hampshire Gazette (Exeter, New Hampshire)
1776-1777; The State Journal (continuation of above) (Exeter,
New Hampshire) 1778; Portsmouth Mercury (Portsmouth, New
Hampshire) 1765-1767; Plain Dealer (Bridgeton, New Jersey)
1775-1776; Constitutional Courant (Woodbridge, New Jersey)
1765; The Albany Gazette (Albany, New York) 1771-1772; The New
York Packet and The American Advertiser (Fishkill, New York)
1777-1783; The Royal American Gazette (New York City, New
York) 1777-1783; The Newport Gazette (Newport, Rhode Island)
1777-1779; The Royal Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania) 1778; and The American Chronicle (New York City,
New York) March to July 1762.
In general, the material found in colonial newspapers
came from letters to the editor from local subscribers,
articles written by local authors,3^ reprints from foreign
n e w s p a p e r s reprints from other colonial newspapers, 3 8
and letters from merchants, colonial agents, or friends
a b r o a d . 37 Additional sources were colonial or foreign
broadsides, pamphlets, and essays,33 including some written by
the colonial editor himself to express his own point of v i e w . 39
3^Ibid., pp. 50-51.
35ibid., p. 47.
3^ibid., pp. 50-51.
37Kobre, Foundations, pp. 49-50. 33jbid., p. 54.
39Mott, American Journalism, p. 47.
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SOURCE OF ARTICLES ON PITT APPEARING IN COLONIAL NEWSPAPERS 1756-1778
N o . of No. of No. of Total Factual Articles Articles Articles Favorable Unfavorable to Pitt to Pitt
Pitt’s Letters & Speeches 312 312 0a 0
Percentage 100 100 0 0
Written by British Editors 2,285 892 1,312 81
Percentage 100 39 57 4
Other British Letters & Essays 561 66 388 107
Percentage 100 12 69 19
Written by American Editors 76 8 63 5
Percentage 100 11 83 6
Other American Letters & Essays 260 6 251 3
Percentage 100 2 97 1
TOTALS 3,494 1,284 2,014 196
Percentage 100 37 58 5
aPitt’s speeches and letters are both factual and favorable to him but are counted only as factual.
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Articles on Pitt fall into five major categories.
First are speeches and letters written by Pitt himself.
These were generally copied from British newspapers or
letters from England, were sometimes excerpted by the
local editor, and occasionally had editorial comment
interspersed. Second are articles written by British
newspaper editors, and third the works of the British
reading public: letters-to-the-editor, pamphlets, essays,
or tracts. Fourth are the writings of American editors
in American newspapers, and finally, there are the contribu
tions of the American public, again in the form of letters,
pamphlets, essays, tracts, or broadsides.
These five categories are statistically analyzed in
Table I according to the number and percentage of articles
in each category. Also, each of the five categories is
broken into three parts indicating whether or not the
article expressed a favorable or unfavorable opinion of
Pitt or merely reported a factual event without interpretation.
The largest category of coverage is that from British
editors. There were 2,285 articles originating from British
newspapers, and, of them, 1,312 or 57 percent were favorable
to Pitt, only 8l or 4 percent unfavorable, and 892 or 39
percent expressed no opinion. That so many of the articles
on Pitt were of British origin makes no difference in
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determining the image of Pitt that newspapers carried in
their columns, but it is of great interest in revealing
the major source from which that image came.
In comparison there were 76 articles on Pitt which
can be positively identified as the work of an American
editor. Of these articles 83 percent approved of Pitt,
only 6 percent did not, and 11 percent merely reported
the facts.
In the category of British letters and essays, there
were 388 or 69 percent favorable to Pitt, 107 or 19
percent unfavorable, and 66 or 12 percent that expressed no
opinion. Letters and essays written in America, although
fewer in number than those by British authors, were
statistically much more partial to Pitt. Of 260 letters
and essays, 97 percent favored and only 1 percent criticized
Pitt with 2 percent expressing no opinion.
The first category enumerated, Pitt’s own speeches and
letters, naturally presented a wholly favorable image of him
as well as reported much factual information about his career.
These, however, are counted only as factual reports.
Altogether, there were 3S^9^ articles on Pitt, 58 percent
of which were favorable to him and only 5 percent unfavorable,
and 37 percent of which reported only factual events. These
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figures indicate that the American press was much more
inclined to favor Pitt than to be opposed or neutral toward
him.. Interestingly, too, since the overwhelming majority
of articles on Pitt in America originated in Britain, it
is clear that the same image of Pitt was also widely
available in the British press.
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AMERICAN CITIES PUBLISHING NEWSPAPERS USED IN THIS STUDY
1. Portsmouth
2, Salem
3 • Boston
4. Cambridge
-1 5. Providence
I-6 6. Hartford 8 7. New London .10 ■u 8. New Haven -12 -13 9. New York City
10. Burlington
■IS 11. Philadelphia •tfc Baltimore ■IT 12. 13- Annapolis
-18 14. Williamsburg -19 15- Norfolk
16. New Bern
17. Wi lmington CO i—I
Charleston
19- Savannah
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. oo VO OO co
oo c\i CM VO CM oo LO
VO oo
Eh CO Eh I—I H oo Ph S CO o oo CM O co H o H O Eh • CO oo PS CO oo VO CM t— H PS CC m !=> pH I O ■=s H O h V O (X) CO LTV 13 t- W H S Ph o oo CM VO H ov O CM s VO w o Q H O s H oo VO 0to rH o •H ■ P U in =33 Ln <+H l— O i—l Sh o o o o o o o o o o o 0 o in o Ln o Ln o in o Ln X! Ln ^3" -3- oo oo CM CM 1—1 rH e 3 s
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TA B LE I I
THE TWENTY AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS WITH THE GREATEST NUMBER OP ARTICLES ON PITT, 1756-1778
Number of Articles Newspaper Years
242 Pennsylvania Gazette 1757 - 1778 211 South Carolina Gazette 1756 - 1778 205 New-Hampshire Gazette 1756 - 1778 204 The South Carolina and 1758 — 1778 American General Gazette 195 Pennsylvania Journal 1756 - 1778 189 Virginia Gazette, Purdie 1766 — 1775 and Dixon 186 Boston News-Letter 1757 - 1776 160 Boston Post-Boy 1756 - 1775 159 Boston Gazette 1756 - 1778 151 Maryland Gazette 1756 - 1778 151 The New-York Mercury 1763 - 1778 131 South Carolina Gazette; 1765 — 1775 And Country Journal 118 Boston Evening Post 1756 - 1775 116 New-York Journal 1766 - 1/78 97 Connecticut Courant 1764 - 1778 95 Georgia Gazette 1763 - 1776 95 Pennsylvania Chronicle 1767 - 1774 85 New-London Gazette 1763 - 1773 63 Virginia Gazette, Rind 1766 - 1774 41 Boston Chronicle 1767 - 1770
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II
William Pitt’s Early Career: The Image of a Real Whig
The image of William Pitt that the Americans were
exposed to in their newspapers had a British origin. By
the time that Pitt became a significant factor in American
politics, after 1756, he already had a political image in
Great Britain generated by his early career. This image
was based on his repeated criticism of the political
establishment and cast him as the "Great Commoner" who
stood above the patronage-hunting and corruption that
characterized mid-eighteenth-century British government.
At the accession of George III British political
opinion held that Great Britain was a constitutional State
with a government that was balanced or mixed in such a way
as to preserve traditional English liberties. The balance
supposedly was among the king, Lords, and Commons, each
representing a different part of the Aristotelian trinity,
Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracy. Sometimes too,
especially after Montesquieu'1' had eulogized this aspect of
1Charles De Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws (Geneva: 17^8).
28
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the English system, the mixed elements were thought to
represent a division of sovereign power into executive,
legislative and judicial, although this belief was somewhat
harder to support.^
The distribution of power between the sections,
whatever they might be, was presumably fixed by the late
seventeenth-century "revolutionary settlement" which
included the Declaration of Rights, the Act of Settlement,
and the constitutional practices of William III. By 1760,
however, the revolutionary heritage more clearly delineated
what the crown could not do, rather than enumerated its
remaining prerogatives. This relative decline in the
actual power of the king, owing to the desuetude of the
first two Georges, produced a knotty constitutional problem,
for while all agreed that they could not do without the king
they were somewhat at a loss to specify his privileges.^
The functions of government were also much narrower
then than now. Government maintained order, waged war, and
conducted foreign affairs. For the most part the king and
his ministers determined policy in these areas, but
inasmuch as their endeavors required funding, the other two
^Richard Pares, George III and the Politicians (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), ch. II.
3 l b i d .
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parts of the government participated in carrying out their
decisions.^
This meant that , while the king retained an active
role in government and theoretically had the right to
choose ministers amenable to himself, his selections also
had to be able, normally, to carry the two houses of
Parliament. When this proved impossible the king had
to dismiss them and find others with whom the legislature
would work, not because of any constitutional requirement
but simply because it was necessary if he wanted to g o v e r n . 5
Between the two houses of Parliament the Lords were
infinitely more tractable. Even though they represented
the aristocratic element of the government and their
chambers contained many heads of powerful political
families, the House of Lords could usually be depended
upon by the king. This was due in no small measure to
the fact that twenty-six bishops and sixteen representative
Scottish peers owed their seats to the crown. For this
reason the king did not ordinarily fear for his measures
or his ministers in that house and occasionally counted on
it to squash a distasteful bill produced by C o m m o n s . 6
4 Ibid., p. 93-
^Ibid., p . 4.
^Ibid., ch. II.
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The House of Commons was the legislative body whose
good will the king had to cultivate. Because of its
power over the purse it historically was in the position
of resisting encroachments by the executive. If the
king wanted to be sure of cooperation in legislative
matters he and his ministers had to manage the House.
In modern parliamentary government this is accomplished
through a political party system. In the eighteenth
century, however, political parties were anathema. The
word party was a pejorative term connoting faction and
divisiveness. Political theory held that if the crown’s
measures were just they should be supported and, if
unjust, they should be voted down. They should not be
opposed simply to force a change in policy or to
maneuver one’s self into office. This stand had great
appeal to a significant number of members, well over a
third, who prided themselves on their independence of
any faction.?
Still, the king's business had to be carried on,
and early in the century Sir Robert Walpole perfected the
technique of combining the votes of independents, who
normally followed the lead of the king's ministers,
with those that he could muster by a judicious distribution
7John Harold Plumb, Sir Robert Walpole, The King's Minister (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1961), pp. 92-94.
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of patronage. In the days before the advent of civil
service based on merit, ministers had the entire apparatus
of government at their disposal, and many members of
Parliament were there simply to obtain what benefits they
could in return for their votes.
Once a ministry was appointed it was usually not
upset unless some critical political question arose.
Occasionally on matters of foreign policy the government
would be challenged in the House and its survival would
then depend on how secure its control over those who had
come to Parliament to serve their various self-interests
really was and on how the independent country gentlemen
Q chose to vote.
This is not to imply that the House of Commons
had arrived at the notion of responsible government.
The Commons recognized that the king was free to govern
and thus to choose his servants. Yet they also recognized
that his ministers could only serve him effectively if
they could fund their programs in the House.9 When
conflicts between the king's ministers and the House of
Commons occasionally erupted, the House religiously denied
^Pares, George III, ch. I.
9Ibid., ch. IV.
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any justification for formed or consistent opposition.
Popular theories maintained that the members of the House
should view each of the king’s measures on its own merits,
and vote measures not men. In fact, of course, this was
only theory. Various groups of politicians quite
systematically opposed other ministerial combinations, a
situation which produced the interminable cabinet
shufflings in the reign of George III. Furthermore, it
would not have been possible for these political groups
to have retained their cohesiveness had they not moved
into opposition when they were forced out of power. The
fact that only a small part of the membership of the
House was politically aligned with one of the many groups
was the only thing that preserved the continuity of
government, because while the king could not count on
support of any of the politicians out of office, he could
in general count on the passive compliance of the House
as a whole.10
Just as, theoretically, the lack of systematic
opposition in the House of Commons complicated political
processes, so too did the lack of clear-cut parties.
Anyone aspiring to political office had to call himself a
10Ibid.
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w h i g . ' 1''*' This did not mean that there were no tories. On
constitutional issues some occasionally proclaimed that
their principles were tory.-1-^ However, tories had declined
as a potent political force because they had been associated
with the treason of the Stuart uprisings of 1715 and 1745 3
and also, because over the years the lines dividing whigs
and tories had become blurred.^3 jn theory the whigs
were committed to the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and the
Hanoverian settlement; the political theory formulated by
John Locke at the time of that revolution had become their
gospel and the backbone of English constitutional thought 14 in the eighteenth century.
But practically speaking, time had obscured the
revolutionary origins of whigs, and they had become more
concerned with managing governmental power than in
promoting political theory. As whiggism lost some of
its revolutionary force, so, too, toryism mellowed over
the years, and the differences between the two groups
■^John Steven Watson, The Reign of George III, Vol. XII; Oxford History of England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 58.
12Archibald Smith Foord, His Majesty’s Opposition, 1714-1830 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 327.
^ G e orge Herbert Guttridge, English Whiggism and the American Revolution (Berkley: University of California Press, 1942), p. 1~. See also Sir Lewis Bernstein Namier, England in the Age of the American Revolution (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966), p. 207.
^ Guttridge, English Whiggism, p. 5.
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became fogged. As a result, whigs had assumed support of
the tory crown and church, while tories accepted the
revolutionary settlement and the Hanoverian reign.-*-5
By 1760 whigs tended to be not one but a number of
different interest groups gathered loosely under the same
label. At the very least they fell into two categories:
those with political ambitions and those who chose to remain
on the periphery of politics, supporting or opposing those
in power depending on their view of the merits of a given
situation.-*-6 of those that went to Parliament the
smallest but most potent group were those who actually
sought power. Their "dreams of office and power" were
their motive force and their "personality, eloquence,
debating power, and prestige" enabled them to conduct
the business of the House of Commons.These were the
men who would happily have compelled the king to put them
in power, but until he appointed them to office, they had
neither the loyalty of the independents nor the patronage
to control the House.
If they were accomplished enough to have acquired a
position and "the attractive power of office," they
15lbid.
^ W a t s o n , Reign of George III, p. 5 8 .
17lbid., p. 7.
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generally gathered a band of parliamentary followers who
hoped to secure office on their coattails. These factions
or parliamentary parties retained their cohesiveness both
In and out of officemaking them obstacles that the
king’s ministers had to overcome in securing the passage
of the king’s bills. While only about one-third of the
members of Parliament followed one or another of the
parliamentary leaders, this third of the House was
dangerous. It contained a high degree of the political
talent of the nation and since neither placemen nor
independents aspired to high office it formed the pool
from which new governments were formed and old refreshed.^9
These parliamentary groups were held together by a
variety of devices. Some were cemented by friendship — a
connection that was the first to show the signs of strain.
Others were joined by a more substantial family association,
such as that of the whig magnate Lord Cobham with his many
relatives. Still others relied on money and electoral
influence to acquire the votes that ushered them into
power, as was the case with the duke of Newcastle after
1744. Only occasionally did a political group result from
l^Namier, England in the Age of the American Revolution, p. 211.
19Pares, George III, p. 74.
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the spontaneous adhesion of admirers to a political leader.
William Pitt was one of the few able to attract a small
band of followers on the strength of his genius and 2 n policies alone.
Thus it can be seen that, whatever the theory about
separate powers neatly balancing each other, the
government did not function that way. The discrepancy
led to constant complaint. The patronage system
particularly was viewed as corrupt and as undermining
basic British liberties. It was because of his
opposition to the methods and practices of this system
of corruption that Pitt emerged as a popular politician
in the years before 1756.
Prom the time that he first entered Parliament in
1735 until his first ministry in 1756, Pitt enjoyed
tremendous popularity and was associated in England with
an opposition that had its origins in an assault on the
Walpolian system of corruption in politics. He was
first elected to Parliament from the pocket borough Old
Sarum originally belonging to his grandfather, Thomas
Pitt. The Governor, as the latter had sometimes been
called, had amassed a sizeable fortune as an illegal
20Ibid., p. 77-
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trader in India and had used it to purchase political power.
What was left of his fortune and political power had passed
to William Pitt's eldest brother Thomas, thus opening the
0*1 way for William to stand for election from Old Sarum.
Inasmuch as William Pitt was later known for his
support of parliamentary reform, particularly the purging
of rotten boroughs and pocket boroughs, his election by
Old Sarum may seem odd. Rotten boroughs were those in
which the electorate had died off or moved away but
because of the unreformed state of the House of Commons
were still entitled to send representatives to Parliament.
A pocket borough was one that was "in the pocket" of the
landlord on whose property the borough was located. Old
Sarum was in fact both a rotten borough and a pocket
borough, thus creating embarrassment for the reformer.
Pitt, in addition to representing Old Sarum from 1735 -
17^7j later stood for election from other constituencies
nearly as small.22
Pitt's commitment to the balance of the constitution
was so strong that he never used his powerful position to
build up a parliamentary connection of his own. He had
^Albert Von Ruville, William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, Vol. I, trans. by H. J. Chaytor (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1907), p. 108.
22Namier, Structure of Politics, p. 157-
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more than ample opportunity to do so within his own family.
His eldest brother Thomas had three or four seats, and his
cousins normally counted two seats at their disposal.
After his marriage to Hester Grenville he could have
added several more. In addition, once Pitt had become
a popular hero, borough patrons offered to place their
seats at his service.^ Nevertheless, he did not exploit
these possibilities. It was perhaps recognition of this
that prevented greater criticism of his own representation
of rotten boroughs.
Once he entered Parliament Pitt immediately became
associated with a group of young men dubbed the "boy
patriots" by Walpole2** because they were all about the
age of the Prince of Wales and evoked patriotism in
defense of the old constitution against Walpole’s
encroachments. Their leader was Sir Richard Temple,
Viscount Cobham, a member of the Privy Council who had
surrounded himself with young talents who would flatter
him, including other members of Pitt’s family. When he
entered Parliament, Pitt was already commissioned a
^Ibid. , p. 10, 30; Basil Williams, The Life of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, Vol. I (New York: Longmans, Green and Company, 1914), pp. 40-41; Von Ruville, William Pitt, pp. 96-97.
2**Von Ruville, William Pitt, pp. 108-109.
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Cornet in Cobham's regiment of h o r s e . 25
Pitt joined his commander and patron, first adding
his voice to the growing opposition to Walpole and then
coming to dominate it. By the time that Pitt entered
Parliament, Sir Robert Walpole had been isolated by
the opposition as their target because of his corrupt
use of pension and place. He was criticized for having
excluded talented competitors from power and for having
used patronage to cement others to him. His policies
had made enemies of tories on one hand and religious
dissenters on the other. Most important was the rising
objection to his foreign policy. All of these dissents
produced a growing body of opposition in the House of
Commons with which Cobham’s Cubs, as they were known,
were associated.2^ While Pitt’s specific reasons for
supporting the Cobham cousinhood are not actually
known, they most probably included Cobham's dismissal
from his colonelcy in retaliation for his opposition
and the popularization of the opposition’s cause by
such literary talents as Jonathan Swift and Alexander
Pope who dramatized the corruption and cruelty of the
25Ibid., Ch. 8; Owen Aubrey Sherrard, Lord Chatham; A War Minister in The Making (London: The Bodley Head Limited, 1952), p. 35~-
2^John Harold Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century, Vol. VII of The Pelican History of England (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1950), ch. 7~.
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first minister. Such a combination of personal and
political loyalties would have been hard for Pitt to 27 resist. '
Pitt's opposition to Walpole, originally because of
the latter's corruption of the constitutional balance,
grew as Pitt became confirmed in his isolationist
view of England's overseas interests and his firm belief
that Britain must not allow her trade or her colonies to
be jeopardized by the House of Bourbon. Since William
Ill's reign at the end of the previous century Britain
was committed to opposing the power of France, and
with the accession of George I in 1715 continental policies
had also to include provisions for the protection of
Hanover. The Hanoverian issue antagonized latent tory
sentiment in England which preferred a policy of
noninvolvement on the Continent when possible. When
forced to defend England's interests these isolationists
opted for a maritime strategy that would protect trade
and the colonies. Walpole himself was committed to a
policy of peace, following the course that would be
least likely to involve Great Britain in a costly,
unsettling war. This was ordinarily meritorious, but
when preserving the peace approached appeasement, Pitt
2?sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 38-41.
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p p felt that England had to fight to preserve her honor.
Pitt quickly voiced his objections to Walpole's
peace policy when Spain signed a family compact with
Prance in 1733 and began to harrass English shipping
and her colonies. As Walpole tried to avert war with
Spain he found that Pitt objected most strenuously.
Prom the floor of the House of Commons Pitt demanded,
"Is this any longer a nation? Is this any longer an
English Parliament, if with more ships in your harbours
than in all the navies of Europe, with above two millions
of people in your American colonies, you will hear of
the expediency of receiving from Spain an insecure,
unsatisfactory, dishonourable Convention?"2^
Pitt’s early speeches also indicated his faith in
the political judgments of the English people and his
support for the figurehead of the opposition to Walpole,
the Prince of Wales. In his first speech he evidenced
the trust in the public that characterized his career.
In it Pitt opposed an increase in church livings on
the grounds that increased power in the church was
2^Ibid., pp. 42-47; Walter Louis Dorn, Competition for Empire 1740-1763 3 The Rise of Modern Europe, ed. by William L. Langer (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1963), ch. IV.
2^As quoted in Sherrard, Lord Chatham, p. 6 9 . See also Von Ruville, William Pitt, pp. 162-163.
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dangerous and that the clergy should be dependent upon
the laity. He thus gave tacit proof of his belief in
the latter*s good sense.30 in April 1736 he gave the
celebrated congratulatory address to the king, on the
marriage of the Prince of Wales. So effective was it
in antagonizing George II and his first minister that
it supposedly caused Walpole to utter *'we must muzzle
this terrible cornet of horse" before depriving Pitt
of his commission.31 The opposition press under the
inspiration of Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke,
took note of Pitt's role in support of the Prince of
Wales and enhanced his reputation by featuring him in
the leading opposition paper, The Craftsman. After a
time he was being compared to Demosthenes and was
rewarded by the Prince of Wales with the post of groom
of the bedchamber in the Prince's own household.32
Even though Pitt had been the leader of the
faction that brought Walpole down in 1742, in keeping
with his avowed disapprobation of parliamentary
faction, Pitt did not share in the spoils of victory or
3|-)Sherrard, Lord Chatham, p. 49.
^1As quoted in Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 50-51-
32Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 60-61; Williams, William Pitt, pp. 50-70; Von Ruville, William Pitt, pp. 126-133; Plumb, England in the Eighteenth Century, chi. 9 .
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. force himself on the king. For the boy patriots in
general it was an empty victory. When Walpole fell he
took pains not to take the whole whig establishment
with him and to protect himself from prosecution.
First he bribed the Prince of Wales with a fifty
thousand pound increase in allowance, then arranged
for one of the opposition, John Carteret, later the
earl of Granville, to return to government as secretary
of state. He advised the king to make no appointments 33 of the patriots.
When Carteret’s mismanagement of the war produced
near disaster and Pitt perceived that the corruption
that he had opposed had not been moderated, he began
to work for the government’s fall. This brought him
into conflict with the Prince of Wales who tried
unsuccessfully to muzzle the opposition to his favorite.
Carteret's cause was lost. The king cast about for
someone to replace him and was forced to accept Henry
Pelham, the duke of Newcastle's brother, as first 34 minister upon Carteret’s resignation.-1
Even though the government had been formed from
members of the opposition, Pitt had followed his own
^^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 77-85; Von Ruville, William Pitt, ch. VIII.
3^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 99-120; Williams, William Pitt, ch. IV; Von Ruville, William Pitt, chs. IX
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political judgment and opposed it. He had been both
fearless and principled. He had objected to Carteret’s
management primarily because it had kept England
unnecessarily at war. Yet his independent conduct did
not produce an offer from Pelham to form part of the
new government. By now Pitt was at the head of the
parliamentary opposition and, while the Broad Bottom
Ministry of 1744 included many from that camp, there
was still no place for Pitt.35
Just as Pitt’s dogged persistence in his own
political principles had won him popularity, so too
when he seemed to desert them, he lost favor with the
public. Upon Pelham’s succession, Pitt decided on a
change of tactics. Rather than continue in opposition,
he supported the new ministry. With Pelham at the
head and Newcastle as secretary of state the Broad
Bottom ministry would have gone the way of its
successor had Pitt not shored them up in the House of
C o m m o n s . 3^ The opposition raged. Pitt had deserted them.
The press twitted at his inconsistency. And Pitt,
recognizing that his new position was incompatible with
the old, resigned his position in the Prince’s h o u s e h o l d . 37
35sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 120-127.
36lbid., p. 127.
37lbid., pp. 127-131; Williams, William Pitt, p. 126ff; Von Ruville, William Pitt, p. 235ff-
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While supporting the government Pitt did not flinch
from criticzing it or espousing his own view when the
country was endangered. The Jacobite uprising of 1745
engendered by the invasion of Scotland by Prince Charles
Edward, the Stuart pretender, gave him the opportunity
to prove his worth and increased his popularity. As a
precautionary measure, he introduced a bill to withdraw
the troops from the Austrian Netherlands and return them
to England, reasoning that the invasion might provide a
good excuse to disengage the English from a disadvantageous
continental entanglement. Newcastle proposed keeping
English troops in Holland to prevent the French invasion
of that strategic place, and shoring up England's defenses
against the pretender with foreign mercenaries. Pitt
made short shift of this ludicrous scheme, ridiculing
those who would trust Hessian soldiers before their own
countrymen. Finally the king admitted defeat and
instructed Newcastle to negotiate with Pitt, who entered
the government in a minor post, vice-treasurer of
Ireland, in February 1746.3®
During this phase of his career — as a government
cipher — Pitt's popularity and his independence both
dropped to new lows. He again halted his opposition
and supported whatever measures the Pelham-Newcastle
3®Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 137-150; Williams, William Pitt, ch. V; Von Ruville, William Pitt, p. 264ff.
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connection forwarded, even to the extent of self-
contradiction. He spoke for the hiring of Hanoverian
mercenaries to use as England's contribution to a
continuing continental war. His popularity ebbed.
He lost his following and was lampooned in the
opposition journals.39
Pitt redeemed himself by turning one of the Crown's
most exploited sinecures into a model government agency
because of his strict application of civic virtue. In
May 1747 he was promoted to the rich post of paymaster-
general of the forces. The job made him responsible for
distributing regimental pay and pensions and handling
subsidies to foreign governments. Its work was routine
and ordinarily handled by subordinates. The salary
with allowances came to over four thousand pounds a
year, all out of proportion to the work required, but
that was not what made the position such a rich one.
The paymaster held large sums of money for which he
was accountable only when they had to be paid. Until then
he was able, and was expected, to use these monies to
enrich himself. Instead, Pitt used the post to reform
the system of paying out pensions. In addition, he
refused to touch the government balances or handle any
^^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, p. 154..
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part of the money that was not his own salary. Hence,
in later years, he would hold up his hands in the
House of Commons and say that no gold had stuck to his
fingers.^
Even though he was in the government’s service, Pitt
had not sacrificed his political independence. As soon
as the Newcastle government began to pursue a foreign
policy that he judged shortsighted and disastrous, Pitt
again returned to opposition. War was threatening in
Europe, skirmishing had already begun in America, and
the king was in Hanover trying to negotiate subsidy
treaties for the protection of his electorate. Newcastle
had to get the treaties and subsidies through the House
of Commons. In 1756 he approached Pitt. Pitt was
willing to support a "national war" and defend Hanover
only if she were attacked on England's account, but he
would only support the Hessian treaty to save the king's
face and would hear no more of subsidies.^ The
opposition press rejoiced. They had regained "their h o Cicero, their Demosthenes." At once Pitt was dismissed.^
William Pitt was finally offered his own ministry
^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 155-157; Williams, William Pitt, eh. VI; Von Ruville, William Pitt, eh, xil.
^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 297-302; Williams, William Pitt, p. 267ff; Von Ruville, William Pitt, ch. XVI.
^Sherrard, Lord Chatham, pp. 305-309*
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. late in 1756. He informed Newcastle that he would only
serve if the new government could pursue policies
consistent with his own principles. Chief among his
conditions were his militia bill and the promise that
he would have full access to the king and be in a
position to give advice on matters of policy. The
king delayed, trying unsuccessfully to find an alternative
to Pitt. He could not, and in December 1756 Pitt took
office as secretary of state.
His first ministry was brief and popular. His
strength lay in the fact that he had wide support in
the House of Commons and even wider support in the
country at large. His government began with a direct
appeal to the people, initiating an alliance which later
gave him the strength to forge a successful government.^
The popular episodes in Pitt’s career each
demonstrated a particular characteristic or political
trait that the public applauded. Among the attributes
that contributed the most to the image he acquired prior
to 1756 was his continual display of political independence.
Another was his rejection of political parties. Pitt's
foreign policy was tremendously popular too. He was
lt3Ibid. , pp. 283-285.
^Williams, William Pitt, pp. 285-312.
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committed to a policy that would prevent England from
losing trade or colonial possessions to the House of
Bourbon, which epitomized despotism and corruption in
English minds. One other popular aspect of his
political image was his demonstration of private and
public virtue, then considered the sine qua non of
good government.
Pitt's image was built on his rapport with the
people. In an age when the public was largely ignored,
Pitt respected the public's opinion, acknowledged
their right to have and express opinions, and occasionally
seemed to tailor his career to the demands of that
opinion. Certainly there were times when Pitt's
popularity flagged, and it usually did when his
behavior was inconsistent with his lauded principles.
The public liked Pitt best when he seemed to
evidence a style of political behavior and a set of
political principles that traced their origin back to
the political crises of the l640's and had been
preserved and popularized by the opposition in subsequent
clashes with the crown. These seventeeth-century notions
formulated by the political theorists and critics of the
English system: Harrington, Nedham, Milton, Ludlow,
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Sidney and Marvelle,^5 were studied and popularized by
writers and journalists in the eighteenth century, who
became known as commonwealthmen or real whigs. These
opposition writers clung to old concepts about political
liberty and government and formulated new ideas about
checks on government and individual freedoms that were
tempered only by their genuine admiration for the
monarchical element of the British constitution.
Eighteenth-century popularizers, such as Thomas Gordon
and John Trenchard who early in the century wrote a
famous series of tracts under the pseudonym "Cato,"
decided that the reason that the British system of
balanced government was not working was because of
the corrupt practices of politicians running it.
These real whigs sought alternatives to the Walpolian
system of patronage and exalted ideas of independence
and civic virtue in government. While they did not
go so far as some of their seventeenth-century mentors
in suggesting that the logical conclusion of reform was
a republican order,^ they did want to return political
practice to a condition in which it could not be corrupted.
One of the most important concepts of the real whigs
^Robbins, Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman, p.
46Ibid., p. 7-
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or commonwealthmen was their fear of political parties
and an overpowerful executive. They also saw in the
growing power of the first minister through the art
of patronage a threat to the balance of the constitution.
Accordingly they constantly put forth suggestions for
reforming Parliament and protecting the balance of the
government. They wanted to enlarge the franchise.
They encouraged the abolition of rotten boroughs. They
insisted on "economical reform" to cut down the number
of positions at the ministry’s disposal. Thus Pitt's
activities to thwart the power of Walpole and other
first ministers who adopted his political methods were
applauded by real whigs and gave him the public image
of being associated with their views.
Some real whigs, specifically later eighteenth-
century theorists like Richard Price and Joseph Priestley,
wanted to apply those general statements of right in
English constitutional pronouncements to other parts
of the empire. Others even wanted to extend the
principle of the rights of Englishmen to all mankind. ^
So, too, Pitt in his concern for the colonies, for the
empire, and for the protection of those areas from
encroachment by the corrupt House of Bourbon was already
^ I b i d . , pp. 7-9-
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showing the concern for the rights of Englishmen overseas
that, combined with his intense patriotism, would
characterize his later career.
Public and private virtue were additional qualities
that the real whigs expected in public figures. They
reasoned that there was no way to stop corruption in
government unless Englishmen elected and appointed only
those whose personal lives exemplified private virtues,
such as honesty, sobriety, and modesty. No one who
lacked these, they reasoned, could be expected to conduct h O public business with integrity. Again Pitt fitted the
commonwealthman tradition in his role as paymaster of
the forces.
Finally, this political tradition placed great
reliance on the political judgments of "the people,"
Real whigs believed that the public could tell good
government from bad and could serve as a watchdog of
the constitution.^9 Certainly, Pitt’s early career
showed at least his awareness of the value of securing
public favor and indicated that he was respectful of
public opinion.
^ Ibid. 3 p . 383.
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As Pitt's career progressed other real whig virtues
would be evidenced, and he would appear to embrace the
commonwealthman tradition even more completely. He
would continue to show his characteristic regard for
public opinion, trusting the instincts of the
electorate to a far greater degree than contemporary
politicians thought wise. At times he would even
appear to be directed by public opinion. He would
demonstrate tendencies toward religious toleration —
for Protestants at least — that was indicative of
real whig principles. Moreover, he would enjoy the
approval of imperial minded interest groups such as
the merchant classes, reflecting his endorsement of
international policies thought to be more patriotic
and honorable than those of the Hanoverian SO establishment.J
Some of these real whig ideas about government
and society were progressive and forward looking,
such as those on religious toleration, extending the
franchise, and increased public education. Others
were antiquated and not appropriate for the political
world of William Pitt. To the extent that real whig
^ I b i d . , pp. 7-16.
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ideas represented an outmoded view of the British
constitution they placed unrealistic demands on
politicians and the political system in general.
Certainly real whig charges of corruption in the
government and subversion of the constitution were
simplistic and unfair to those in power. A constitution
which was unsettled, in which there was no clear
definition of the power of the executive, or parties
to put forth and accept responsibility for measures,
or any concept of responsible cabinet government,
needed some cement to make it work. It needed a
vehicle to ensure that the ordinary business of the
government would not be undermined by the "rage of 51 party" and that political stability would be preserved.
What happened to Pitt was that he was praised when
he appeared to represent a set of ideas that had their
origins in the political turmoils of the 1640's. Thus
he was applauded for upholding a set of principles that
were no longer applicable to the real conditions of
British government. As will be seen, Pitt's reputation
in the American colonies was founded on his successful
war ministry and enhanced by the virtues apparent in his
51John Harold Plumb, The Origins of Political Stability; England, 1675-1725 (Boston: HoughtonMifflin Company, 19^7)7 pp. I87-1B9 .
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early career. His constant association with real whig
principles would create in America a misunderstanding
of their viability. Eventually, the failure of Pitt
and others like him to secure a permanent place in
Great Britain for those principles would be taken as
a failure of the system as a whole.
When Americans read of Pitt’s career after 1756 they
found that those political characteristics that had
marked his early career were still plainly discernible.
As his career was unfolded to Americans by the colonial
press, there was added only richness of detail to
essentially the same picture of a real whig.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III
WILLIAM PITT: THE IMAGE OP HIS CAREER IN THE COLONIAL PRESS, 1756 - 1766
So far this study has described political conditions
in mid-eighteenth century Britain, both historically and
from the viewpoint of contemporaries. The kind of
politician Pitt was has been defined and the basis for
his popularity in England through 1756 explored. It
was at that time with his appointment to his first
ministry that he became a significant factor in
American politics. With that date we will begin to study
the coverage of his career in colonial newspapers.
What important events of his career were covered in
the colonial newspaper? How did Pitt appear to
behave in each instance? How did newspapers describe
him during each phase of his political life? Were
there sectional, political, or other differences in
reporting these events?
Figure 3 illustrates how much of the total coverage
dealing with Pitt's career was favorable or unfavorable
to him, or expressed no opinion. Most articles in the
last category contained merely a factual account of an
57
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. FIGURE 3
EXPRESSION OF OPINION ABOUT WILLIAM PITT IN THE AMERICAN PRESS 1756-1778
Total Number of Articles - 3,l67a
Favorable Unfavorable No Opinion 2,254 203 710 3.400
3,200
3,000
2,800
2,600
2.400
2,200
2,000
1,800
1,600
1.400
1,200
1,000
800
600
400
200
aA full listing of all articles that expressed a reaction to events in Pitt’s career is in Appendix IV. Each entry also indicates the incident considered and the evaluation of it.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59
event. It is apparent from this graph that throughout
the period 1756 and 1778, Pitt's political behavior
enjoyed high regard in the American press. An
overwhelming majority of the articles was favorable.
The narrative that follows describes each of the
important aspects of Pitt's political life and the
nature of the American press treatment. Examples
drawn from the newspapers will show both the kind
and amount of space given to each event and the basis
for whatever evaluation of the event the articles
offered. What will become apparent is that the
evaluations almost unanimously reflected the same
set of ideological presuppositions — those that we
have labeled "real whig" — upon which the reputation
Pitt had already acquired in Britain was based. Even
articles unfavorable to him acknowledged the existence
of these "real whig" notions whether they criticized
him for upholding or betraying them. Moreover, it
will be clear that American newspaper treatment of
Pitt's career was remarkably uniform, suggesting a
high degree of political and ideological consensus.
Listed below are specific events in Pitt's career
about which there was newspaper consideration. This is
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. not intended to be a definitive list of all the
episodes in Pitt's career. Rather, it contains
only those with which contemporary newspapers
dealt. The events are arranged chronologically
and grouped when related to each other. They will
be defined and explained in the narrative that
follows in this and the succeeding chapter.
First Ministry, 1756 - 1757-
War Ministry, 1757 - 1761.
Conduct of the War, 1756 - 1761.
Resignation, 1761.
Peerage and Annuity for Lady Hester Pitt, 176l.
Opposition to the Treaty of Paris, 1763 - 1764.
Opposition to the Grenville Ministry: Prussian Treaty
Cider Act, 1764 - 1766.
Role in Stamp Act Repeal, 1766.
Peerage and Annuity, 1766.
Chatham Ministry, 1766 - 1768:
Proposed Political Reforms.
Proposed Pardon for Rioters.
Proposed Economic Reforms.
Resignation, 1768.
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Opposition to Townshend Duties, 1768.
Gout — Unable to Serve, 1756 - 1778.
Pynsent Inheritance, 1766 - 1770.
Opposition to North Ministry from the House of
Lords, 1770 - 1778.
Return to Active Politics, 1770 - 1778.
Attended to Parliamentary Business, 17C56] - 1778.
Pro-Wilkes, 17C64] - 1778.
For Freedom of Election — Middlesex, 1770 - 1778.
Called for New Parliament, 1770 - 1778.
Favored Triennial Election, 1770 - 1778.
Charged North with Neglecting England's
Defenses, 1770 - 1778.
Charged England had Lost International Prestige,
17C63] - 1778.
Against Royal Marriage Act, 1772.
Development of Pitt-Party, 1764 - 1778.
Appealed for Gentler Treatment of Americans,
1766 - 1778.
Opposed Boston Port Bill, 1774.
Opposed Quebec Act, 1774.
Wanted to Recognize Congress, 1775*
Rumored Opposition to Americans, 1774 - 1778.
Desired Unity of Empire, 1775 - 1778.
Death, 1778.
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Pitt initially gained major attention in the American
press in 1756, when in October of that year the duke of
Newcastle asked him to join his ministry to help save
the war. Pitt declined to accept. He preferred to
head his own administration, a point he made clear to
the king's mistress Amalie Wallmoden, Lady Yarmouth,
who was known to be "transmitting to the king views
confided to her by politicians. Pitt's position was
that he "would neither work with Newcastle, nor be
responsible for his measures."2 The king was forced to
accept Pitt on those terms, because, according to Basil
Williams, "the voice of the people called for Pitt,
whose championship of their causes and interests in the
house was earning him the proud title of The Great
Commoner."3
Pitt's first ministry was formed on November 15,
1756, and lasted only four months. He had forced himself
on the king and had no parliamentary party to keep him
in office until his victories could secure his popularity.
Moreover, his opposition to Admiral Byng's execution for
iBasil Williams, The Whig Supremacy, 171^-1760, Oxford History of England, Vol. XI (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939) s p. 333.
2Ibid.
3Ibid.
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malfeasance leading to the loss of Minorca lessened his
grip on the public.^
The American coverage of this ministry was sketchy.
Pitt’s appointment was generally carried as a news item,
with five of the ten articles printed expressing no
opinion on his taking office. Generally accounts ran,
"the king has been pleased to appoint the right
honourable William Pitt, Esq; to be one of his Majesty's
principal Secretaries of State, in the room of the
Honourable Henry Pox, E s q . "5 Officially Pitt was
appointed secretary of state for the southern department.
Subsequent descriptions of that ministry highlighted
Pitt's public integrity. Once his appointment was known,
a more favorable description of him began to appear in
the press, and as years passed his paymastership and
his first ministry became the subject of considerable
favorable comment. In a review of Pitt's administrations
printed in 1763 one British writer commented on his
virtuous management of public funds by saying "the public
treasure he applied, as far as his direction extended,
to the public i n t e r e s t . Another article reprinted in
4Ibid., pp. 334 ff.
^South Carolina Gazette (Charleston), Mar. 10, 1757, p. 1, T. 2 (Hereinafter cited as SCG.).
6SCG., Jun. 4-11, 1763, p. 1, c. 1.
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the same year from a London newspaper commented that
Pitt’s political enemies despised him for not having
amassed a great estate while in office.? Even as late
as 1770 Pitt's handling of government funds was discussed
in colonial newspapers. When paymaster of the army, it
was said, he "disdained to improve his fortune by keeping
the nation's money in his hands."8 Pitt did not manipulate
the stock market with government money as so many others
had done before him, but "as soon as [he] received monies,
he paid them into such hands as were most liable to
account immediately for them."9
Another theme that emerged at this time was Pitt's
devotion to duty. The point was made that, when absent
from London, he was never so far away that he could not
be reached quickly if an emergency arose. "The Honourable
William Pitt, Esq; is not gone to Bath as said in some of
the Papers but is at Hayes, near Bromley, in Kent about
ten miles from London, that upon any emergent Occasion
He may be in Town in little less than an Hour."1®
7scg. , Dec. 17-24, 1763, p. 2, c. 3-
8SCG., Oct. 4, 1770, p. 1, c. 1.
9Ibid.
^ Pennsylvania Gazette (Philadelphia), Feb. 10, 1757, p. 2, c. 3 (Hereinafter cited as the Pa. Gaz.).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. In addition there were also occasional expressions
of a feeling that Pitt was well disposed toward the
American colonies. A letter from a gentleman in London
to a friend in South Carolina said that "the Great Mr.
Pitt has the preservation and interests of the colonies
in America so much at heart, that those who are not
sufficiently acquainted with their importance, say,
HE is America-mad! " 1 ‘*‘
Pitt's forced resignation in April, 1151, was
reported in the American press in the form of letters
of thanks offered to Pitt for his service. Several
English cities presented the Freedom of the City to
"I O Pitt. The presentations from various cities were
to show the king, or whomever he put in Pitt's place,
that the public still approved of Pitt's management of
the war. American copying of these items presumably
indicates that the Americans approved of him, too.
Some of the articles about the presentations were
fairly straight forward, simply indicating their nature
"We are assured that the City of London will speedily
present the Right Hon. William Pitt, and the Right Hon.
Henry Legge, Esqrs. with the Freedom of the City in a
1]-SCG., Jul. 7-14, 1758, p. 2, c. 2.
-^Williams, The Whig Supremacy, pp. 331-332.
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Gold Box as a Mark of the entire Satisfaction they have
given that respectable Body, by their prudence and
Integrity in the Conduct of Publick Affairs."^
Others went into more detail, such as one report
of the presentation to Pitt from the City of Bath.
This attached long testimonials to his personal and
public conduct, and commented on the corrupt state of
English politics and the need of the country for such
statesmen. Pitt and his colleagues were thanked for
their "loyal and disinterested Conduct during their truly
honourable, tho’ short Administration; their beginning a
Scheme of Public Oeconomy, and at the same time lessening
the Extent of Ministerial Influence, by a Reduction of
the Number of useless Placemen."-1-^ The presentation
indicated that Pitt displayed the proper attitude
toward public service by his evident "love of Virtue
and our Country; . . . Zeal to promote a full and
impartial Enquiry into the real Causes of our late Losses
and Disgrace in America and the Mediterranean.
-^Pennsylvania Journal (Philadelphia), Jun. 9, 1757 j p. 2, c~ 1 (Hereinafter cited as Pa. Journ. ).
-^Pa. Journ., Jul. 7, 1757, p. 1, c. 3 & p. 2, c. 1-2.
15ibid.
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Altogether, the total coverage (10 articles) of the
first ministry was too limited to be of great significance,
but it was generally favorable (5 favorable to none
unfavorable; 5 expressed no opinion). There were no
articles which blamed Pitt for his dismissal, none which
accused him of bad management, and, among those that
were favorable, the opinion was that he had conducted
himself well and that the people were sorry to see him
out of office.
Pitt’s reappointment was well received, as was his
whole second ministry. On June 29, 1757, Pitt and Newcastle
worked out an arrangement, which also pleased the king, who
was having a hard time finding a suitable replacement for
Pitt. Under the terms of the arrangement Pitt would
manage the war and have sole responsibility for it.
Newcastle would handle the patronage.16
The many accounts of the reappointment, of course,
made no mention of this arrangement. Most were little
more than an announcement: "His majesty has re-delivered
the seals, to Mr. Pitt."1^ A more enthusiastic supporter
of Pitt might write: "It is now confidently asserted that
^Williams, The Whig Supremacy, p. 333*
^Pa. Journ., Sep. 15, 1757, p. 3, c. 1.
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the Right Hon. William Pitt, Esq; in Conjunction with his
Grace the Duke of Newcastle, will have a share in the
Direction of Public Affairs."1^
Accounts expressing an opinion often noted that Pitt
had both taken office and been dismissed because of
adherence to principles, namely, his insistence that he
be allowed to direct the war uninhibited. Again it was
commented that he did not use office for personal gain.
In August 1757 the New York Gazette reprinted a British
"Poem on Mr. Pitt's Dismission" which recalled that when
ancient Rome was in trouble it had called on Cincinnatus.
So Britain called on Pitt and like his Roman forebear, he
did not drive a "selfish bargain for title or wealth.
Most of the coverage of Pitt's second ministry dealt
with the war. The war material itself consisted largely
of letters sent to and from Pitt and commanders in the
field, giving details about battles and supplies, and
need not be reviewed here. They indicated, of course,
a steady American interest in the war and especially an
interest in the string of victories Pitt produced.
One aspect of Pitt's ministry was his markedly
favorable treatment of the Americans. The colonists had
^ Pa. Journ., Sep. 1, 1757s p. 3> c. 1.
•^New-York Gazette or Weekly Post-Boy (New York City), Aug. 29, 1757, p. 1 5 c. 3 (Hereinafter cited as NYPB.).
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been angered by the return to Prance of' Louisburg, which
they had conquered in 1748, and were reluctant again to
expend much energy in England’s behalf. Moreover, they
resented the way American officers were subordinate to
British regulars. These indignities and others Pitt
tried to remedy in an effort to persuade the Americans
to participate heartily in the conquest of North America.
By circular letters to the governors he informed "'the
king's good subjects and colonies of North America' of
his resolution to act vigorously in their interests
against the French, urged them to raise troops, and 20 later saw that they had generous grants for that purpose."
All of this was reported in the American press.
Pitt's letters to the governors received extensive
treatment. So did the addresses of the colonial governors
when they communicated Pitt's requests to the colonial
assemblies. In these speeches, the governors asked the
legislature for stronger prosecution of the war and the
money to raise troops and supplies. The newspapers
also carried the debates on money bills and frequently
reported the final votes. For example, the deputy
governor of New York informed the General Assembly in
20Williams, The Whig Supremacy, p. 335.
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February 1759 of a letter from Pitt assuring New
Yorkers that the king had "nothing so much at
Heart as to improve the great and important
Advantages gained last Campaign, as well as to
repair the Disappointment at Ticonderoga and
by the most vigorous and extensive Efforts, to
Evert [sic] . . . all Dangers which may threaten
North America . . . from any future Irruptions
of the French. Having given this assurance
of the king's concern for their safety, Pitt
requested that the Americans furnish "at
least Twenty Thousand Men, to join a Body of
British Forces, for invading Canada, and
carrying War into the Heart of the Enemy's
Possessions."22 The letter also made note of
the inequities of rank between colonials and
regulars and of Pitt's remedy making all officers 27 equal as of the date of their commission.
In addition Pitt informed the deputy governor
that the colony would be repaid for its expenses. As
21Pa. Journ., Mar. 15> 1759* P» lj c* 1-2.
22Ibid.
23ibid.
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reported to the assembly, "strong recommendations will
be made to Parliament In their Session next Year to
grant a proper Compensation for such Expenses as above,
according as the active Vigour and strenuous Effort
of the respective Provinces, shall justly appear to
merit. ”2^
The New Yorkers were also informed that a similar
order had been sent to New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Jersey and that
the southern governments "were directed to raise Men
in the same Manner, to be imployed in such Offensive
Operations, as the Circumstances and Situation of the
Enemy’s Posts in these parts may point out."2^
In these press reports, the implication was that
Pitt was more concerned with the colonies than other
administrators had been. Of the 65 articles dealing
with the formation of the second ministry: 38 of them
were favorable, 2 were unfavorable, and 25 expressed
no opinion.
Pitt’s conduct of the war was the subject of
considerable newspaper coverage. Most often it was
applauded, because he turned near rout into decisive
2^Ibid.
25Ibid.
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victory. Of the 214 articles that dealt with management
of the war, 6l percent of them praised Pitt, 4 percent
criticized him, and 35 percent merely reported factual
material.
Pitt's basic strategy in keeping with his earlier
view of Britain's interests in trade and colonies was to
shore up the country's continental allies in order not
to leave Prance free to fight exclusively in the
Americas. Meanwhile Pitt strengthened the navy to
circumscribe French trade and to wage vigorous war
overseas.2^ His great success in this venture has
been attributed by one historian to "his torrential
energy, to his far-seeing preparations, to his wise
choice of commanders on land and sea, and still wiser
trust in them when they were chosen, and above all
to his strategic insight into the crucial objects of
his world-wide campaigns."2^
Not surprisingly in view of this changed strategy,
American news coverage relating to Pitt's conduct of
the war was overwhelmingly favorable. Some articles
even intimated that at last a British minister had
listened to public advice on how to run the war, with
the result that his requests for troops and money were
2^Williams, The Whig Supremacy, p. 336.
27Ibid.
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at least partially fulfilled by the ordinarily "tight"
American legislatures. Even before it was evident that
Pitt would defeat the French in Canada and other parts
of the world, American newspapers xvere expressing the
view that he would at least put up a good fight. When
there was a question raised about his management of the
war, it usually related to the European theater. Even
when the war administration was evaluated some years
later, it was most often acclaimed.
One British letter addressed to Pitt, as "his
Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State," warned that
he must heed the advice of "the people" : "We believe
you are not above Advice and Admonition, especially
from those whose Benefit and Welfare you have undertaken
to procure. On this Account we make use of our natural
Right, in setting before you wherein, and in what Manner,
P Q we expect to be served."^0
The author, who signed himself "Five Millions," then
went on to instruct Pitt in what was expected of him as
minister. "We are persuaded, that Dilligence and Frugality
in the Managers of Revenue, and other Officers, would
more than Half [sic] the present Land-Tax." In addition
further savings could be procured by cutting down on
2^Pa. Gaz., Apr. 28, 1757 s p. 1, c. 1-2.
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pensions, places, exorbitant salaries, and placemen, and
by paying off the national debt with war p r i z e s .
Regarding the conduct of the war itself, after
assuring Pitt that God would not bring victory to an
administration open to gambling and debauchery, the
writer counseled:
Neither can we expect God will go forth with our Fleets and Armies, while our Regiments are filled with Prophaneness in Men and Officers . . .Nor . . . until the great Gaming-Houses are suppressed. . .until professed Irreligion and open Wickedness be made a Bar to civil and military Promotions;. . .until the Chaplains of the men of War are on a still more respectable footing than at present.
In conclusion, "Five Millions" assured Pitt that he had
every confidence in him: "if your Heart is honest, as
your Head is wise, if the Love for Britain, that hath
often founded from your tongue, be now shewed in
Action, what a glorious Prospect is before you?"
American editors, more reticent in their praise
and advice before much had been accomplished, were at
least confident that Pitt would give the French more
of a struggle than the British had previously. The
South Carolina Gazette of October 2, 1758, reprinted an
29lbid.
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editorial comment from a Boston newspaper suggesting that
current French activity was recognition of Pitt's influence
and commented, "'tis tho't the French have got sufficient
work cut out by the Great PITT, for them to employ all
their force in defence of themselves."30
The American press also reported colonial support
for Pitt's war requests and strategy. A letter from
Philadelphia, reprinted in South Carolina, indicated
that when the governor of Pennsylvania read Pitt's
letter to the assembly it "immediately took the same
into consideration and voted 2,700 men, being the 31 number we have supported for several years past."
Similarly, from York, England, a resolution gave
thanks for the "signal advantages this nation has
derived from his upright, wise, and vigorous
administration; to which, under Providence, we owe
the revival of the ancient British spirit, the
acquisition of the most valuable and important
conquests, and the abolition of party distinctions."^
An essay entitled "On the Present State of Affairs"
originating in Britain credited Pitt with "the
3°SCG. , Sep. 27 - Oct. 2, 1758, p. 1, c. 1.
BJ-SCG., Mar. 15-18, 1760, p. 1, c. 1.
3^Pa. Journ., Feb. 11, 1762, p. 2, c. 1.
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Revival of that ancient British Spirit, which was lately
thought to be extinguished. . . .Corruption has not yet
thoroughly tainted, nor had Despair totally sunk that
National Vigour and Prowess, which is at once the Glory
and Security of the Kingdom."^ This happy state of
affairs was brought about by "an administration in
which Ministerial Measures receive the grateful Sanction
of Popular Approbation."3^ The anonymous writer went on
to praise Pitt’s direction of naval affairs, the attacks
on the French coast, and the vigorous prosecution of the
war in America, and concluded by chiding his critics.
But lest Pitt become overconfident in reading it, the
author added that while the administration "have a Title
to our Gratitude I they have no Claim on our Admiration.
They have done no more than what COMMON SENSE, directed
by COMMON HONESTY might have a c h i e v e d . "35 Thus it was
Pitt’s virtue, not his military genius, that won in
Canada.
This is not to say that Pitt’s management of the war
was never criticized. On one important point he "seemed
33pa . Gaz., Jan. 4, 1759, p. 1, c. 2-3.
3^Ibid. 35ibid.
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he had always condemned continental entanglements which
appeared to be chiefly for the benefit of Hanover.
Now as war minister he was continuing the same policy
of conquering America in Germany, albeit by relying
primarily on subsidies instead of British troops.
His wavering from principle did not go unnoticed.
Some British writers charged that Pitt was singing a
different tune in power from that he had sung out of
power. One pamphlet entitled "A Word to the Right
Honourable Commoner," remarked on his continental policies:
If there is a necessity for our being connected with the Continent for the sake of defending Hanover, and the treaty with the King of Prussia was made with that view; would not the sending a British fleet into the Baltick sea have been a less expensive measure to England than sending our men into Germany, and more effectually answered all the purpose of this continental alliance?37
The author went on to say that he himself had been in
favor of honoring England's continental commitment at
a time when there was "a party who opposed this salutary
measure with their utmost force."38 The point was that
Pitt had been one of that party, but now, in office,
^Williams, The Whig Supremacy, p. 335.
37New-York Gazette (New York City), Aug. 17, 1761, p. c. 2 (Hereinafter cited as N . Y . Gaz.).
38Ibid.
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he was finding that he was not able to follow the course
he once expounded.
Despite such slights on his administration, it stood
public scrutiny well. Certainly, over the long run, his
management both of the war and the government between
1757 and 1761 was reported in America as an example of
exemplary officeholding. In a letter to the printer, for
example, a Virginian calling himself "Honestus,"
characterized Pitt as "a good General in the day of
battle, his eye intent upon the whole army, that O Q every part of it may suffer as little as possible.
"Honestus" went on to applaud Pitt’s foresight and
reported that he "views the impending storm, and . . .
has the sagacity and penetration to stop it in its
progress, before it overwhelms us." If Pitt was criticized
at all, the Virginian averred, it was because "envy
always follows merit like its shade.
If Pitt's handling of the war and the government
seldom received criticism in the American papers, that
was not the case of his resignation as secretary of
state in 1761. This affair led to one of the highest
percentages of unfavorable articles in the American
39yirginia Gazette (Williamsburg, published by Alexander Purdy and John Dixon), Apr. 25, 1766, p. 1, c. 2 (Hereinafter cited as Va. Gaz. PD).
^°Ibid.
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press of his whole career. The background of the
resignation is relatively simple. George III and most
of his ministers felt that by 1761 England had "won
all that mattered to her and only remained under arms
for the sake of continental allies,"2*1 which connections
they considered less important than her overseas
possessions. The problem, in the king's eyes, was to
weigh possible further gains against the expense of
prolonging the war, which seemed stalemated on the
Continent. George was desirous of peace; so was lip Pitt, but only with total victory.
Peace negotiations were begun, and it was agreed
that a settlement would be reached on the basis that
each power "should hold those colonial territories of
which it was actually in effective possession at the
moment."2*3 a problem arose when the French also
insisted that England settle outstanding differences
with Spain at the same time, although Spain was at
the moment neutral. This was unacceptable to Pitt,
who felt that the French were just buying time until Spain
signed another Family Compact and could be brought into
the conflict. Pitt's solution was to force a better
^Watson, Reign of George III, pp. 70-71.
**2Ibid., p. 72-7 3 .
43Ibid., p. 73.
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conclusion militarily, but in this view he was
practically alone. Unable to persuade the rest of the
cabinet, he resigned in October 1761.^
The extent of disagreement among the British
public about the reasons for Pitt's resignation
and the correctness of it appeared in the American
press almost at once. Pitt's defenders argued that
his predictions regarding Spain would soon materialize
and warned of the secret agreement between the French
and Spanish Governments. "Those who are most forward
in Naming Mr. P. for resigning, have not presumed to
disapprove of the counsel he gave, to demand from Z15 Spain an immediate copy of her treaty with France."
The same article further charged that to discredit
Pitt "several attempts have been made to induce the
public to believe that Spain hath entered into no
new engagements with France, but this hath never been
asserted in express terms.
To justify Pitt's policy, American papers such
as the South Carolina Gazette and the Pennsylvania
Journal printed as much of the correspondence
between Pitt and the French negotiator, M. de Buffy,
^ I b i d . , p. 74.
^ s c G . , Jan. 23-30, 1762, p. 1, c. 3 .
46Ibid.
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as possible. The effect was to show that Pitt had
negotiated In good faith and had tried to secure an
honorable peace. In particular, Pitt’s position on
the settlement of Anglo-Spanish problems by means
of the French treaty was made clear. In a letter to
the French dated July 24, 1761* Pitt said, "It is
my duty to declare further to you in plain terms in
the name of his Majesty, That he will not suffer the
disputes with Spain to be blended, in any manner
whatever, in the negotiation of peace between the
two Crowns. In this way American papers presented
accounts generally sympathetic to Pitt’s position,
establishing that his resignation was a matter of
principle because his advice on the war had not been
accepted.
The American press once again reprinted a
considerable number of the memorials and thanks
that Pitt received from various English cities
upon his resignation. The official thanks of London,
York, and other cities, however, did not mention the
**7pa. Journ., Jan. 21, 1762, p. 1, c. 1-2.
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resignation dispute but simply thanked Pitt for the
services he had performed in office. The Thanks of
the City of London, in the form of a resolution of the
Court of Common Council* addressed Pitt
for the many great and eminent services rendered this nation* during the time he had so ably filled the high and important office . . . of Secretary of State, and to perpetuate their grateful sense of his merits, who, by the vigour of his mind, had not only roused the ancient spirit of this nation, from the pusillanimous state, to which it had been reduced; but, by his Integrity and Readiness, united us at home, had carried its reputation in arms and commerce to a height unknown before, by our trade accompanying our conquests in every quarter of the globe.
It should be recognized that it was not unusual
for city governments, often dominated by merchants,
to favor an aggressive foreign policy. The expansion
of overseas possessions, inasmuch as their trade would
ultimately prosper from such acquisitions, was well
received. It was principally for this reason that
Pitt had wide support among the influential classes
in the city.^9
One article from London printed in the Pennsylvania
^ The New-York Mercury (New York), Jan. 25, 1762, p. 1, c~. 3 (Hereinafter cited as the NY Merc.).
^Watson, Reign of George III, p. 18.
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Journal attempted to summarize both sides of the
argument. It first expressed astonishment that
Pitt resigned before his job was finished,^ £>ut
acknowledged that Pitt's friends justified his
resignation on the grounds "that being frequently
opposed and thwarted in those measures which he thought
most conducive to the carrying on the war with vigor,
and obtaining an honourable peace, his councils
became impertinent, and his services were rendered 51 useless."
On the other hand, the article observed, those
not inclined toward Mr. Pitt "say that every step
which he proposed, and every expedition which he
planned, were implicitly adopted; that the only measure
in which he was opposed (and in which, they say, he
was singular in his opinion) was the immediate breaking
with Spain." The criticism continued with a general
condemnation of the extent to which he had involved
Britain in continental affairs and an assertion that
the war was prolonged simply for the benefit of Hanover.
As for Pitt's claim that he had resigned on
50pa. Journ., Jan. 14, 1762, p. 1, c. 2-3*
^ibid.
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principle, opponents objected to this even more than
they had the Spanish problem, holding that he should
have bowed to the king’s wishes since he was the king’s
servant. One said, "I believe it is the first
instance of a servant’s attempting to justify his
resignation, by complaining that his Master would not
be directed by him singly, in opposition to the
united opinion of himself and council.
Regarding whatever real danger an alliance
between the French and Spanish might present, the
writer suggested that to allow such fears to force
the king into accepting the advice of one minister
would make the British tools of the French. "Let
us not then, from a vain false notion of fear, produce
by our clamours the danger we are in dread of . . .
Let us not attempt to force any man with power, or
give the management of our affairs into the hands of
one who has chose to desert his King and country.
Pitt's defenders were quick to answer and with
greater success. Defenses of a resignation on a
question of principle outnumbered attacks in the
52N. Y. Gaz., Feb. 1, 1762, p. 1, c. 3, p. 2, c. 1.
53Ibid.
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American press almost three to one. One of the most
widely reprinted of Pitt’s supporters was a writer
styled "Leonidas Anglicus" who characterized the
exminister as "still a staunch Cato notwithstanding
insinuations to the contrary."^
Another author who called himself a loyal lover
of his country in a pamphlet entitled "A Certain
Great Man Vindicated. . ." wrote "that Mr. P. has
declared his continued regard to England and his
readiness to assist us with his best endeavours by
nobly refusing a peerage to himself that he may have
an opportunity of diffusing his beneficial light in
that honourable house of which he has long been a 55 member."
Thus, Pitt's supporters declared that he stood
ready to serve king and country in another capacity
and had not deserted public service. In general,
they maintained that, while Pitt had been severely
attacked, anyone who had followed his career must
recognize his superior qualities and would not be
misled by scurrilous sniping.
5% . Y . Gaz., Jan. 11, 1761, p. 1, c. 3, p. 2, c. 1.
55Ibid.
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In vain may Rancour vent its Spite While Criticks snarl, or Authors bite. In vain pretended Patriots rail, O'er muddy Port, or muddier Ale; No Calumny can fix the Dart, Where Honesty hath Steel'd t 'Heart11 Nor, can the Powers of Verse or Witt Tho' call combin'd, dishonour PITT.56
The newspapers also carried Pitt's own justification
of his resignation. In a letter to "a friend in the
City," he expressed surprise that "the cause and manner
of my resigning the seals are grossly misrepresented
in the city."5? He said he was writing to clear up
the misunderstanding. The cause for his resignation
was "a difference of opinion with regard to measures
to be taken against Spain, of the highest importance
to the honour of the crown, and to the most essential
national interests." He closed by expressing dismay
at being accused of misconduct and thanked his friends
for remaining loyal.58
Complicating the resignation issue was the fact
that Pitt was rewarded by the king when he left office.
"On his retirement Pitt's services were marked by a
grant of €3,000 a year and by his wife's becoming a
^ Boston Evening Post (Boston), Jan. 25, 1762, p. 4, c. 1 (Hereinafter cited as BEP.).
57SCG_., Dec. 12-19, 1761, p. 1, c. 2. 58ibid.
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b a r o n e s s .”59 This reward was the subject of considerable
public attention. Pitt's critics insisted that he
should not have accepted a reward for a job he did not
finish while his friends maintained that he deserved
a reward upon retirement like any military officer or
other public servant.
Public announcements of the reward usually
read that the king had conferred "upon the said
William Pitt, Esq; an Annuity of Three Thousand
Pounds Sterling, during his own Life, and that of
Lady Hester Pitt, and their Son John Pitt, Esq."*^
At the same time Pitt's wife, sister of George Grenville,
was made a baroness. "The king directed That a
Warrant be prepared for granting to the Lady Hester
Pitt, his Wife, a Barony of Great-Britain, by the
Name, Stile, and Title, of Baroness of Chatham, to
herself, and of Baron of Chatham to her Heirs Male."^l
It might be significant that the announcements of
Pitt's resignation and of his rewards seldom appear
together in the American press, possibly to avoid
the implication of an unseemly connection. In this
59watson, The Reign of George III, p. 7^-
60N. Y. Gaz., Dec. 7, 1761, p. 2, c. 1.
6lIbid.
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vein Pitt was reported to have refused the honor of
a peerage himself, so that he could remain in the
House of Commons.
Generally, those who criticized Pitt for
resigning also criticized the title and his
accepting the annuity. They maintained that it
would be more in keeping with his "high character"
if he waited until the peace treaty was signed and p the war ended. Pitt himself replied that,
whatever the merits, his rewards were the wish of
the king: "Most gracious public marks of his
majesty's approbation of my service, followed my
resignation: They are unmerited and unsolicited;
and I shall ever be proud to have received them
from the best of sovereigns."^
Altogether, there were 8l articles dealing with
the resignation: 51 of them were favorable, 20
unfavorable (as noted, one of the highest percentages
of his career), and 10 articles expressed no opinion.
Of the 4 articles regarding his annuity and his
wife's title only one was favorable while the other 3
^ Boston News-Letter (Boston), Jan. 21, 1762, p. 1, c. 3 (Hereinafter cited as the BNL.).
63SCG., Dec. 12, 1761, p. 1, c. 2.
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ventured no opinion.
During the period between his resignation and
the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1763, Pitt
continued his opposition to administration policies,
first to the government's conduct of the war and
the peace negotiations and then to the treaty
which the latter procured. Pitt's opposition to
the government made its position precarious
because of his continued influence with the
independent men in the House of Commons and the
public at large. This rapport was built on his
reputed honesty in office and his wartime victories.
It represented a personal following that made him a
force that the administration had good reason to fear.
Furthermore, events had proved Pitt correct.
War with Spain was inevitable. When the Spanish
offended the earl of Bristol, England's chief
negotiator in Madrid, peace negotiations were cut
off. Spain wished France, still at war with
England, to negotiate the differences between Spain
and England, but resolutely refused to deny the
Family Compact. Thus the declaration of war that
Watson, Reign of George III, p. 75.
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Pitt had advocated came to pass, with the difference
that the initiative and the chance of seizing the
treasure fleet had been l o s t . 8 ^
Numerous British and American articles
appearing in colonial newspapers after Spain
entered the conflict praised Pitt’s management
of the war and cast aspersions on his successors ’
prosecution of it. Pitt’s defenders especially
dwelt on the fact that the war with Spain had been
predicted by their favorite yet the present ministry
had "stigmatized his advice, to demand so
categorical an answer from Spain."
A later essay in the Boston Evening Post
entitled "Peace Treaty Reflections" began with a
sketch of Pitt's character, "the truth of which
is own'd by the nation's voice, and demonstrated
by the most public and important facts. "^7 His
administration was characterized as having been
"brilliant, spirited and uplifting. "Never,"
said the author, "was a minister so universally
65ibid.
66n y Merc., Mar. 22, 1762, p. 2, c. 1.
67BEP., Jun. 6, 1763, p. 2, c. 1-2.
68Ibid.
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69 beloved nor [sic] so universally regretted." In
fact, Pitt’s administration was classified as a
"reign of virtue"?*-3 — obviously in contrast to
the present government.
A number of letters from Britain discussed
Pitt’s continued popularity after he left office.
One, originally printed in the London Chronicle
by an author styled "Leonidas," declared, "the
public was hardly more unanimous in their
approbation of his measures than they were in
lamenting the loss of his services; and . . . no
change of situation has essentially altered their
opinion . . . the continuation of their unanimity,
in so great a degree, of confidence in his
abilities and integrity, does as much honourto 71 their own steadiness, as it can do to his wisdom."'
When the government found it was forcedto
continue fighting and had to request additional
sums from the Commons for a German campaign and
for assistance to Portugal, Pitt spoke. The
American press followed enthusiastically. The
69Ibid.
7°Ibid.
~^NY Merc., Sep. 17, 17 6*1, p. 1, c. 3.
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speech, for which the editor offered "no apology
to our readers for [its] having a place in this
paper"— one of the few pieces of direct evidence
that an editor’s preferences and those of his readers
were the basis of his selection of British 72 material.
The manner in which Pitt's speech was reported
was as important as what he said. Describing
the address, a London correspondent declared,
"Mr. Pitt, our late worthy minister . . . like
an angel diffused a light throughout the whole JO assembly." The description continued: "He made
a most glorious speech; I was charmed with the
noble sentiments, the honesty of heart, the
tender regard for his king and country, which
breathed forth in every word he said." Ironically,
Pitt was now supporting the government's request
for funds, since the government was at last pursuing
the policy he had advocated. "He convinced every
one, who was not more than an infidel," the London
~^Pa. Gaz., Dec. 30, 1762, p. 1, c. 1-3 •
73SCG., Jan. 22-29, 1763, p. 1, c. 1.
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correspondent reported, "it was absolutely necessary
to continue the German war, and assist the king of
Portugal; that it was his opinion there was no
supporting a war without a continental connection."
Pitt then enunciated what he considered the best
permanent policy toward the Continent. "In
consequence of withdrawing our troops from Germany,
Portugal and the Low-Countries would become a prey
to the French and Spaniards; that in point of policy 74 we were obliged still to maintain them."
In this way Pitt showed that, while he did
not approve of individuals in the ministry, he
would not allow his partisan feelings to keep him
from supporting a position which he believed good
for the nation. He would not lapse into factious
opposition based on personality. Also, the feeling
expressed by most of the colonial press was that by
his farsightedness with regard to the Franco-Spanish
connection Pitt was "exonerated for not making peace 7 5 with France earlier."
7^Ibid.
^ Boston Post-Boy (Boston), Sep. 13» 1762, p. 4, c. 1 (Hereinafter cited as the BPB.).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. But when Britain and France finally made peace
in 1763 after another year of war, Pitt could not
approve. The 1763 peace settlement left Britain
in possession of most of her colonial gains, but
forced Prussia and Austria "to conclude peace 7 also on the basis of the status quo of 1756."'
In the Treaty of Paris, Britain acquired from
France all of Canada, all of the French territory
east of the Mississippi River except New Orleans,
plus Cape Breton Island and the islands in the
St. Lawrence River, France only retaining fishing
rights on St. Pierre and Miquelon. In addition,
she was ceded several islands in the Caribbean Sea
and off the coast of Africa. In India the supremacy
of the East India Company was recognized, and the
French were forbidden to fortify their trading posts.
Finally, England retained Minorca as a base in the 77 western Mediterranean.11
Pitt’s criticism of the peace, as reported by
Watson, was largely that it sacrificed "the future
f^Watson, Reign of George III, p. 8 5 .
77Ibid., pp. 85-86.
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of other powers," a charge that he directed especially
at John Stuart, 3rd earl of Bute, who was its architect.
Prussia had been unnecessarily disappointed, and Prance
and Spain were only negotiating a truce. "It was no
profit . . . to gain new worlds but lose every
friend in the old."7®
Pitt took pains to separate himself from those
opponents of the peace whose only claim seemed to
be a greedy desire for more territory, and also from
those who declared that the ministry had made a bad
bargain by giving up the West Indian sugar island of
Guadeloupe for Canada. According to one historian,
Pitt may have been consciously displaying that he
stood alone in "a bid for independent sympathy by a
denial of factious scheming." The popular opposition
to the treaty was simply that it did not accomplish
enough: "this was an emotion which Pitt could best
exploit. Before public opinion he stood as the
hero who had achieved miracles in the turning a
mismanaged war into a string of victories," and his
7 8 r b id . , p. 87 •
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reputation was such that honest men felt that, if he
opposed the treaty, once again "he might miraculously
be right.
Pitt’s continued opposition produced mixed
opinion as evidenced by articles in the American
press. His controversy with his constituents at
Bath, who had instructed him to support the treaty,
was carefully recorded. The corporation had sent
a memorial for its two representatives to present
to the king to "testify their approbation of the o o peace." Pitt replied to his constituents that
"the description that they had given of the peace,
in calling it adequate was quite the opposite to
his sense of that affair; which he had declared in
parliament and which as far as his poor abilities
0 *1 would direct him, must be still his opinion of it."
Since he and the corporation whom he sarcastically
called "gentlemen who had better right and more
knowledge," were in serious disagreement, "he did
not chuse and did not think himself a proper person
^5ibid., pp. 87-88. 80 BEP., Nov. 21, 1763, p. 2, c. 1.
8lBEP., Oct. 24, 1763, p. 2, c. 2.
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to represent them in the future."82
Once again, in a curious situation that applied
the political philosophy that had characterized his
entire career against the voters instead of the king,
Pitt resigned from office over a matter of principle.
He expanded on his reasons in two letters to Ralph
Allen, the other Member of Parliament from Bath,
who had followed the corporation's injunction. Both
were dutifully laid by American editors before their
public.
In the first Pitt explained that "the Epithet
of adequate given to peace, contains a Description of
the Conditions of it so repugnant to my unalterable
Opinion, concerning many of them and fully declared
by me in Parliament, that it was impossible for me
to obey the Corporation’s Commands in presenting their
Address. In the second he acknowledged Allen as
a man "whose Goodness of Heart and private Virtues I
shall ever respect and love" and assured him that he
was not "insensible to your kind Motives for wishing
to interpose Time for second Thot's but knowing how
82Ibid.
83]3oston Gazette (Boston), Oct. 31a 1763s p. 1, c. 2-3 (Hereinafter cited as BG.).
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much you approve an open and ingenuous Proceeding,
I trust that you will see the unfitness of my
concealing from my Constituents the insurmountable 84 Reasons which prevented my obeying their Commands."
He concluded, "As their Servant, I owe to these
Gentlemen an Explanation of my Conduct on this
Occasion," but since he imagined that this was only
the first of many disagreements about the present
administration and the affairs of government, he
felt it his duty to his constituents not to embarrass 85 them with his opposition.
The conclusion of the war, therefore, placed a
number of complex issues involving Pitt before the
American public. First was Pitt's opposition to
the treaty because of its implications for
England's continental allies and its general
inadequacy. Second, Pitt emerged in opposition
to the administration and those responsible for writing
the treaty. Finally, he stood once more on high
principle in his dispute with his constituents.
Nonetheless, articles appearing in American news
papers describing his criticism of the treaty generally
811 Ibid.
88Ibid.
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approved of his behavior. Of 42 articles 36 favored
his position, 4 expressed no opinion, and only 2
opposed him.
After 1763, Pitt entered a period of semi-retirement.
He would not serve with anyone having responsibility
for the peace treaty, he announced.^ His semi-retirement
was recognized in the colonial press, both by a considerable
decline in coverage and by scattered remarks, such as;
"for several days past, The Great Commoner has been
retired to his country seat, which occasions various
conj ectures . It was even suggested that Pitt's
finest qualities were to blame for depriving the country
of his service. "Happy it had been for him, for his
Soverign, and his Country if a Temper less austere,
and a Disposition more tractable, more compliant,
and conciliating had been joined to his other
virtues. The want of these qualities disabled him
from acting any otherwise than alone . . . it OO deprived us of his own immediate Services." His
conduct in parliament, when he returned, demonstrated
^Watson, The Reign of George III, p. 95*
^ Va. Gaz. PD, Apr. 4, 1766, p. 3, c. 1.
^Pa. Gaz., Jan. 13, 1763, p. 2, c. 1.
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his devotion to his political principles, for he had
participated in debate "without impeaching the Conduct
of any of his Colleagues, or taking one Measure that
might seem to rise from Disgust or Opposition, he
set the Seal upon his Character.
But gradually Pitt reemerged as an opponent of
the new administration under his brother-in-law, George
Grenville, who had replaced the earl of Bute when the
latter fell because of the controversy over the peace
treaty. There were rumors that Bute would form an
alliance with Pitt, which would be a major threat to
the government. In addition, there was the John
Wilkes affair. Wilkes was publisher of a scandalous
magazine called the North Briton, which the government
tried to suppress because of scurrilous attacks on
the royal family. The case raised profound
constitutional issues involving the legality of general
warrants, freedom of the press and speech, and the
privileges of Parliament, of which Wilkes was a member.
The judge in the case was Sir Charles Pratt, a friend
of Pitt who later was to become Lord Camden. In a
decision hailed by all who feared the encroaching
power of the crown, Pratt ruled in favor of Wilkes
89ibid.
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90 on the grounds of parliamentary privilege.
Pitt’s continued opposition and the tension
between him and Grenville provided the occasion for
some revival of criticism In American newspapers.
During this period, for example, Pitt was appointed
to the regency formed in case of the king’s
disability or death. Most reports simply stated
that Pitt was "among the number of illustrious 91 personages appointed to the Regency."^ But others
seized the occasion to comment adversely on his
concept of independence and responsibility in
office. In a satirical treatment of his appointment
in connection with those principles a report in the
Boston Evening Post denied that Pitt could ever be
part of the regency "unless we are to suppose the
Royal infant was to have been brought up wholly under
his direction as we have the Right Hon. gentleman’s
own word for it, that he would never be responsible 92 for what he was not allow'd to guide." A similarly
unfavorable item commenting on Pitt's growing power
was entitled "An Impromptu":
^°Watson, Reign of George III, pp. 96-99-
9-*-Pa. Gaz., Jul. 18, 1765* p- 2, c. 2.
92BEP., N o v . 14, 1763, p. 1, c. 1.
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If Pitt of Pow’r had lately gained his fill We should have call’d King GEORGE our Soverign Stil, Idly indeed, for ’t would have been KING WILL.93
At the same time, it should be noted that the editor
of the Boston Evening Post apparently tried to offset
these remarks with an article reporting that, before
Pitt returned to Parliament in active opposition in
the ministry, he would resign his pension to avoid
conflict of interest. "It is reported that a certain
great Commoner has determined to resign his pension
before the next meeting of Parliament, being
apprehensive that his scrupulous regarding to the
principle of gratitude may associate him too much
(in that assembly) in favor of his benefactor.
Other articles about his resigning the pension
appeared in the 1764-1765 period, as his opposition
to Grenville became more apparent. Commenting on
that possibility, another report in the Boston
Evening Post said, "A Noble example! but indeed
no more than might be reasonably expected from a
person of his own disinterestedness."9^
93Ibid.
94Ibid.
9^BEP., Apr. 15, 1765, p. 2, c. 3.
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As Pitt's opposition to Grenville became more
evident articles similar to the following reprinted
in South Carolina from a London paper appeared with
regularity: "a great commoner has publickly declared
himself to be against the present administration, in
consequence of which, the report of a change begins
again to be propagated toward the westward of this
metropolis.
Part of Pitt's objection to the Grenville
ministry was his opposition to the Cider Act,
which was widely disliked in Britain. A South
Carolina newspaper described his position: "We
are assured that Mr. Pitt made a very elegant speech
for the repeal of the Cyder Act, in which he implied,
that he was not influenced in his opinion upon this
measure, by the connections he had lately with cyder
counties, but by an ardent zeal for the constitutional
liberty of this country against the oppressive laws of
e x c i s e . "57 The constitutional objection was the
invasion of privacy involved in the investigation
of every home cider press as opposed to the taxes
on beer or wine, collected at the points of distribution
or sale.58
5^SCG., Jun. 30-Jul. 7 3 1766, p. 2, c. 1.
97SCG., Jun. 16-23, 1765, p. 2, c. 4.
5^Watson, The Reign of George III, p. 91-
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Pitt’s objections to the ministry were further
enumerated for New Yorkers by means of a letter from
a Bristol merchant. "The Right Hon. Mr. Pitt, . . .
declared that his Majesty would renew his Alliance
with the King of Prussia, that the Cyder Act should
be repealed; and that the Parliament should be
QQ dissolved and a new one called.
The significance of these accounts is that,
before the first major confrontation between Great
Britain and the American colonies in the Stamp Act
crisis, Americans were presented a generally
sympathetic recording of Pitt's surfacing as an
opposition leader. Of the articles describing
his political stand, including his criticism of
the Cider Act and Prussian affairs, 53 were
favorable, 14 expressed no opinion, and 2 disapproved.
This knowledge fed speculation as the American question
developed that Grenville would fall and Pitt would
replace him. "Rumors [were] that the favourite . . .
will soon fall into the Pitt, which he has been
long digging for others."100
When the ministry launched the Stamp Act and
99n y . Merc., Aug. 19, 1765, p. 2, c. 1.
100BPB., Feb. 17, 1766, p. 1, c. 3*
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other measures to regulate trade and raise a revenue
in America, reports circulated that Pitt’s opposition
would soon be announced on the floor of the House.
"We are informed that a member of P______t, who
arrived from Bath on friday, left Mr. P t very well
. . . he proposes being in town . . . .We are likewise
told the Great Commoner intends to oppose Mr. G______
G______and his friend, in their illconcerted
scheme of a N. A______n stamp duty, and that he will
stand by the colonies in their rights of Charter and
Magna Carta."101
The main point of the Stamp Act controversy was
that it was a direct tax on the colonies. It was also
suggested that "the purpose of the minister was to
increase his staff of collectors, swell his power
through patronage, and make the executive more
tyrannical."10^ These were the arguments used by
the friends of America led by the marquis of
Rockingham and Isaac Barre, two of the most prominent
opponents to the new tax measure. As it developed,
Pitt campaigned less than might have been expected,
but he was not censured for it. "Pitt, indeed, was
101BEP., Feb. 17, 1766, p. 2, c. 1-2.
10^Watson, The Reign of George III, p. 106.
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ill and [the public] could excuse his failure to
fight hard."103
When the king was forced to look for another
minister he again made overtures to Pitt, but finally
settled on Rockingham. The marquis, too, had hoped
to bring in Pitt, but "Pitt would only serve with
Rockingham after some considerable slight had been
put upon that Marquis, sufficient to lower his prestige
and to alarm all his group so leaving it disorganized
before Pitt's personal ascendancy." Actually Rockingham
had acquired too large a partisan following for Pitt
to tolerate, his general prejudice against party and
his careful regard for his independence making it
impossible for him to give approval to such an lOli administration.
Yet in fact, according to one historian, little
in policy "divided Rockingham from Pitt." Rockingham
repealed the cider tax, introduced a bill into the
Commons to declare that general warrants were illegal,
and generally seemed to be in keeping with Pitt's
positions. But when it came to America the Rockingham
103Ibid.
10^Ibid., p. 114.
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ministry was seriously divided. Most of the members
agreed to the necessity of repealing the stamp tax
which had caused serious American resistance and
interrupted Anglo-American trade. A hard-shell
group, however, insisting on a show of strength to
let the colonists know that they had to obey, had to
be mollified with the Declaratory Act, which asserted
Parliament's right to legislate for the colonies
"in all cases whatsoever." With this wing ready to
revolt at Pitt's declaration, "I rejoice that America
has resisted," and the duke of Grafton on the other
insisting that the ministry needed Pitt to shore
itself up, it looked as if "Pitt, out of office, was 105 splitting the ministers into two groups."
Public reaction to Pitt's role in the Stamp Act
repeal as expressed in American newspapers was swift
and favorable. The rumor that Pitt intended to move
for the repeal was circulated. Short items appeared
in February and March 1766, indicating "that Mr. Pitt
is to take the lead in the Administration, and intends
moving for a repeal of the Stamp Act."10^ Pitt's
105Ibid., p. 116.
106Va. Gaz., PD, Mar. lH, 1766, p. 2, c. 3-
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position about the constitutionality of the measure
became well known. "We hear that Mr. Pitt, and Lord
Camden, have declared it as their opinion that the
Stamp Act is unconstitutional."10^
When Pitt spoke for the repeal, his speech was
heard and described by a gentleman sitting in the House
taking notes. His account was carried in nearly every
newspaper printed at the time in America: "Mr. Pitt,
even exceeded himself, he did not argue, but demonstrated,
he did not persuade but convicted."-'-®® The effect of
his speech was to produce a "Wonderful change! that
the Americans, who in the morning were deemed rioters
and rebels should in the afternoon be the brave
assertors of liberty and justice. Even Pitt's
physical condition was reported to underline the
personal sacrifice he made in defense of liberty:
"Mr. PITT came in on crutches (both legs wrapped in
flannel) for your service: He bore testimony for you,
staid it out. I was there 13 hours."11®
1®'^Ibid., p. 3, c. 1.
lo8SCG., Jun. 9-16, 1766, p. 2, c. 1-2.
109Ibid.
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What Pitt said, of course, could not have been
better calculated to please Americans, for he echoed
their sentiments in 1J66 exactly. He began with
some preliminaries about his health and how he could
not have exercised more influence in the passage of
the act but was now about to remedy that oversight.
Then he declared that the tax was unconstitutional,
illegal, and inimical to the preservation of liberties
of the English and American constitutions.
It is my Opinion that this Kingdom has no Right to lay a Tax upon the Colonies; at the same Time I assert the authority of this Kingdom over the Colonies, to be Sovereign and Supreme, in every Circumstance of Government and Legislation whatsoever. They are the Subjects of this Kingdom, equally entitled with ourselves to all the natural Rights of Mankind, and the peculiar Privileges of Englishmen. Equally bound by the laws, and equally participating of its Constitution. The Americans are the Sons, not the Bastards, of England.111
Thus at the outset he appealed to the English constitution,
the natural rights of mankind, and the special historical
rights of Englishmen, a formula familiar to Americans
in their protests against British taxes. He concluded,
and would never substantially deny, that England had the
right to legislate for the colonies but not the right to
tax them.
111Pa. Journ., Apr. 24, 1766, p. 1, c. 1-3S P* 2, c. 1-3.
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Pitt elaborated on the latter point by
explaining that "Taxes are a voluntary Gift and
Grant of the commons alone. In Legislation the
three Estates of the Realm are alike concerned, but
the Concurrence of the Peers with the Crown to a
Tax, is only necessary to cloath with the Form of
Law, the Gift and Grant of the Commons alone." He
insisted on the importance of distinguishing between
legislative and taxing power: "this Distinction
between Legislation and Taxation is essentially 112 Necessary to Liberty."
His point was that since only Commons could tax
and since Americans were not represented in the
English commons, Parliament could not tax Americans.
He dismissed the idea of virtual representation by
which the administration had argued that each
member of Parliament represented every subject of
the empire: "There is an Idea in some, that the
Colonies are virtually represented in this House.
I would fain know by whom an American is represented
here. Is he represented by a Knight of a Shire of
any County in this Kingdom? . . . The idea does not
-*--^Ibid.
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deserve serious Refutation." The taxing power in
America consequently lay only with the lower houses
of the various colonial assemblies. Or, as Pitt
put it, "the Commons of America, represented in
their several Assemblies, have ever been in Possession
of the Exercise of this their Constitutional Right
of giving and granting their own Money . . . They
would have been Slaves if they had not enjoyed it."
But while the Americans had been taxing themselves
all along, they had also been bound by British
"Regulations, Restrictions in Trade, in Navigation,
in Manufactures, in every Article whatsoever except
that of taking their Money out of their Pockets
without their Consents . "H 3
Nor, understandably, could Pitt support the
Declaratory Act, which decreed Parliament’s right
both to legislate and to tax Americans. Pitt
objected with a reiteration of his position. "My
searches have more and more convinced me that the
B sh P______t have no right to tax the A______s,
I shall not therefore consider the declaratory bill
now lying on your T e."'*'^
i:L3lbid.
ll4SCG., Nov. 30-Dec. 7, 1767, p. 2, c. 4, p. 3, c . 1.
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The occasional criticisms in the colonies of
Pitt's support of repeal only secured his popularity.
In letters reprinted in Georgia and New York a
colonial correspondent, "BEAR AND FORBEAR,"
chastised "Mr. Be Angry and Sin Not" for saying that
Pitt displayed weakness when he spoke for the repeal,
declaring that when he himself heard the speech, he
was so overwhelmed that he almost went "Pitt M a d . " 1 1 ^
BE ANGRY AND SIN NOT replied that Pitt had an incon
sistent record as a war minister, particularly with
regard to engagements on the Continent. He added that
Pitt's behavior in the Stamp Act crisis was equally
inconsistent and agreed that, after all, the whole ll6 affair was "Pitt Madness."
An Englishman, like the New Yorker above, shared
the dislike of Pitt's role in the repeal and was
reported in Virginia as having said, "we hear that
an eminent lawyer has delivered it as his opinion
that a great Patriot who spoke against the American 117 Stamp Duty, ought to be sent to the tower."
^•^Georgia Gazette (Savannah), Jul. 23, 1766, p. 3, c. 2 (Hereinafter cited as Ga. Gaz.). ll6ibia.
1]-7va. Gaz. PD,Apr. 18, 1766, p. 3S c. 3*
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Undoubtedly neither attack damaged Pitt’s image one
whit.
On the whole, Pitt's popularity surged after
the Stamp Act repeal. Both in Britain and in the
colonies concrete evidences of his great popularity
were widespread. In Britain throngs of people
surged about him wherever he went. Reports like
the following dotted American papers: "A certain
great Commoner was on Thursday in his chair and
afterwards was supported by two gentlemen at the
door of the House of Commons through a large
Concourse of people, much above the common rank,
whose respect and acclamations testified their joy 1 1 O at his appearance."
In America as in Britain signs of popular
approval took the form of statues in public squares,
medals, rings, paintings, and the like, each bearing
his image and a slogan regarding the liberty of
England or America and the Stamp Act. In an
American example of the Pitt-mania South Carolina
responded to the repeal of the Stamp Act by raising a
"sum of seven thousand pounds . . . granted for
procuring from London a STATUE of the Right Honourable
ll8BEP., Mar. 21, 1763, p. 1, c. 1-2.
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WILLIAM PITT Esquire, to be erected In this Province.
In a letter from London appearing in Pennsylvania, a
gentleman wrote that "PITT Is Immortalized for the
repeal of the Stamp and Cider acts, and the Irish are
going to erect his statue in every city in the dear
kingdom, as the man who first saved his mother, and
after that her children, from ruin."12®
Another measure of Pitt's popularity in the
colonies was the official thanks that he received
from colonial assemblies. Massachusetts wrote that his
"noble and generous efforts in support of the common rights
of mankind, and the liberties of Great Britain and her
Colonies . . . have very justly insured to you the warmest
affection and esteem of every honest and sensible British
subject."121 Pitt's answer, also carried in colonial
papers, expressed regret for the delay in his reply, for
which he blamed his ill health, and declared it "a public
Testimony of so high a Nature" for the colony to honor
him, adding that he hoped he would "always Meet with
Approbation in America."122
119pa. Journ., Aug. 14, 1766, p. 1, c. 1.
120Ibid., p. 1, c. 2.
121Pennsylvania Chronicle (Philadelphia), Apr. 20, 1767, p. 2, c . 2-3 (Hereinafter cited as Pa. Chron.).
122Ibid.
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Statistically the articles in American
newspapers on Pitt’s role in the Stamp Act crisis
reveal the tremendous popularity he had achieved
in 1766. Once again there was virtual unanimity
in the printed evaluations of the Great Commoner.
There were 132 articles on his support of repeal:
90 percent of them were favorable, 5 percent
expressed no opinion, and 5 percent were unfavorable.
Considering the nature of the latter, they probably
did no harm to Pitt’s image in America.
Prom 1756 to 1766 the image of Pitt appearing
in the colonial newspapers continued and elaborated
the characterization already associated with him in
Great Britain during his early years in politics.
He evidenced ideals of political independence,
public and private morality, defense of constitutional
liberties, and consistency with principle. Moreover,
he was represented as achieving ever-increasing popularity
in Britain throughout his early career, his wartime
administrations, and the struggle for repeal of the
Stamp Act. The effect was to create in the colonies a
mistaken impression of the political strength both of
Pitt and of his principles in Britain — a serious
defect as the imperial crisis deepened.
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LORD CHATHAM: THE IMAGE OF HIS CAREER IN THE COLONIAL PRESS, 1766-1778
In 1766 William Pitt, the Great Commoner, finally
accepted elevation to the peerage and was named the
earl of Chatham. The decision did great damage to
his reputation, leading to criticism in the colonial
press surpassing even the level of hostility to his
resignation from office five years before. A few
days later, he was named to head his third ministry,
but because of his illness and the lack of any
political organization to support him, his final
effort at governing Great Britain was not successful.
Yet despite these setbacks, the overall portrait of
him presented to Americans by their newspapers from
1766 to his death in 1778 continued to depict him as
the ideal statesman and a steadfast friend of the
colonies. Long after there was any justification on
the British political scene, accounts of his popularity
in Britain and of his opposition to British imperial
policy continued to give the impression that there was
a significant body of opinion in the mother country
116
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that would eventually come to America’s aid.
Of the 71 articles dealing with Pitt’s elevation
to a peerage only 21 were favorable to his accepting
the honor. Fifteen remained uncommitted, and 35
articles were opposed. Generally, those that were
critical expressed fear that the new earl of Chatham
would no longer reflect the characteristics of the old
William Pitt.
Recognizing a good news story, American editors
gave prominent coverage to letters from London with
news of the promotion and the controversy it stirred.
"The political conversation is entirely engrossed for
and against Lord Chatham. His friends allege that
his accepting a pension was the most prudent step
he could have taken and that time will convince the
advantage and good consequence of it . . . Others
offering money and titles will make him do anything . . . .
They suggest that his title should have been Lord
Strategem."1
Other letters, like the one from an English country
gentleman to his friend in town, said, "I cannot see
how Lord C______M should be this much a worse man than
-*-Va. Gaz. PD, Nov. 13* 1766, p. 1, c. 2.
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Mr. P_tt nor can I find much similitude between Lord
C M and Lord B e."2 Those who supported Pitt,
asked only that the public stay its judgment to see
how he would behave as a lord. British newspaper
articles reprinted in America assured readers that
Chatham would prove himself. "Though the expectation
of the Public is foregone; yet we are assured, that a
plan has been concerted, by which the E. of C. will
become as popular as the late W. P."
Astonished at the fickle nature of public opinion,
Pitt's supporters in England were quoted in America as
marveling at the " extravagant prejudices which people
have imbibed in his elevation. There is actually a
powerful party forming against him . . . such [is] the
inconsistency of the nation, that he, whom today it
regards as its support, is to-morrow considered as 4 the opposer of its interests."
But the detractors, the jeremiads, and the doomsayers
2Ibid.
^P a. Gaz., Oct. 16, 1766, p. 2, c. 2.
*Va. Gaz. PD, Nov. 20, 1766, p. 1, c. 2.
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had a field day with the peerage. In poem and prose
they libeled Chatham.
On the banks of Weser, and of Rhine, Pitt cuts the Cherokees to Shame The Russians and Austrians fled before him, Prom Mississippi to Lake Huron, He scorns applause from good and wise; Prom Mayors and Porters tis a prize. With name and wealth unjustly got, P less, friendless, and forgot, At Chatham he begins to rot.5
And also from Britain, "The Patriot Pitt, formerly in
the government service, sunk at Chatham; the carpenter
reports, that her timbers have been much out of repair,
but having been in Chatham dock and often hove down
lately, it was imagined she had been pretty tight
again . . . .She now lies there in a miserable £ condition with her head just above water." But in
America the sudden downturn in popularity was
relatively temporary. When the king chose him to
succeed Rockingham in 1766, expectations arising from
his reported sympathy for the colonies revived the
familiar image of the virtuous statesman, canceling
out whatever damage his acceptance of the peerage had
caused. "By the papers we find Mr. Pitt, now Earl of
5ya. Gaz. PD, Nov. 27, 1766, p. 1, c. 3.
^The South Carolina and American General Gazette (Charleston), Oct. 10, 1766, p. 2, c. 1 (Hereinafter cited as SC & AmG.).
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Chatham has been placed at the head of affairs, and has
had the nomination of most of the great offices of
state. Our affairs will take a happy turn . . . it is
hoped."7
Chatham obtained power on his own terms. Having
once refused to serve with those whose principles
were inconsistent with his own, he now had the opportunity
to form his own ministry and to formulate his own O policies. In line with his views on the evils of
party, Chatham determined to form a "broad-bottom"
ministry, choosing his colleagues from as many
factions as possible. He wooed Grafton from the
Rockinghamites for first lord of the Treasury.
Conway became secretary of state for the northern
department, while Shelburne, formerly connected with
Bute, was secretary of state for the southern
department. Charles Townshend became chancellor of
the Exchequer, and Camden, a personal friend, was
lord chancellor. Chatham himself became lord privy q seal, an undemanding position.
7ya. Gaz. PD, Nov. 13, 1766, p. 1, c. 3*
^Watson, Reign of George III, p. 121.
9lbid.
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There were questions about Chatham’s not taking
a more prestigious post. British papers explained
"that the reason the post of Lord Privy Seal being
pitched upon Mr. Pitt in preference to that of
Secretary of State, was that the former did not
make him responsible for measures which he may not
be able to guide. This high and lucrative office
being almost a sinecure."I® On the other hand,
Chatham’s holding the office cast it in a different
light. "However; his holding any part in the
Administration, will be sufficient to gain it
respect both at home and abroad, and give it
stability.
Most important, it was confidently believed
that Chatham would prove as zealous a defendent of
constitutional liberties as before. "Notwithstanding
people may think they have sufficient cause to suspect
the Patriotism of a certain great man, yet we are
firmly persuaded his conduct will convince them at
the meeting of Parliament that the P ge hath
not in the least diminished the zeal or integrity of 12 the Patriot." Another supporter in England wrote,
^ Pa. Gaz., Oct. 2, 1766, p. 2, c. 1.
11Ibid.
12Ibid., p . 2, c . 2.
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"Pitt is minister! let our foreign and domestick
enemies tremble. The men who co-operated with Mr.
Pitt will now come into power with him, and . . . we
shall again behold one [ministry] composed of men of
the same principles and opinion, who have always acted
together with spirit and consistency, with decency
and dignity.
It was expected that "several regulations and
alterations will take place; and particularly
dissolution of the present parliament . . . a future
establishment of Triennial parliaments . . . a
renewal of the former treaty with . . . the king of
Prussia, a declaration that general warrants . . .
be declared illegal."1^ As for America, a report
reprinted in many colonies indicated that, "a plan
of Lord Chatham, for uniting the colonies with the
mother country, will certainly next session be laid
before both houses of Parliament."1^
Chatham's well-known illness was seemingly no
bar to the number of reforms he was said to be
projecting. A story carried in New York, Virginia,
1^SC & AmG., Sep. 26, 1766, p. 1, c. 4.
• ^ Pa. Gaz., Sep. 12, 1765, p. 2, c. 1.
•^Va. Gaz. PD, Nov. 29, 1766, p. 1, c. 1.
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and South Carolina papers indicated that "in order to
lessen the National Debt, he has formed a Plan which
will ease the People and at the same Time encrease 1 zT the Revenue." First, he would appoint a commission
to study the excess expenditures in the management
of public money. Then, he would prune the civil
list of useless offices and "look into the Bills of
the lower Officers of the Household of the Builders,
Stationers, Gardeners, with all the ravenous Crew;
to search into the Pensions and Pretences of granting
them, and in short, into every part of the Expence
of the Civil L i s t . " 1 ? Such "economical reform" had
long been dearly desired by critics of governmental
corruption. Now, Chatham was said about to declare
it "High Treason for any person to pay, or any
Member of Parliament to receive, in Trust or otherwise,
any Pension, Sum of Money, or other Gratuity from the
Crown unless it be entered in the public Office, with
the Reasons for granting it." The proposal was
certain to have wide support. "These are Things
truly worthy of such a patriot, and will prove that
the Principles of the Peer are the same with those of
1% Y Journ. Supplement, Apr. 16, 1767 3 p* 1 3 c. 3.
1?Ibid.
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18 the Great Commoner."
Chatham also was said to have . . A plan for
the release of prisoners jailed for rioting," a
common occurrence in most British cities. "We hear
that the Right Hon. the Earl of Chatham will use
his utmost endeavours to obtain a pardon for all
the rioters who are now under sentence of death in
the different gaols in this kingdom.According
to the article, however, Pitt did not intend to
extend clemency to those incarcerated for theft and
would insure the criminals did not wander the streets
of England by shipping them to Florida.^ And when
a drought threatened a shortage of corn and he seemed
about to forbid the exportation of this commodity,
a highly unpopular move, it was presented as part of
a plan to improve agriculture. "It is said that Lord
Ch m had wrote . . . to request . . . a proclamation
to stop the exportation' of corn. Lord Chatham has
formed a scheme to be presented to parliament, for
the improvement of waste and crown land for the
purpose of keeping up a plentiful breed of cattle in
the kingdom."2
l8Ibid.
1^NY Journ. Supplement, Apr. 16, 1767, p. 1, c. 1.
20Ibid.
21NY Merc., Dec. 8, 1766, p. 1, c. 2.
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Unfortunately Chatham was able to accomplish
very little during his third administration. His
no-party system proved unworkable, and ill health
soon forced him to give up trying to manage it. He
retired to Bath. Thereafter, although he continued
as its nominal head, the government’s policies were
often at cross-purposes with his principles. The
chancellor of the Exchequer, Charles Townshend, steered
revenue acts through Parliament that revived issues of
no taxation without representation in America, and
when New York refused to harbor British troops under
the Quartering Act, its legislature was suspended
until it conformed. Paced with constant defiance of
his authority, Chatham in 1769 was forced to resign,
his career as a politician at an end.
In America, however, the press attributed no blame
to Chatham, or more importantly, to his theories of
no-party government, for the failure of his
administration. There was no questioning of the
belief that balanced government could work, or that
organized support for the ministry in Parliament
was unnecessary, or that ministers were anything
more than royal servants separately responsible to
the monarch for the operation of their particular
departments.
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Instead, the blame was placed principally on
Chatham’s health. Innumerable references kept his
condition constantly before the public mind. "It
is reported, near 100 messengers were dispatched
on Monday to the North end, from the nobility and P P gentry to enquire after Lord Chatham’s health."
Or, "the Earl of Chatham was thought to be a good
deal better than he has been since his late relapse."
Some reports skirted closer to the truth by
indicating that because his illness prevented him
from going to London, he resigned "having found in
a variety of late instances, that his advice was
disregarded, that his influence in the state was at 2ii an end." In particular, "the principle now
adopted and pursuing with respect to America is said
to have been one cause of his resignation."^ But
the most widely circulated report remained that
which ascribed the cause simply to ill health. "The
Right hon. the Earl of C______m, being unable to
support the burdens of his office, by reason of his
22Va. Gaz. PD, Apr. 7, 1768, p. 1, c. 3*
23Ibid.
2ltSC & AmG, Jan. 23, 1769, p. 4, c. 1-2.
25Ibid.
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great infirmity of body, which daily increased upon
him, had made a general resignation of the several 2 6 departments of government wherein he was concerned."
Only occasionally was there a hint of the internal
chaos within the ministry. The most widely reprinted
account in this vein was the "Letter to the Duke of
Grafton," by "Junius,"2? a famous opposition essayist
in Britain who blamed Grafton for not supporting
Chatham in cabinet battles over policy. Junius sharply
criticized Grafton for not resigning with his leader.
"Lord Chatham formed his last administration upon
principles which you certainly concurred in, or you
could never have been placed at the head of the
treasury. By deserting those principles . . . you
soon forced him to leave . . . and to withdraw his
name from an administration, which has been formed
on the credit of it."^®
At the same time Chatham’s administration did
2^South Carolina Gazette and Country Journal (Charleston), Nov. 17, 1767, p. 2, c. 1 (Hereinafter cited as SCG & CJ.).
2?The identity of "Junius" has been a source for considerable scholarly speculation. The following historians indicate that Sir Philip Francis was most likely the author of the Junius letters; Watson, Reign of George III; Andrews, History of British Journalism, Vol. I; and Rea, English Press in Politics.
2®SCG_. , Supplement, Sep. 4, 1769, P- 19 c * 2-3*
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not go entirely unscathed. In a bitingly satirical
essay, "An Account of some late Distinguished
DANCERS," a British author charged the earl with
inconsistency and roiling politics with frequent
reshuffling of ministries.29
Nonetheless, when the Townshend duties were
passed, some colonies expressed confidence that
Chatham would work for repeal. Massachusetts and
New York in particular wrote requesting his
intercession on their behalf, Massachusetts recalling
"the particular attention you were pleased to give to
the interest of American subjects when their rights
were in danger." Articles describing these colonial
requests were widely reprinted in Massachusetts,
New York, Pennsylvania, and South Carolina.
Chatham’s public and private character offered
reassurance that he could be trusted, as the letter
from the Massachusetts legislature disclosed: "In
every instance of your public conduct you are
influenced by the principles of virtue and
disinterested public a f f e c t i o n . "3° The same letter
29NYPB., Nov. 14, 1768, p. 1, c. 1.
3°Pa. Journ., Apr. 14, 1768, p. 2, c. 3a p- 3, c. 1.
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declared, "The enemies of the Colonists . . . are
equally the enemies of Britain," and concluded,
Nothing would have prevailed upon the House to have given your Lordship this trouble, but the necessity of such a powerful advocate when their liberty is in danger; Such they have more than once found you to be; and as they humbly hope they have never forfitted your patronage, they intreat that your great interest in the national Councils may still be employed in their behalf.31
The famous "Letters of a Pennsylvania Parmer"
of John Dickinson, reprinted in nearly every newspaper
published in 1768, quoted at length from Chatham’s
speeches advocating repeal of the Stamp A c t . 3 2 in
addition, William Hicks’s pamphlet, The Nature and
Extent of Parliamentary Power Considered; in Some
Remarks upon Mr. Pitt’s Speech, also quoted Chatham
on the distinction between legislation and taxation
to establish the illegality of parliamentary taxation
of A m e r i c a . 33 Hicks’s work enjoyed nearly as wide
a circulation as Dickinson’s letters and appeared
in its entirety in both Pennsylvania and South
Carolina.
33-lbid.
32Pa. Journ., Feb. 4, 1768, p. 1, c. 2.
33pa. Journ., Jan. 28, 1768, p. 1, c. 1-2, continued in Feb. 25, 1768, p. 1, c. 1-3 (Pamphlet originally published in Philadelphia, 1768).
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Only a few felt that Chatham had deserted the
Americans, citing his enforcement of the Quartering
Act and his lack of vigorous opposition to the
Townshend duties as proof. One Englishman speculated,
"I cannot help lamenting, with great amazement, that
we hear nothing of Lord Chatham's noble interpretation
of this awful crisis. Is it possible that so great a
man can be of the council, and not with his usual
zeal counsel modern measures? Can he enjoy repose
and tranquility whilst his countrymen in America are
liable to all the horrors of war?"3^
In American newspapers the surest test of
Chatham's loyalty to the American cause was his
standing with other British politicians. Colonists
had only to read the speeches of George Grenville
to be reminded that Chatham was still defending them.
In one parliamentary attack Grenville condemned
Chatham, Camden, John Dickinson, and the
constitutional arguments against the Stamp Act and
the Townshend duties all in one breath.35
For the most part Chatham escaped censure for the
Townshend Acts because of his illness. His condition
was reported as worsening between 1767 and 1769.
3^ . Gaz. PD, Dec. 1, 1768, p. 1, c. 1.
35pa. Journ., Nov. 3* 1768, p. 2, c. 1-2.
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Every time he came to Parliament his health and
appearance were subject of comment. Often his
attendance was represented as risking irreparable
damage to his health for the sake of some lofty
principle.38 Thus, a writer once noted that "his
appearance . . . seemed much dibilitated."37
One of Chatham's own speeches was the source of the
report that "the bad state of health . . . prevented
him from attending his duty in that house, that
even now he found himself very weak, and very
unfit."33 By 1769 many felt that Pitt would
never recover sufficiently to take an active
part in politics. A letter from England stated
that "Lord Chatham, whom I have so often mentioned
to you, is, I am lately informed, in such a
state of health, as leaves no room to expect he
will ever more intermeddle in public affairs."39
36pennsylvania Evening Post (Philadelphia), Aug. 8, 1778, p. 2, c. 1-2 (Hereinafter cited as PEP).
37rbid.
38Va. Gaz. PD, Apr. 25, 1766, p. 2, c. 2.
39yirginia Gazette (Williamsburg, printed by Rind), AugT 17, 1769, p. 1, c. 3 (Hereinafter cited as Ya. Gaz. R).
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Some, of course, felt that Pitt was using his
illness as a pretext — that his bad health was
simply a way of avoiding unpleasant situations in
the capital. One British essay entitled "Diverting
Patriotic Paragraphs" charged that "the reason of
Lord Chatham’s continuance in the country, is
only - because he is out of place.Another
asserted that "some people imagine that Lord Chatham’s
present indisposition is purely political, and that
he will ere long lose his flannels in a place of great
power.Though perhaps wishful thinking, more
than one pictured Chatham as a cunning politician,
not above using his illness to mask more important
negotiations.
The total newspaper coverage of Pitt's health
is astonishing. There were 364 articles describing
his illness: 49 percent assumed he was really sick,
hoped he would recover, or were at least sympathetic
in tone; 8 percent felt that he was shamming or
worse; and 43 percent expressed no opinion. Not
^ Pennsylvania Packet (Philadelphia), May 25s 1772, p. 2, c: 2 (Hereinafter cited as Pa. Packet).
^ Va. Gaz. R, May 2, 1771 s p. 2, c. 1., Chatham was seriously ill with the gout (a disease resulting from a disturbance of the metabolism, characterized by an excess of uric acid in the blood and deposits of uric acid salts in the tissues around the joints, especially of the feet and hands: it causes swelling
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even the king’s health was the subject of as much
speculation.
With regard to Chatham’s appointment, general
conduct in office, attempts to reform politics,
pardon rioters, make economic reforms, and conduct
foreign affairs, of 180 articles 67 percent are
favorable, 19 percent expressed no opinion, and
only 14 percent were critical.
Concerning the Townshend duties, of 44 articles,
38 favored Chatham’s role, or lack of it, and 4 did
not. Only 2 articles were uncommitted. As for
his resignation, 29 of the 49 articles describing
it expressed no opinion, 16 were favorable, and 8
criticized his action.
An interesting upshot of Chatham's role as
reformer was the inheritance he received from Sir
and severe pain) from his childhood on. This illness brought him close to death in 1767 and precipitated it in 1778. Throughout his adult life he was periodically stricken with attacks that left him bedridden. See Albert Von Ruville, William Pitt: Earl of Chatham, trans. by H. J. Chaytor (3 Vols.; New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1907). See also Watson, Reign of George III, p. 125; Brooke, Chatham Administration, p. xii; and Sherrard, Lord Chatham and America.
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William Pynsent for opposing corruption in government.
Pynsent who came from "that resolutely independent
county Somerset,itli P was reported, willed Pitt
3,000 pounds a year "as a reward for his attacks on
the government. "^3 when heirs contested the will,
ii 2i the case was initially decided in favor of Pitt.
But in 1770 the commissioners in Chancery reversed
the d e c r e e . T h e case raised questions of Chatham’s
ethics in depriving others of their inheritance and
underscored his chronic shortness of m o n e y . ^
Typical of criticism that Chatham received was
a satirical account by "Tom Tell Truth" in England,
which was widely reprinted in the colonies. "Tom"
suggested that Chatham was right to have taken the
privy seal, the king’s pension, the title, and
so deserved the inheritance, too. The lord's
enemies, he asserted, "are damn'd mad with Will
42Watson, Reign of George III, p. 107. ^ ibid.
^ Pa. Journ. , Sep. 11, 1766, p. 2, c. 1.
^ Pa. jpurn., Aug. 30, 1770, p. 2, c. 3.
^6Va. Gaz. PD, Aug. 16, 1770, p. 1, c. 3.
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Restless, who besides keeping the above seal, is
brought upon the quarter deck, and got one of the
largest pensions belonging to the chest; and Will
Pynsent is dead, and left him all his wages . . .
but I think he deserves it all, and is a damn’d
clever fellow. Overall, the affair attracted
relatively little attention. Of 32 articles, 9
favored Pitt, 2 did not, and the overwhelming
majority, 21, remained uncommitted.
Between 1766 and 1770 American newspapers
carried articles on Chatham that were predominantly
favorable to him. These accounts related few of
his failures and disappointments, and, when critical
of him, were always counterbalanced by favorable
reports. The result was that the press never
brought home to Americans how much of a failure
his administration was or how little his political
attitudes were shared by contemporaries in Britain.
When Grafton finally resigned in 1770, the
king replaced him with Lord North, in whom he found
^ Pa. Journ., Jan. 1, 1767, p. 1, c. 1-2.
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at last a minister who could produce an era of
political calm. North remained minister for twelve h O years. As North's ministry progressed, Pitt's
opposition to it increased and became general over
a wide variety of issues, many of which involved
constitutional freedoms and encroachments of the
crown but only some of which related directly to
America. The result was that, as the American press
chronicled the controversies, it left the impression
of a wholesale decline of liberty in the empire, of li q which specifically American concerns were only a part. ^
In addition, although North's problems were left
over from Grafton's last days, in the American press
it appeared that Chatham had been driven to come
back from retirement to defend his country from
the threat.
The issues that most troubled Chatham were the
Middlesex County election — an extension of the
Wilkes affair; various international issues such
as the quarrel with Spain over the Falkland Islands
that seemed to presage a decline in British power and
prestige; the Royal Marriage Act and its apparent
^Watson, Reign of George I I I ., p. 147.
49Ibid., p. 149-
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increase in the prerogatives of the crown; a bill to 'SO relieve the disabilities of Protestant dissenters
and finally3 the policy in India of the East India
Company, which also seemed to enhance the power of
the c r o w n . Since many of these issues were
relatively unimportant in Great Britain, Chatham
was open to criticism there for descending into
indiscriminate factious attacks on the king's
government when seemingly there were no great
political or constitutional questions at stake.
At the same time he became more and more isolated.
Even the Rockingham group scorned his independence
and unwillingness to join them in organized
opposition. To his own countrymen Chatham's
career seemed almost e c l i p s e d . 5^
In the American press the reverse appeared true.
Articles describing his opposition on these various
matters suggested that Chatham was gaining strength,
making converts, and gathering to his cause like-minded
politicians who gave real hope of thwarting the North
administration.
5°lbid., p. 155.
51Ibid., p. 157- 52ibid.
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By the late 1760's the king's animosity toward
John Wilkes led him to have his ministers use their
control of Parliament to void the journalist's
election as a member from Middlesex, the county
in which London lay. The action raised vast
issues of the expanding power of the crown, freedom
of elections, and the right of representation.
In response, Chatham was reported to have introduced
measures "declaring the resolutions of the House of
Commons with regard to the expulsion of John Wilkes,
Esq; to be illegal and arbitrary"53 an(j rescinding
the resolutions of the House unseating Wilkes.
Though the king was known to be adamantly opposed
to Wilkes, Chatham maintained that the monarch had
been misled by his ministers saying "that the
ministry deluded the King; and his eyes wanted
opening, and that if it was not speedily done this
nation would be undone. He promised that he "would
forever bring the stabs and wounds of the constitution
in their ears, until they are healed, and the right
of election restored to the people."55
53SCG & CJ., Jul. 10, 1770, p. 2, c. 2.
5**Pa. Journ. , Jul. 5, 1770, p. 1, c. 3. 55ibid.
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Although at least one British editor felt
Chatham’s opposition was enough — "It is said
that should the advice of Lord Chatham be taken
on an important subject, Mr. Wilkes will certainly
take his seat without a dissolution of parliament.
— Chatham himself was said to be determined to cut
out the evil root and branch. "We hear, that . . .
the E 1 of C m . . . positively insisted, that
in the middlesex election, no temporising methods
could be made use of, as the only specific that
could be applied to the wounds of illegality, must
be a dissolution of those members that created
it. "57
Chatham elevated the issue of Wilkes's
election to an attack on rotten boroughs and
the inequities of representation in the
contemporary Parliament. An account in the
Pennsylvania Chronicle describing his speech on
the subject in the House of Lords declared,
"the dignity, firmness and consistency of his
conduct make his character compleat."5^ He
5^Pa. Journ., Mar. 22, 1770, p. 1, c. 2.
57ya. Gaz. PD, Nov. 28, 1771s P* 2, c. 1.
5^Pa. Journ., Feb. 15, 1770, p. 2, c. 2.
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"entered largely into a consideration of the
melancholy state of the country; the depraved
system of government . . . He went thro' the whole
proceedings of the House of Commons in the late
business of the printers."59 Chatham saw only one
solution, the report said, "that is to save the
name and institution of Parliament from contempt,
the House of Commons must be dissolved."^0
Advancing a reform long proposed by the
government’s critics, "he new declared himself a
convert to Triennial Parliaments."^'1'
A summary of the dismal situation in Great
Britain by an English writer known as "A WHIG
and an ENGLISHMAN" was frequently reprinted in
America during 1771 and 1772. "The Man, who is
not alarmed at the present Situation of this
Country," the essayist declared, "must be too
much biased by personal or Party Views, to listen C n to Argument or too dull to comprehend it." In
particular he complained of "the extraordinary
prorogation of the Irish parliament, the repeated
59pa. Chron., Jun. 26, 1771* P« 1* c- 3- 60t , . . Ibid.
6lIbid.
^Pa. Gaz., Jan. 31* 1772, p. 2, c. 1-2.
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Dissolutions, of Assemblies in North America, the
open Resistance actually made or threatened by
the Americans, and the Discontents which have
prevailed in England.He went on to the crisis
in foreign affairs: the encroachment on English
territorial rights by the Spanish and the lack of
good relations with Prussia. To whom could one
look for a remedy? "The reader Cannot mistake,
nor do I wish to conceal the Object of this Paper . . .
Lord Chatham has once already saved this Country.
There is no Room now for little Intrigues of the
Cabinet. He must be called upon; the Nation expects
it: He must be minister."04
Other accounts indicated that Chatham would
have allies. "It is said the friends of the
M______of R______m, and those of the E of
C______m will have a meeting before the opening
of the next session, in order to consider a proper
plan for adopting such measures as will preserve
the constitutional rights of the P e o p l e . At the
same time, Chatham's opposition was only for the
63Ibid.
^ Ibid.
^Pa. journ., Oct. 26, 1769* P* c * 1*
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highest motives. "It is reported that in a
conference his Majesty had lately with Lord
Chatham, that Nobleman told him, that he would
think himself obliged at all times to stand up
in defence of his Majesty's just rights; but
that he should also think himself a traitor to
his country to screen any base transactions 6 6 from the people."
In keeping with his longstanding hostility
to the French and Spanish, it was not surprising
that in the realm of foreign affairs Chatham
castigated the North administration for weakness
in dealing with those despotic regimes. When
North compromised on the Spanish occupation of
the Falkland Islands Chatham protested that
Britain was dishonored. A London newspaper
gave as Chatham's opinion "that Spain has already
done sufficient to justify any steps that England £rj may think expedient to take by way of reprisals."
North had dangerously weakened Britain in relation
to France, as well, Chatham charged; "this month
^ Pa. Journ., May 24, 1770, p. 2, c. 1-2.
^Va. Gaz. PD, Apr. 19a 1770, p. 2, c. 1.
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perhaps we may no longer be a nation; for if the
French make themselves masters of the channel we
cannot oppose them. We ought at this time to have
forty ships of the line, yet we have not twelve
completely manned. I have now a complete detail
of the above particulars in my pocket and I defy (TO any one to contradict m e .”00 A considerable number
of articles indicated that Britain had lost
prestige in the world to the point that other
nations infringed on her territorial rights
with impunity, perhaps intimating that the colonies
could defy her with equal freedom.
With regard to India as well, a London story
reported, "Lord Chatham is in possession of some
papers of great consequence, transmitted to him
from the East Indies, relative to the treacherous
machinations of the French at the courts of three
powerful Princes of that country.”^9 Chatham
opposed allowing the East India Company a free hand
at governing India as had been government policy in
^ New-York Journal (New York City), Jan. 31* 1771, p. 2, c~. 2 (Hereinafter cited as NY Journ. ).
^ Pa. Journ., May 24, 1770, p. 2, c. 1-2.
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the past. "Lord Chatham is said to have written to
a Great Personage a long letter upon East India
affairs, shewing the absolute necessity of
taking the territorial affairs of India into the
hands of the nation."^0
A persistent theme was that Chatham was in
possession of secret papers, or was privy to
information, that the North government either
did not have or did not choose to reveal.
Similar were allegations of treachery and
corruption in the highest levels of government.
"It is reported, that Lord Chatham and some
other patriotic noblemen will shortly make an
inquiry into certain embezzlements of the public
money."„71
Part of Chatham’s opposition to the North
ministry was due to the Royal Marriage Act,
because "in his opinion, the Bill for regulating
the marriages of the Royal Family is a more
hateful stretch of despotism than the Middlesex
7°New-York Gazette or Weekly Post-Boy (New York City), Oct. 19, 1772, p. 1, c. 2 (Hereinafter cited as NYPB.).
7~*~Pa. Journ., May 24, 1770, p. 2, c. 1-2.
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election."72 The first principles of justice
were violated, he felt, when a young king could
control the marriages of older princes and "when
heirs of the crown are to be laid under
restrictions, from which the possessor is
exempted."73
Whatever the issues, Chatham was presented
in American newspapers as unyielding in his
opposition to Lord North’s tampering with the
constitution. "We can assure our readers upon
the best grounds, that all reports of the Earl
of Chatham having declared . . . that he
approves of and will support the measures of
the present administration, are totally
destitute of the truth, and propagated in
order to mislead the publick by an artifice
equally mean and unavailing."7^ The author
of this particular piece assured readers that
"the above noble Earl has the justest sense
of the fatal mischiefs, in which the errors of
administration have involved both king and people,
7^Pa. Gaz., May 14, 1772, p. 2, c. 2.
73ibid.
7^Va. Gaz., R, Sep. 21, 1769> p. 2, c. 1-2.
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and . . . loves the whole frame of our wise
constitution, whereof the transcendent and sacred
right to free and independent actions is the only-
true basis."75
Throughout the colonies during the years
1770 to 1773 Chatham's opposition to the North
ministry was favorably reported. Of 136 articles
discussing his opposition in general, 90 percent
were favorable; 6 percent expressed no opinion;
and 4 percent were unfavorable. Of 49 articles
describing his apparent return from retirement,
32 were favorable, none unfavorable, and 14
remained uncommitted. Out of 78 articles
regarding his attitudes in particular sessions
of Parliament, 54 were favorable, and all the
rest expressed no opinion. Of 77 on his support
of Wilkes, 66 favored Chatham; only 2 did not.
The remainder were merely factual reports.
Concerning the Middlesex elections and freedom
of the polls, there were 109 articles, 96 percent
75ibid.
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of which supported Chatham, 1 percent condemned him,
and 3 percent expressed no opinion. Fifty-seven
articles reported Chatham's call for the dissolution
of Parliament, 52 were favorable, 5 noncommitted,
and none were opposed. All thirteen articles noting
his call for triennial parliaments approved.
In foreign affairs the record was similar.
Twenty-four articles reported Pitt's charge that
the North ministry had allowed England's defenses
to decline, 22 of them favorably, one unfavorably,
and an equal number without comment. Another 193
were concerned with Pitt's charge that Britain's
international posture had diminished. Ninety-four
percent were dismayed as he was while none
applauded and 9 percent remained neutral.
Finally, of the 11 articles describing
Chatham's opposition to the Royal Marriage act,
10 praised, and none opposed his position; one
expressed no opinion. Accordingly, it was well
established in American papers that Chatham
was opposed to virtually everything the North
ministry did in the early 1770's and that his
opposition was based on a high regard for country
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and constitution rather than selfish partisan motives
or a desire to resume power.
When the American question reached a new crisis
after the Boston Tea Party in December 1773, it
fitted into the picture painted by the American
press very neatly. Already it seemed that a
significant body of public opinion in Great Britain
had been mobilized by Chatham and others against
Lord North’s policies which now would rally to the
colonies' defense. In the colonial press the
loose association behind Chatham was sometimes
called a "party," or more likely "patriotic party,"
to distinguish it from the more usual "faction"
that was thought to endanger the constitutional
balance of government. Chatham's party was
depicted as an association of men attracted by
his leadership and ideas. Its cement was love
of country and freedom, not place or patronage.
The members of the patriotic party were
all familiar names. "The following Noblemen
are now toasted by all SONS of Liberty, viz.
Chatham, . . . Rockingham . . . Temple . . .
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Richmond . . . Stanhope . . . ."7^ Their principles
were equally well known. An astonishing 305
articles in American newspapers between 1764 and 1778
assumed the existence of a patriotic party. Of these
75 percent overtly praised the connection, while 23
percent expressed no opinion about it, and only 2
percent opposed it. Twenty-seven of these references
appeared between 1774 and 1776 and of them 24 were
favorable, 3 expressed no opinion and none were
unfavorable. These figures are especially interesting
considering the extent to which castigation of party
in any form was a cliche of contemporary political
thought.
With the Tea Party and the punitive legislation
it provoked, the focus of Chatham's opposition as
depicted in the American press shifted from
domestic issues to American affairs. As in the
Stamp Act Crisis, Chatham maintained that Parliament
had supreme legislative power over the colonies
but no taxing power. He distinguished between
levies for regulation of trade, which might be
?6ya. Gaz., Jul. 19, 1770, p. 2, c. 1.
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called "external" taxes, and taxes for revenue or
"internal" taxes. He supported the former and
opposed the latter.77 He consequently opposed the
Tea Act, which continued Townshend's tax on tea,
and, while condemning the destruction of property
in the resulting Boston Tea Party, also condemned
the Boston Port Acts which Parliament passed in
retaliation.
About the same time Parliament passed the
Quebec Act, remodeling the government of
Canada and the Ohio Valley. There was wide
objection in America to it, and colonial newspapers
reported Chatham's searing critique. He "said that
it would involve a great country in a thousand
difficulties, and in the worst of despotism, and
put the whole people under arbitrary power, that
it was a most cruel, oppressive and odious measure,
tearing up justice and every good principle by
the roots."7^ He attacked its failure to provide
for basic English liberties in the area on what
he considered the specious theory that such freedoms
77watson, Reign of George III, pp. 186-196.
78pa. Journ., Aug. 24, 1774, p. 2, c. 1.
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could not safely be extended to a land whose
population was so recently Britain’s enemies.
"By abolishing trial by jury, he supposed the
framers of the bill thought that mode of
proceeding together with habeas corpus, mere
moon-shine, whilst every true Englishman was
ready to lay down his life . . . for . . .
these two bulwarks of his personal security and
property. v^9 Chatham rejected the idea that
the Canadians would not miss what they never
had. "The merely supposing that the Canadians
would not be able to feel the good effects of
law and freedom, because they had been used to
arbitrary power, was an idea as ridiculous
as false." The act established arbitrary
government instead of the "protection of the Q o English laws of 1763 promised in the peace
settlement. It also gave the French Canadians too
many advantages for fishing off Labrador, and,
because the act permitted French Canadians to
practice their religion, Chatham denounced "the
79Ibid.
80Ibid.
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train of fatal mischiefs attending the establishment
of Popery and arbitrary power in that vast and
fertile region now annexed to the government of
Quebec, and capable of containing no less than
thirty million souls." His speech was hailed
in the American press as "breathing nothing but
love of his country, the true principles of the
O -I reformation, and of the glorious revolution."
In the first half of 1775 Chatham made a
concerted attempt to reverse British policy
toward the colonies. He called again for the
repeal of the Boston Port Acts and the Quebec
Act and for the removal of troops from America.
Colonial newspapers carried his motion in the
House of Lords,
That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, . . . to advise that . . . in order to open the way towards an happy settlement of the dangerous troubles in America, by beginning to allay ferments, and soften animosities and above all . . . preventing . . . any sudden and fatal
8lIbid.
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catastrophe at Boston, now suffering under the dally Irritation of an array . . . posted in their town . . . that immediate orders be dispatched to . . . Gage . . . for removing his forces from the town of Boston.
Chatham argued that the Americans were demanding
nothing more than the liberties that native
Englishmen had. "Pull well," he warned, "I
know that the sons of ancestors, born under
the same free constitution, and once breathing
the same liberal air as Englishmen; . . . would
resist upon the same principles and the same
conditions.1,88
And once again he gave credence to the
now fading illusion: "Every whig in this
country is for them, Ireland is with them;
nay, even those Englishmen, who may be
temporarily inactive, when they come to be
roused to a sense of recollection . . . for
which their brethren in America are contending,
the sense of their own danger will instruct them
82SCG & CJ., Apr. 18, 1775, p. 2, c. 1.
83sc & AmG., Aug. 18, 1775, p. 4, c. 1-4.
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84 to range themselves on their side." Even after the
battles of Lexington and Concord in April 1775
there were reports of demonstrations in Great
Britain in support of the Americans. "Lords
Rockingham, Shelburne, and Chatham3 and their
friends3 it is said, intend to erect a monument
in Westminster Abbey3 to the memory of the
Americans who were killed at the Battle of
Lexington.
Chatham’s plan to end the conflict also was
set forth in the American papers during April
1775* As explained in Dunlap's Pennsylvania
Packet and General Advertiser3 the Georgia
Gazette, and The South Carolina and American
General Gazette, it contained the following
provisions: (1) colonial acquiescence in
parliamentary supremacy, particularly over
imperial trade and in the direction of the army 8 6 and navy and foreign policy; (2) British
acknowledgement that no tax could be enacted
without the consent of an American assembly;
84Ibid.
85ya. Gaz. PD, Aug. 26, 1775, p. 2, c. 3-
86SC & AmG., Apr. 14, 1775, p. 2, c. 3 .
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(3) parliamentary recognition of the Continental
Congress as the proper authority for granting
taxes to Britain and apportioning them among the
colonies; (4) repeal of the Boston Port Acts, all
coercive acts, and the Quebec Act; and (5) removal Q y of British troops from America. Chatham’s plan
was very similar to the Plan of Union offered the
Continental Congress by Joseph Galloway of
Pennsylvania. But it is interesting that
Chatham's plan received much more coverage in
colonial newspapers than did that of the tory
Galloway.
Occasionally the rumor spread that Chatham
had abandoned the American cause, but usually
it was quickly stifled. Of 37 items suggesting
his desertion, 29 immediately dismissed it as
unfounded and only 7 agreed that there were
grounds for the rumor.
More common after the commencement of
87Ibid.
88julian P. Boyd, Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway's Plans to Preserve the British Empire. 1774-1788 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1941).
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hostilities was the recognition that Chatham did
not speak for many in the mother country. "The
shedding of blood is now commenced in America.
It has been long repeatedly foretold to the
present Tory Administration, but they delight in
blood . . . .But while they are thus enjoying
their sanguinary schemes, the public will remember
that Lord Chatham's proposition for preventing
the effusion of blood, was treated by the
ministry with the most marked insolent
contempts. jn fact, the roles were reversed.
"Lord Chatham, and all those who were high in
opposition, seem to have given up the contest,
and declared their only hopes of preserving the
liberty of this country rest on the virtue,
wisdom and firmness of the Americans."^
Arthur Lee, writing as the popular "Monitor,"
warned in Rind's Virginia Gazette that "America
must work her own salvation . . . I have the
strongest reasons for believing their grievances
89b g ., Aug. 28, 1775, p. 2, c. 3-
9°pa . Packet, Sep. 19, 1774, p. 3, c. 2.
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never will be redressed, but the chains which have
been prepared, will be fixed upon them . . . Where 91 there is one Chatham, there are fifty Graftons."^
Some Americans clung to the illusion as long
as possible. One admitted in the Pennsylvania
Gazette that "while the debate was in Parliament,
I still had some small hopes; but this morning . . .
the death warrant was passed and the colonies
declared rebels. The petitions and all attempts
have failed. The great Lords Camden, Chatham,
Richmond and all 32 Lords, could not prevent the 92 fatal infatuation from taking place.After
the middle of 1775, however, newspaper articles
holding out the possibility of a substantive
change in British policy became few indeed.
To summarize, of 260 articles reporting
Chatham's efforts on behalf of the colonies, 98
percent were favorable, including many in
newspapers that might be labeled tory., only one
percent was unfavorable, and other one percent
^ Va. Gaz., R, May 1, 1770, p. 1, c. 1.
92Pa. Gaz. , May 3, 1775, p. 4, c. 1-2.
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noncommittal. Every article describing Chatham’s
opposition to the Boston Port Acts was favorable;
16 of 20 articles describing his opposition to the
Quebec Act approved, and the rest expressed no
opinion. In addition, all articles describing his
plan of union, with recognition for the American
congress, applauded it. In short, the American
press provided overwhelmingly affirmative analysis
of Chatham’s endeavors for the colonial cause.
Chatham continued his support of the colonies
throughout the last three years of his life,
although, true to his lifelong dedication to the
empire, he never recognized their independence.
As late as 1776, well after any possibility of
reconciliation, American letters to the editor
still acknowledged Chatham's attempts to resolve
the differences between England and her American
colonies. "SOMERS" in Alexander Purdie's
Virginia Gazette wrote, "No, my countrymen,
believe me, and observe what the great patriot
Lord Chatham thought, and what he proposed to
mark sincerity by a removal of fleets and armies
from North America, and by the repeal of all
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obnoxious acts."^3
In 1777 American papers gave extensive coverage
to several speeches by Chatham on "the precarious and
critical state" of the country, for which he blamed the
ministry. "By your voice my Lords, you have taken
away the property of the Americans without their
consent. When they laid their complaints before
you, you would not listen to them." He charged
that "your system has been founded upon the right
of conquest; and in order to effect it, you have
collected all the refuse of Germany" and warned
that "three millions of freemen will never submit
to 20,000 mercenaries. The idea is absurd — the
attempt is ridiculous. As well might I promise Q C to conquer them with this crutch."-7-7 He called
for a request to the king "to be pleased to cause
the most speedy and effectual measures to be taken
for restoring peace in America.Although
Shelburne supported him, the motion was defeated,
93ya. Gaz. P, Mar. 8, 1776, p. 1, c. 3-
9ltSC & AmG. , Aug. 28, 1777, P- 2, c. 1-4.
95ibid.
^ Pennsylvania Ledger, Extraordinary Supplement (Philadelphia), Mar. 2, 1778, p. 1, c. 1-3 (Hereinafter cited as Pa. L.).
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97 to 24.97
In 1778 in his last speech, an impassioned
address, Chatham asked, "Could it be possible that
we were the same people, who but sixteen years
ago were the envy and admiration of all the 98 world?" His answer was by now familiar to
American readers: "there was something in the
dark, something lurking near the Throne."99 The
emotion was heightened as, after this attack on
the ministry, he collapsed and was carried from
the chamber.
Chatham’s career ended with his defense of
American rights. His death was reported by most
newspapers still in publication in the late
summer and early fall of 1778, but did not inspire
memorials, elegiac sermons, or letters to the
editor as one might expect. Instead, columns were
filled with war news and parliamentary proceedings.
Most papers carrying the obituary also ran relevant
97Ibid.
98SCG., Aug. 13, 1778, p. 4, c. 1-2.
"lbid_. The reference probably indicates the third earl of Bute. For a fuller explanation of Bute's image as a sinister power behind the throne see: John Brewer, "The Faces of Lord Bute: A Visual Contribution to Anglo-American Political Ideology," Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 95-116.
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proceedings of Parliament, expressions of sorrow,
and the acts passed to settle his debts and care
for his family. It was said that even "Lord North
. . . was conscious that the late Lord Chatham
had served so well the state, that his
descendants had certainly a claim to the generosity
of the House, and the gratitude of the nation;:
He assured the noble Lord, that he would support
any motion that might be made in favor of the
late Earl’s family."-1-®0
In these last years 27 articles discussed
Chatham’s continued attempt to restore Anglo-
American unity, 23 of them favorably, 3
unfavorably, and one without expressing an
opinion. Though he had not been able to help as
once had been suggested, the American press to
the end projected his image with sympathy and
fondness.
100PEP. , Aug. 15, 1778, p. 1, c. 1-2.
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Conclusion
American newspapers portrayed William Pitt with
consistent brushstrokes during the years 1756 to 1778.
He was the virtuous statesman par excellence; the
politician who was utterly selfless yet ever willing
to place his great ability at the service of the
state whatever the personal sacrifice; a leader who
knew and believed in the historic traditions of his
country — and its destiny. This characterization
in the colonial press conformed to the image Pitt
had achieved in his early political career in Great
Britain before the Seven Years War brought him to
power in 1756. It derived from the constitutional
turmoil that began in Britain during the later
years of the Walpolean regime and lasted until well
after the American Revolution. The virtues it
defined were the counterimage of the system of
influence and manipulation that ministers had
devised to supply the parliamentary majorities
required to govern the country. The attributes it
162
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applauded prescribed instead the ideal of a balanced
government composed of equal but entirely separate
powers and implied that contrary political developments
were "corruption." This was the lesson in political
theory that colonial newspapers put before their
readers in their accounts of the Great Commoner,
William Pitt.
The characteristics ascribed to Pitt by the
American press may be categorized and, when
analyzed, provide an index of values by which the
colonists judged politics and politicians in the
two decades preceding the American Revolution.
The index also suggests that the image of Pitt
became a stereotype, a handy measuring stick by which
to gauge political developments. It was almost as
if once Pitt began to evidence some of the
characteristics that the colonists applauded, they
ascribed all of the others to him as well. This
explains, perhaps, why they did not alter their
opinion of him during the resignation crisis of
1761, the controversy over the peerage in 1766,
and the failures of the Chatham administration, when
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he obviously failed to fulfill their expectations.
By the same token Lord Bute,, If his portraits are
any indication, provided the evil foil for the
scenario. Good and bad were easily demarked.
Similar studies of the treatment accorded
other major politicians will be necessary to
determine whether any others offered colonists
the same hope that political issues might be
resolved to their liking. Such studies will
uncover the full range of American perception
of British politics at the time. Meanwhile,
it can be said that the newspaper image of Pitt
delineated political ideals supposedly inherent
in British government and the accounts of his
progressive exclusion from power implied a
parallel exclusion of those principles from
British political life.
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CATEGORIES OF CHARACTERISTICS ASCRIBED TO WILLIAM PITT IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS, 1756 to 1778a
Number Percent of Total
Articles favoring Pitt because he displayed ideal characteristics 608 91
Articles favoring Pitt for other reasons
Articles opposing Pitt because he failed to display ideal characteristics 33
Articles opposing Pitt for other reasons 2k
TOTAL 665 100
aFor a complete list of the articles analyzed in this table see Appendix II.
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CHARACTERISTICS ASCRIBED TO WILLIAM PITT IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS, 1756 to 1778a
Articles Articles Political Characteristics Favorable Unfavorable to Pitt to Pitt
Number Percent Number Percent
A Political Independence 51 78 14 22 B Opposition to Patronage 41 72 16 28 C Support of the British 117 98 3 2 Constitution D Support of the "American 91 98 2 2 Constitution" E Accepting Office Only 141 98 3 2 When Consistent with Principle F Entering the Opposition 47 81 11 19 Only to Defend Principle G Tolerating Religion 4 100 0 0 Nonconformity H Representing Imperial 23 82 5 18 Interests I Possessing Private 145 90 17 10 Virtues J Possessing Public 126 94 8 6 Virtues K Deference to Public 13 81 3 19 Opinion L Winning Public Esteem 180 98 3 2 M Demonstrating Patriotism 41 84 8 16 N Unselfishly Serving His 34 97 1 3 Country when Called
TOTALS 1 ,054 92 94 8
Total Number of Articles - 1,148
aAppendix I is reprinted here for ease of illustration in the text. Those articles listed in Appendix II that are both favorable and unfavorable are counted twice both in Table IV and Appendix I.
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Thirteen categories of characteristics
attributed to Pitt may be distinguished.
(A) Political Independence (B) Opposition to Patronage (C) Support of the British Constitution (D) Support of the "American Constitution"1 (E) Accepting Office Only When Consistent with Principle (F) Entering the Opposition Only to Defend Principle (G) Tolerating Religious Nonconformity (H) Representing Imperial Interests (I) Possessing Private Virtues (J) Possessing Public Virtues (K) Deference to Public Opinion (L) Winning Public Esteem (M) Demonstrating Patriotism (N) Unselfishly Serving His Country When Called
The results of this analysis, indicated in Table
IVj demonstrate that an ideological index of American
standards for measuring political behavior can be
developed. Furthermore, the table shows that in
The phrase "American Constitution" was used to stand for those liberties Americans enjoyed as English men overseas and those granted by their colonial charters. Thus it was used in the same sense that Pitt used it when he said, "The Commons of America . . . have ever been in Possession of the Exercise of this their Constitutional Right of giving and granting their own money;" SCG., May 13, 1766, p. 1, c. 2, or in the way that the legislature of the Massachusetts Bay Colony used the phrase when it spoke of the constitutional powers of the legislature to tax in a letter to Chatham in 1768. The legislature said that its power to tax was "constituted by the royal charter of this province . . ." SCG, May 16, 1768, p. 1, c. 3-
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every category at least 72 percent of the articles
dealing with the characteristic involved judged
Pitt favorably and that for all categories 92
percent of the articles favored him.
The illustrations of Pitt’s general political
characteristics that follow are taken whenever
possible from the Virginia Gazette or the
Pennsylvania Gazette because photographic
reproductions of these newspapers are readily
available for the reader to consult. The
illustrations, however, are typical of newspaper
coverage of Pitt throughout the colonies, as the
bibliographic appendix itemizing these articles
will indicate.
POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE.
One of the principal characteristics ascribed
to Pitt was political independence — that is, his
unwillingness to become part of a political machine
that threatened to subvert the balance between the
various sections of the constitution. It is important,
then, that 51 of 65 articles referring to this
characteristic approved of Pitt either because he
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was not identified with any political party or
because he pledged to eliminate party influence
from government. One article reprinted from
Britain said, "we hear a certain Great Commoner
has declared his intentions of being concerned
in no party whatever; but, like a true born
Englishman, will speak his sentiments before an
august Assembly, without favor or partiality to any
person whatever.The implication was that if
Pitt entered office, a government based on
independent principles would finally have a trial.
"Things in general continue in a very unsettled
Situation .... In the mean Time, the unanimous
Voice of the Public is for Mr. Pitt and Lord
Temple, and while they are out, it is feared we
shall hear nothing but Paction and Cabal.
But in Britain, at least, realists saw the
difficulty. How would a no-party ministry fare
in Parliament? Contemporaries speculated that the
government had no fear from a patriotic party,
2Pa. Gaz., Jan. 27, 1763, P« 2, c. 3*
3pa. Gaz., Sep. 26, 1765s p* 2, c. 1.
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because the patriots could never agree with one another
long enough to form one. "Our Patriots are as averse
to one another as they are to the People actually in
Power.
OPPOSITION TO PATRONAGE.
Another of Pitt’s political characteristics,
related to the first, was his opposition to
patronage. Since Pitt was opposed to party, he
was certainly opposed to the glue of party machinery.
This proved embarrassing when Pitt himself received
several pensions, forcing his supporters to
distinguish between pensions which were rewards for
meritorious service and pensions which were part of
the patronage system.
Despite such difficulties Pitt managed to
retain a reputation for fighting corruption both
in office and out. In the "Thanks of the City of
London" for Pitt's services in his first ministry
1756 - 1757, the Court of Common Council described
its appreciation "in Testimony of the grateful Sense
V a . Gaz. PD, March 5, 1772, p. 2, c. 2.
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which the Citizens of London entertain of their [Pitt’s
and his colleague Henry Legge’s] loyal and disinterested
Conduct during their truly honourable, tho' short
Administration.The court continued by praising "their
beginning a Scheme of Public Oeconomy, and at the same
time lessening the Extent of Ministerial Influence, by
a Reduction of the Number of useless Placemen; their
noble Efforts to stem the general Torrent of Corruption."^
And according to a report from London during his third
ministry in the 1760’s, Pitt declined to use influence
in elections. "It is said a late Great Commoner
has already given his opinion that all ministerial
influence at the next general election ought to be
laid aside, and allow the electors to choose for
themselves, as he had oft found from experience
they were the most rational judges of their 7 representatives.”1
~*Pa. Gaz., Jul. 28, 1757, p. 1, c. 1,2,3.
6 Ibid.
7 BG., Sep. 26, 1765, p. 2, c. 1.
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Still there were a few skeptics who maintained
that Pitt was not entirely disinterested. In a
pithy "Political Alphabet" published first in
London in 1770 the following appeared: "An
alphabetical distribution of a COURT PIE, filled
with choice fruit from the orchard of the
treasury.
A APPLE PIE
B Bute made it O C Chatham eat largely of it°
Pitt also was sometimes accused of attempting to
secure a place by using his excessive popularity
to make himself indispensable. A British author
defending the king’s independence and the balance
of the constitution said of Pitt’s rise to power,
"Mr. P. by the favour of the people, endeavours to
raise himself to power, in spite of the K g, and
on terms derogatory to the Dignity of the Crown.”9
8SCG & CJ., Jan. 2, 1770, p. 2, c. 1.
9BEP., N o v . 28, 1763, p. 2, c. 1 & 2.
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The writer concluded that the constitution was as
much endangered by such a demand on the royal will
as it was by the machinations of party and
parliamentary interests; "the K g's situation
is very critical, between an ambitious ill
managing favourite, and a haughty encroaching
tribune."10
Incredibly Pitt's reputation in the American
press was much less tarnished than might have
been expected when he accepted pensions and a
peerage at various stages of his career. A
large body of supporters rushed to explain and
justify him. One British essayist referred to
the patriot minister who "always abhorred every
Pensioner, except the great Mr. W. Pitt."^
This writer described Pitt as "the slothful
Placeman's Enemy, and the poor Man's Friend;
who feels for his distressed Country, and
whose Thoughts are employed Day and Night to
relieve our Calamities." He continued with the
adage, "Corrupt Ministers bribe with Pensions"
10Ibid.
Journ., Feb. 12, 1767, p. 1, c. 1, 2, 3*
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but exempted pensions for merit, like Pitt's.
"W. P. Esq; was made E. of C. and L. P. S. for the
infinite Service he did his Country when he sacrificed - "I p what shall I say! - let his Enemies tell the rest."X£:
Altogether, 4l of the 57 articles relating to the
use of patronage praised Pitt for opposing it,
while 16 criticized him.
SUPPORT OP THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION.
A reputation for independence and opposition
to patronage helped create the image that Pitt
was defending the British government from
corrupting influences. Of the 117 articles
dealing with Pitt's devotion to constitutional
practice, 98 percent of them were favorable
and only 2 percent were unfavorable. For example,
in the crisis of the Middlesex election in 1770
Pitt rose to defend the right of the electors
to return their chosen representative to
Parliament, thus supporting in the words of
one British editor who found his way into the
American press "the violated right of election and
12Ibid.
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all other great constitutional points."1^ There
were also a significant number of articles, all
originating in Great Britain, indicating that
Pitt, if he could have headed a ministry, would
have protected the constitutional balance from
subversion and preserved the independence of
the monarchy:
Had Mr. Pitt directed the reigns of government a few years after the conclusion of the war . . . Providence would have . . . pointed out to a wise and upright minister the means of placing the natural, the necessary, independence of the Kings of England upon a permanent foundation.
SUPPORT OP THE "AMERICAN CONSTITUTION".
Pitt's support of the "American Constitution"
was praised just as highly as his defense of the
British. Chatham repeatedly compared American
constitutional liberties with British, as when
he called for the removal of troops from
Massachusetts:
^ New-London Gazette (New London, Connecticut), Mar. 1, 1771a p. 1, c. Jf-(Hereinafter cited as the NLG.).
lJ4BG., May 26, 1766, p. 2, c. 1.
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The Bostonians... the sons of ancestors, born under the same free constitution, and once breathing the same liberal air as Englishmen ... complain upon an evil which sapped the very vitals of their constitution and reduced all the great blessings of life to chance . . . .-*-5
Of the 91 articles describing his defense of
American constitutional liberties, 98 percent
were favorable and only 2 percent were
unfavorable.
ACCEPTING OFFICE ONLY WHEN CONSISTENT WITH PRINCIPLE.
Another of Pitt's traits that American newspapers
held up for admiration was his determination to hold
office only on terms compatible with his political
beliefs. The following report from London detailed
his intention: "That upon condition he was
permitted to act upon his own Principles for the
Public Good, and without anyone interfering, he
would get four or five Noblemen and Gentlemen,
whose Patriotism is as unquestioned as his own, who
together with himself, would . . . serve their
country without Pee or Reward."’1'^ More often than
^^Connecticut Gazette (New London, Connecticut), Apr. 21, 1775, p. 1, c. 2-3 (Hereinafter cited as Conn. Gaz. N. L.). “| £ Va. Gaz. R, Sep. 5, 1766, p. 2, c. 2.
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not, this commitment along with his political
independence kept him out of office. "They now
give out that Lord Chatham was to be called in
to head a new administration"-1-? was a frequent
rumor copied from the British papers, but it was
usually followed by a retraction: "Nothing can
be further from their intentions. Lord Chatham
never can come into their views, and those views
being the possession of place, power and treasure,
they will never give them up as long as they can
possibly hold them."1®
This same principle also meant that Pitt
insisted upon complete freedom when he was in
office. He required control over matters for
which he was charged with responsibility and
refused to be accountable for public policies
he did not personally direct. When he resigned
in 1761, before the war of 1756-1763 had ended,
he maintained it was because he was expected to
remain in the ministry even though his advice
was overridden by the earl of Bute. His reported
1?Pa. Packet, Sep. 25, 1775* P* 33 c. 2.
l8Ibid.
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defense was "that being frequently opposed and
thwarted"-^ in conducting the war the way he
felt would produce an "honourable peace his
advice and services were useless. Of the
l4l articles which described Pitt's accepting
office only on this principle, 98 percent were
favorable to him.
ENTERING OPPOSITION ONLY TO DEFEND PRINCIPLE.
Given his views on party, the question of
entering the opposition was for Pitt a tricky
one. Yet considering the state of British
politics, it was inevitable that he found
himself rather consistently opposed to the
government in power. The press, occasionally
identifying Pitt as part of the opposition
and sometimes as its leader, equated his
opposition with "patriotic" opposition and
generally praised it. Fully 47 out of 58
articles lauded Pitt for entering the
opposition ranks and only 11 criticized him.
~*~9pa. Gaz., Jan. 14, 1762, p. 2, c. 2-3.
20Ibid.
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His own principles of nonpartisanship, of course,
were a convenient weapon for his enemies: "a
Ministerial advocate says, 'The fire kept up by
the writers of opposition, is only preparatory
to the opening trenches against administration
in the ensuing session . . . the patriotic
orators hope to make such a breech as to be
able to enter the Treasury . . . .
TOLERATING RELIGIOUS NONCONFORMITY.
Pitt in addition was reported to evince
a sympathy for religious dissent. Not many
instances in his public career provided an
opportunity to demonstrate this trait.
But one occasion was a debate in the
House of Lords on relief for certain
Protestant groups. "The motion for committing
the bill was supported by Lords Chatham, and
Lyttleton, Duke of Richmond, and the Earl of pp SheIburne." The Pennsylvania Chronicle's
account observed, "Lord Chatham spoke very
21Pa. Chron., Nov. 7, 1769, p. 3, c. 3-
^Pa. Chron., Jul. 25, 1772, p. 1, c. 1.
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warmly and spiritedly in favour of the bill,
which he attempted to recommend and defend on
the general principle of a liberal toleration.
The Pennsylvania Gazette added, "Lord Chatham,
in speaking to the above Bill in the House of
Lords, shewed as much oratory and fire as, oil perhaps, he ever did in his life."
As might be expected among even reformers
in eighteenth-century Britain, Pitt’s toleration
did not extend to Roman Catholics. When speaking
against the Quebec bill, for example, he
objected that the bill was at "variance with
all the safeguards and barriers against the
return of Popery and Popish influence, so
wisely provided by all the oaths of office
and trust, from the Constables up to the
Members of both Houses, and even to the
Sovereign in his coronation oath."^^
23ibid.
2^Pa. Gaz., Aug. 26, 1772, p. 1, c. 2.
25ibid.
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REPRESENTING IMPERIAL INTERESTS.
Pitt's foreign policy, particularly as it
related to trade and the colonies, won wide
support among the merchant classes. Their
apparent endorsement of his political principles
at least until 1766, demonstrated in such
exercises as the presentation of gold boxes
after his dismissal from his first ministry,
was given wide play in the colonial press.
These articles describing Pitt's influence
with that substantial class undoubtedly
contributed to the misconceptions in America
about Pitt's political strength after that
year.
Furthermore, British merchants joined Pitt
in the struggle for the repeal of the Stamp
Act, leading colonists to expect that he
still had their support when he defended
the colonies on other issues as well. During
the Stamp Act crisis a letter from a Bristol
merchant who carried petitions from that city
to the Crown said of Pitt's speech, "Mr. Pitt, . . .
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spoke . . . like an Englishman, repeating true
principles of liberty." D
In addition, there were at various stages
of Pitt’s career numerous petitions, memorials,
medals, statues, and paintings commissioned by
merchants in London and other principal British
and American cities commemorating Pitt’s efforts
in behalf of matters about which they were
concerned. Most of these, however, involved
his conduct of the war until 1761 and the
repeal of the Stamp Act.
Finally, another demonstration of British
merchant support and trust of Pitt was the
public letters to him requesting his
intervention in matters dear to their
interests. For example, "A Merchant" signed
"An Address to the Earl of C ...... M" and
said, "your great abilities and uncommon
application to public business, have raised,
and more than once saved, a nation, which you
26Va. Gaz. PD, Mar. 28, 1766, p. 3, c. 3-
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found sunk . . . . "27 After elaborating on
Pitt's previous interventions on behalf of the
merchants, he requested that Pitt see what he
could do about the Townshend duties.28
POSSESSING PRIVATE VIRTUES.
The political theory that emphasized
political independence, nonpartisanship, and
unselfish devotion to duty implicitly accepted
private morality as a determinant of history.
Good government depended upon virtuous statesmen,
but incorruptibility was private as well as
public. Thus Pitt's political greatness was
attributed to his personal integrity. "A 29 Character Sketch of the Earl of Chatham,"
written by Dr. William Robertson, author of a
History of America, and reprinted in Connecticut,
2?SC & AmG. , Feb. 27, 1769, p. 2, c. 3-
28Ibid., p. 4.
2^William Robertson, History of America (2 Vols.; London, 1777). Parts of this work were released as essays prior to the publication of the whole, for example this "Character Sketch of Mr. Pitt" reprinted in 177^ by the Va. Gaz. PD.
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Virginia, and South Carolina papers, said of
Pitt's personal characteristics: "The ordinary
Peelings which make Life amiable and indolent,
those Sensations which soften and allure, and
vulgarize, were unknown to him. No domestick
Difficulties, no domestick Comforts, reached
him; but aloof from the sordid Occurrences
of Life . . . he came occasionally into our
System to counsel and to decide. Another
British sketch entitled "The Review of Mr. Pitt’s
Administration," stated that "no minister ever
shone with such integrity and virtue. He kept
no levees; he saw no trifling company; was
embarrassed by no private connexions; was
engaged in no intrigue .... Like a true
Englishman, he was open, bold, free, and
honest."31 And when Pitt accepted the peerage,
"The general toast in the city [London] now is,
'May the Earl of Chatham retain the integrity
of Mr. Pitt. ”’32
^°Ibid., Va. Gaz. PD, Jan. 6, 1774, p. 3, c. 1.
34ya. Gaz. PD, Nov. 13, 1766, p. 1, c. 1.
32SCG., Jun. 4-11, 1763, p. 1, c. 1.
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POSSESSING PUBLIC VIRTUES.
But while private virtues were mandatory for
a politician to rise above the general level of
corruption in the state, some extra attribute was
necessary to guarantee that he would resist the
temptations of power. As Pitt entered his first
ministry, the Boston Gazette reprinted a letter
from Britain addressed to the "Right Honourable
William Pitt Esquire" to instruct Pitt on the
requirements of his position. "Consult your
own conscience, that you may be able to supress
vice and irregularity in others. Keep England
ever uppermost in your thoughts . . . by great
and noble achievements, to save a sinking nation.
In your public capacity display a Roman
greatness, and reform a corrupted state."33
This is not to say that Pitt’s character
was never impugned. An essay entitled "The
Parallel," widely reprinted in the colonies,
compared Pitt and Bute on a number of points such
33b g ., May 30, 1757, p. 4, c. 1.
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as performance in office, personal characteristics,
and the like. While Pitt received the more
favorable evaluation, the article remarked, "Mr. P.
is doubtless a very capable Minister: but proud
and haughty, vain and ambitious .... Such is the
frailty of human Nature, that scarce any Head is
strong enough to bear such great popularity."3^
This, however, was the minority view. Of
the 145 articles describing Pitt's personal
conduct, 90 percent of them were favorable, and
10 percent were unfavorable. In office Pitt
measured up even better. Of the 126 articles
which described his public virtues, 9^ percent
approved of his conduct, while only 6 percent
disapproved. Excerpts from Robertson's History
of England published in the Virginia Gazette were
most fulsome: "The Secretary stood alone, modern
Degeneracy had not reached him . . . No state
chicanery, no narrow System of vicious Politicks,
no idle Contest for ministerial Victories, sunk him
to the vulgar level of the Great."35 He possessed
34BEP., Nov. 28, 1763, p. 2, c. 1-2.
35Robertson, History of America, in Va. Gaz. PD, Jan. 6, 177^3 P- 3, c. 1.
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"a Character so exaulted, so strenuous, so various,
so authoritative, [that he] astonished, a corrupt
Age; and the Treasury trembled at the Name of Pitt."36
Then Robertson reached rhetorical heights:
There is no period in our history equal to his administration . . . .He was punctual in his office; and such was his attention to business, that the most minute occurrences in his depart ment passed not without his examination. He had wisdom to plan, and courage to execute . . . .The public treasure he applied, as far as his direction extended, to the public interest . . . . In a word, he was the Spirit of the War, the Genius of England, and the Comet of his A g e . 37
DEFERENCE TO PUBLIC OPINION.
One of the most popular attributes identified
with Pitt was that he was influenced by the public
and had confidence in its judgments. He was sometimes
called by his political opponents a minister of the
people, which was intended to imply that he curried
public favor and did not keep the necessary distance
between the people and the government. But friends
did not think this description pejorative and gloried
36lbid.
37sCG., Jun. 4-11, 1763, p. 1, c. 1.
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in such supposed calumnies as: "My first reason
for removing W______P____ Esq; from his M______y's
presence and councils forever, is because he is the
minister of the people.More straight-forward
was the following: "We hear that the E of
C______m has assured a noble M______s, that he
will, at this dangerous crisis, exert himself to
the utmost, in order to get the complaints of the
people heard, and, if possible, their grievances
redressed."^9
Chatham was reported to feel that the popularity
of a government was an important factor in its
success. "Lord C______m in a public Company lately
said . . . 'The Difficulty of the Crisis demands 40 a wise, a firm, and a popular Administration.'"
He even went so far as to listen personally to
appeals from the paupers in the street, according
38BEP., Oct. 23, 1759, p. 1, c. 1-2. The anonymous British writer was suggesting that the war effort could be better managed without Pitt and was detailing his reasons for wanting his resignation.
39pa. Chron., Apr. 16, 1766, p. 2, c. 2.
^Opa. Gaz., Feb. 21, 1771, p. 2, c. 2.
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to a letter reprinted from Wiltshire: "Mr. P.
yesterday endeavoured to disperse the poor
assembled at the mill near him at B______by
entreaties, and offering them money, which
they refused, declaring that they wanted not
that, but bread for their children, at a
reasonable price.
WINNING PUBLIC ESTEEM.
There was no controversy over Pitt’s claim
to this distinction. His popularity was
demonstrated by numerous petitions,
memorials, paintings, rings, statues, and
place names, not to mention the laudatory
commentary in the press. Of 183 articles
describing Pitt's popularity, 98 percent
were favorable, and 2 percent were
unfavorable.
The point was not that Pitt won popular
support because he did what the people wanted.
The quality described here was more mystical
than that. It implied that instinctively he
knew what was right and consequently what
was for the public good without conducting a
^NL. Gaz., Dec. 12, 1766, p. 4, c. 1.
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poll, and that with equal prescience the people
knew that he would always act for their best
Interests and those of the nation. There was
no possibility of disagreement. It was a kind
of general will in action.
At the same time, there were moments when he
stood in danger of losing public respect for
abandoning his principles. These were
particularly when he resigned and accepted a
pension for his wife in 1762, and in 1766 when
he accepted a peerage for himself. But his
reputation was sufficient to weather the
storm; "we can by no means think that, with
his office he has deserted his principles
of integrity and patriotism or that he has in
the least forfeited the esteem and good opinion
of the public."^2
DEMONSTRATING PATRIOTISM.
There was another indispensable characteristic
in Pitt’s catalogue of virtues - patriotism. This
was what made Pitt so able a war minister, so well known
^2Pa. Gaz.,'Dec. 10, 1761, p. 2, c. 2.
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for defending Britain from all her enemies, and
it was the basis of his attack on Lord North's
handling of the Falkland Island dispute with
Spain. It meant that a statesman conducted the
country’s affairs with honor and a sense of
national pride. The title of a poem from a
British newspaper, "On the Heroism of the
Royal Frederick, the Patriotism of the
Honourable Pitt . . . and the Fall of the
brave General Howe," illustrates the manly,
and somewhat militaristic, implications of this
v i r t u e . of the general political articles
describing Pitt as having this characteristic,
84 percent were favorable to him. Thus, at the
end of his brief war ministry in 1756 and 1757 a the
Common Council of Yarmouth in Norfolk was reported
presenting him and his colleague Henry Legge with
the Freedom of the Corporation for their "Loyal
and upright Conduct . . . their Fidelity to his 44 Majesty and to their distressed country." Later,
Y. Gaz. , Aug. 6, 1759a P* la c. 1-2.
^Pa. Journ. , Jul. 14, 1757a P- 2, c. 1-3-
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when Pitt was trying to form a ministry of all
talents. It was reported that he would do it with
the help of "four or five Noblemen and Gentlemen
whose Patriotism" was as "unquestioned as his
own.
UNSELFISHLY SERVING HIS COUNTRY WHEN CALLED.
Finally, true patriots were expected to serve
their country when it needed them without thought
of reward or sacrifice. Thus, even when it
seemed unlikely that the king would accept him
into an administration or that he would compromise
his principles to enter one, Pitt always appeared
ready to serve if called, never, of course, with
a suggestion that he would force the king to
appoint him. This spirit of self-sacrifice was
favorably reported in 3^ of the 35 articles
treating it.
An indication of Pitt's readiness to serve
despite the knowledge that appointment was unlikely
was the following from a Pennsylvania newspaper in
1772 regarding reports that he would soon lead an
administration: "his Lordship is said to have
lie Va. Gaz. R, Sep. 5, 1766, p. 2, c. 2.
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replied, That he was ready at all times to obey
the commands of that Personage, but that he knew
his presence at this time was unnecessary, for
he could be of no service in the present posture
of a f f a i r s . Another letter by "Magna Britannia"
which was reprinted in America addressed itself
both to Pitt's illness and his obligations to
serve "if ever therefore, you had the honor and
interest in your country seriously at heart . . .
throw away your crutches, and lay your flannels by
and . . . without reserve contribute all that is
in [your] Power towards healing the divisions of
the nation.A third implored, "Like Cato, live h O or boldly die defending the people." °
By way of summary are these excerpts from a
political tract reprinted in the South Carolina
Gazette in 1762 entitled "The Portrait of a Great
Minister." The anonymous author declared that a great
minister will "to the utmost of his power, abolish
ministerial influence on parliament, and discourage
^ Pa. Packet, Sep. 28, 1772, p. 4, c. 1.
^ Connecticut Courant (Hartford), Feb. 24, 1766, p. 2, c~. 2 (Hereinafter cited as Conn. Cour.).
^ Conn. Cour., Jul. S, 1770, p. 2, c. 3-
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parliamentary influence among the great."^9 With
influence taken care of he would turn to the backbone
of influence, party. "He will endeavor to destroy
party-distinctions; and to unite all men in the
support of the common and national welfare.” Certainly
such a man would be hated and criticized "by all the
corrupt party of the kingdom, high and low; because
their expectations of advantage can only arise from
those distinctions, and that Influence which he labours
to abolish.” His popularity will be more certain with
the "honest and unprejudiced part of the nation."
With regard to his ability to hold office,
the essayist maintained, "he may be displaced once . . .
or more than once, by the power of faction: but the
united voice of an uncorrupt people will restore him
to the favor of the soverign."50 Hj_s reai strength lay
with the people. Concerning his private life and
personal qualities, "his private life will be consistent
with his public conduct; he will not adopt, but scorn,
the degenerate manners. Above luxury and parade, he
will be modest and temperate: and his contempt of
wealth will be as signal as his contempt of luxury."
^ S C G . , May 8-15, 1762, p. 4, c. 1-2.
50Ibid.
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In office he will appoint men for their useful qualities,
not seeking to use his position to build up a personal
clique. He will make government strong "by employing
ability and merit; and hence men of genius, capacity
and virtue, will of course fill the most important and
public stations, in every department." Who, the
essayist asked, can fill all of these qualifications,
and more? "Well," he said, "a man must be blind who
does not perceive Mr. P in every line of the above
character."5^
The virtues ascribed here to William Pitt formed a
set of political ideals widely found in eighteenth-century
Britain and America. They describe in reverse what many
thought wrong with contemporary British government. In
one extreme, virtually republican, form they constituted
what has been called the "commonwealthman" or "real whig"
tradition of British political thought. This toyed with
suggestions of popular self-government, although there
was little interest in the mechanisms — notably political
parties, partisan opposition, and ministerial leadership
of the legislature— by which such a system works today.
5^Ibid.
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These same ideas also carried solidly
monarchical or tory implications. After all,
most eighteenth-century British, and Americans, too,
until the Revolution, were not republicans. If the
branches of government were truly separate, not only
was the legislature preserved from "corruption,"
but the monarch was guaranteed his independence,
freed of the need to choose for his ministers parliamentary
leaders who could control the legislature. The tory
philosopher and Walpole’s archrival, Lord Bolingbroke,
expounded these implications in his essay "The Idea
of a Patriot King,"^2 and George III espoused them
in the early months of his reign. Later, to many
British, the other side of the Americans* insistence
that within each colony their assemblies bore the
same relationship to the king as did Parliament in
Great Britain was that the king had powers outside
the control of Parliament — an idea more dangerously
tory in their eyes than the crown's supposed
"corruption" of Parliament. In the same way, critics
sometimes charged that Pitt's ideas afforded tories
52See Isaac Kramnjjck, Bolingbroke and His Circle (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), dh. I.
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the opportunity to come back into politics and
looked upon his theories as a throwback to an
earlier era in this regard.
This confusion of ideas underlying the
newspaper image of William Pitt reflects the
controversy over the nature of British
government in Great Britain itself. Ninety
percent of the articles about Pitt in America
between 1756 and 1778 originated in the mother
country. They indicate that political ideals
which eschewed "influence" and "party" and
"corruption" retained their appeal, perhaps to a
greater extent than has been suspected, despite
simultaneous trends evincing the impracticality of
balanced government. Here was the making of the
misunderstanding and ideological distrust of
British intentions that characterized the American
Revolution.
The image of Pitt and the evaluations of him
presented in the colonial newspaper were substantially
the same throughout the colonies. This cannot be
surprising in view of the fact that British
publications were the single most important source
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of material for American newspapers. The
uniformity, too, of the picture of British
government and the contrary implication that
American politics were virtuous speaks to the
development of an American consensus on the ends
and methods of government.
Equally interesting, there was no difference
in treatment of Pitt between patriot and tory
newspapers. Editors of either persuasion ran
articles casting Pitt as a paragon of political
virtue and possible savior of America. Ideologically
the two factions were not as far apart as the
violence of their attacks on each other would
indicate. Tories surprisingly were more whiggish
in their views on liberty and colonial autonomy
than the name their enemies gave them implies.
Each camp described the imperial problem in
similar terms: British politics were riddled
with faction and influence which hopefully Pitt
would r e f o r m . 53 jn either case, accounts of events
in Britain such as those of the Wilkes affair made
53Mary Beth Norton, "The Loyalist Critique of the Revolution," in The Development of a Revolutionary Mentality. Papers Presented at the First Symposium, May 5 and 6, 1972, ed. by Library of Congress Symposia on the American Revolution (Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress, 1972).
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clear that liberty was at stake in Britain as
much as in America.
To the extent that the press treatment
of Pitt suggested that he had wide support
in his opposition, it misled the Americans into
thinking that the real whig tradition was much
stronger in England than it actually was. During
Pitt’s early career through the time of the
Stamp Act, press estimates of his great
popularity were relatively accurate — although
American readers may have misconstrued the reasons
for it in Great Britain. From the time
that Pitt became a significant factor in
American politics until the Stamp Act crisis
the colonists received a steady account of
Pitt’s activities and principles having wide
support. But after 1766 these accounts
continued when in fact Pitt gradually declined
as an important factor in British politics.
On one hand, this false impression helps
explain why colonists could cling to the
hope of reconciliation for so long, postponing
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serious consideration of independence until about
a year after the shooting began at Lexington and
Concord. On the other, it underscores for us
the degree to which the two halves of the empire
had drifted apart ideologically long before
contemporaries became aware of it themselves.
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REACTION IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS TO POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS ASCRIBED TO WILLIAM PITT, 1756 to 1778a
Articles Articles Political Characteristics Favorable Unfavorable to Pitt to Pitt
Number Percent Number Perce
Political■Independence 51 78 14 22 Opposition to Patronage 41 72 16 28 Support of the British 117 98 3 2 Constitution Support of the "American 91 98 2 2 Constitution" Accepting Office Only When Coni- 141 98 3 2 sistent with Principle Entering the Opposition Only 47 81 11 19 to Defend Principle Tolerating Religion Noncon 4 100 0 0 formity Representing Imperial 23 82 5 18 Interests Possessing Private Virtues 145 90 17 10 Possessing Public Virtues 126 94 8 6 Deference to Public Opinion 13 81 3 19 Winning Public Esteem 180 98 3 2 Demonstrating Patriotism 41 84 8 16 Unselfishly Serving His 34 97 1 3 Country when Called
TOTALS 1,054 92 94 8
Total Number of Articles - 1,148.
aAppendix I was constructed from Appendix II. Those articles that are listed in Appendix II that are both favorable and unfavorable are counted twice in Appendix I.
202
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INDEX TO
AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES
DESCRIBING CHATHAM’S POLITICAL CHARACTERISTICS
1756 - 1770
Key
A Political Independence
B Opposition to Patronage
C Support of the British Constitution
D Support of the American Constitution
E Accepting Office Only When Consistent with Principle
P Entering Opposition Only to Defend Principle
G Tolerating Religious Nonconformity
H Representing Imperial Interests
I Possessing Private Virtues
J Possessing Public Virtues
K Deference to Public Opinion
L Winning Public Esteem
M Demonstrating Patriotism
N Unselfishly Serving his Country when Called
203
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28, 28, p. 1, c. 4, 4, c. 1 14, 14, p. 2, . c p. p. 2, c. 3 p. p. 1, c. 3 2, 2, c. 1&2 1, 1, c. 1 1757 NEWSPAPER ARTICLE POLITICAL CHARACTERISTIC(S) DESCRIBED p. p. 2, c. 1&2 Pennsylvania Gazette, Jul. Pennsylvania Journal, Jul.Pennsylvania 7, p. 1&2, c Journal, Jul. Boston News-Letter, Feb. 10, p. 2, c. 2 Boston Gazette, May 30, p. Maryland Gazette, Jul. 21,North-Carolina p. 2, c. 1&2 Gazette, (New Bern) Apr. Boston Evening Post, May 2, p. 1, c. 1, X X X New-York Gazette, Apr. 11, New-York Gazette, Apr. 11,p.New-York 2, c. Gazette,3 Aug. 29,New-York p. 1, c. Gazette, 3 Sep. 12, Boston Gazette, May 2, p. Boston Gazette, May 2, p. X X
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1761 1760 Pennsylvania Journal, 1, 14, South c. p. Jan. Carolina Gazette, Dec. 12, p. 1, Pennsylvania Journal, 2, 10, p. c. Dec. New-Hampshire Gazette, Mar. 24, p. 1, c Pennsylvania Journal, 2, 10, p. c. Dec. Virginia Gazette, PD, 1, 10, p. c. Dec. New-Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 15, p. 2, c Boston News-Letter, Dec. 24, p. 1, c. 2 Boston News-Letter, Dec. 17, p. 1, c. 3 Maryland Gazette, Sep. 8, p. 1 Boston c. Evening 1, Post, Oct. 9, c. 3 2, p. Maryland Gazette, Jan. 3, P» 1* c- 1&2 Maryland Gazette, Feb. 5, P* 2 c. 1, Boston Evening Post, Oct. 9, Bostonc. 3 2, Evening p. Post, Dec. 28, p. 1, c.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX I I I
REACTION IN AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS
TO EVENTS IN CHATHAM'S CAREER, 1756-1778
Key
1 First Ministry, 1756 - 1757.
2 War Ministry, 1757 - 1761.
3 Conduct of the War, 1756 - 1761.
4 Resignation, 1761.
5 Peerage and Annuity for Hester, 1761.
6 Opposition to the Treaty of Paris, 1763 - 1764.
7 Opposition to the Grenville Ministry, 1764 - 1766: Prussian Treaty; Cider Act.
8 Role in the Stamp Act Repeal, 1766.
9 Peerage and Annuity, 1766.
10 Chatham Ministry, 1J66 - 1768: Proposed Political Reforms; Proposed Pardon for Rioters; Proposed Economic Reforms.
11 Resignation, 1768.
12 Opposition to Townshend Duties, 1768.
13 Gout - Unable to Serve, 1756 - 1778.
14 Pynsent Inheritance, 1766 - 1770.
15 Opposition to North Ministry from the House of Lords, . 1770 - 1778.
16 Return to Active Politics.
17 Attended to Parliamentary Business.
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18 Pro-Wilkes.
19 For Freedom of Election - Middlesex.
20 Called for New Parliament.
21 Favored Triennial Elections.
22 Charged North with Neglecting England’s Defenses.
23 Charged England had Lost International Prestige.
24 Against Royal Marriage Act.
25 Development of a Pitt-Party, 1766 - 1778.
26 Appealed for Gentler Treatment of Americans, 1766 - 1778.
27 Opposed Boston Port Bill, 1774.
28 Opposed Quebec Act, 1774.
29 Wanted to Recognize Congress, 1775-
30 (Rumored) Opposition to Americans, 1774 - 1778.
31 Desired Unity of Empire, 1775 - 1778.
32 Death, 1778.
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78 77 57 13 24 43 20 11 21 37 27 13 109 193 305 260 9 5 4 3 - 9 - 4 - 3 .5 31 12 23 20 No Opinion 9 5 9 3 - 1 4 1 - 1 3 23 - 24 Articles Expressing Total 2 4 1 - 1 - - 1 2 70 - - _ 78 11 1 1.5 Articles 2 4 8 Unfavorable 2 - 1 - - 2 4 1 4 ------3 _ 29 Number Percentage Number Percentage _ 69 96 91 92 94 91 98 75 19 100 100 Articles 7 66 86 54 52 13 22 10 43 16 80 21 100 23 3 10 182 230 255 Number Percentage 18 20 21 17 22 23 19 105 25 24 27 26 Event Favorable 28 29 30 31 32
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INDEX TO
AMERICAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES DESCRIBING
PUBLIC REACTION TO EVENTS IN CHATHAM’S CAREER, 1756-1778
Key
1 First Ministry, 1756 - 1757*
2 War Ministry, 1757 - 1761.
3 Conduct of the War, 1756 - 1761.
4 Resignation, 1761.
5 Peerage and Annuity for Hester, 1761.
6 Opposition to the Treaty of Paris, 1763-1764.
7 Opposition to the Grenville Ministry, 1764-1766: Prussian Treaty; Cider Act.
8 Role in the Stamp Act Repeal, 1766.
9 Peerage and Annuity, 1766.
10 Chatham Ministry, 1766 - 1768: Proposed Political Reforms; Proposed Pardon for Rioters; Proposed Economic Reforms.
11 Resignation, 1768.
12 Opposition to Townshend Duties, 1768.
13 Gout - Unable to Serve, 1756 - 1778.
14 Pynsent Inheritance, 1766 - 1770.
15 Opposition to North Ministry from the House of Lords, 1770 - 1778: Return to Active Politics; Attends Parliamentary Business; Pro Wilkes; For Freedom of Election - Middlesex; Called for New Parliament; Favored Triennial Elections; Charged North had Neglected England’s Defenses;
249
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16 Development of a Pitt-Party, 17 66 - 1778.
17 Appealed for Gentler Treatment of Americans, 1766 1778: Opposed Boston Port Bill, Opposed Quebec Act; Wanted to Recognize Congress.
18 (Rumor) Opposed Americans, 1774 - 1778.
19 Desired Unity of Empire, 1775 - 1778.
20 Death, 1778.
Symbols
F Favorable
U Unfavorable
N No Opinion Expressed
aItems 15 and 17 in Appendix IV are consolidated from items 15 - 24 and 26 - 29 in Appendix III.
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P h • P h P P h ft ft ft • ft cd P h • f t • P h ft C5 ft • ft ci r» ci •i Cl •> r\ ci ft in LTV LT\ ci LOVO t>- t ~ t— CO t) •=r vo c f- C-— ts- ir\ C*- 0- t— t- t— r— co c— C vo VO VO VO cd t— c - C-- c— tT— c— £— c— r— C— cd VO C~- VO VO i—l rH rH 1—1 r-* H I— 1 rH 1— 1 1—1 rH Ct- rH i—i rH C^ 1—1 VO t>- rH rH >3 1—1 C~- rH U ci ci •\ ci Cl ry r\ Ph ci 1—1 cd c n ON O'* ci OJ o lt\ OH on o 0Q cd ON ■=t r\ S r H r H r H oo OJ OJ OJ CM CM on ^r r H S H on CM CM co CM •••• • ••••••••• P Sh H b£) > U ft ft b Q b O Ph Ph >3 >3 cd P h 3 o cd cd ft cd CD 3 3 P h ft ft cd cd S < < SS < CO CO < < Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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"0 "0 o C\J OV I—I co Ph a vo I—I LO on i—I a CM i—I O cr\ oo ■=r Ph C— CM vo m on P h P h a P h CM Ph Ph S a a a a i— 1 Ph S a a on CM CM CM oS 08 CM CM o8 08 CM i— 1 08 on CM rH i—1 p ft i—I i— 1 on on on on • m rH • # f o •• o • O • • # t t o O 0)O O m Pu • O O o o o o P ft p O ft ft ft P rH rH ft p 60 ft rH ft ft ft ft ft CM rH 0 i—i rH CM 0 C ft on 1—1 CM CM CM CM fcd •• w •H rH • # t cd ••• 3 C • a • • • f t a a es a P. X! 0 • a a a a a a ft •3 o > a ft ft >0 CM ft ft cd pa ft cr\ ft ft ft ft i—i rH c C^- LO LO C— oo m ft c— LT\ CTV CT\ i—i i—i rH vo VO cd I>- C- >- 0- m c o- LO 0— LT\ in vo vo VO t- r-1 i—1 C" 0- rH C— cd o LT\ C^- rH c~- t>- t~- C~- 1—1 rH >3 rH t—1 rH S p 0- i— 1 rH i—l 1—1 1—I i—I U ft to rH ft ft ft cd CM •V ft VO *\ o ft O ft ft ft ft 1—1 oo S CM VO on rH -^r PQ ft VO CM on i—I •=r ■=T •=r CM CM rH CM CM 1—1 •••#••• f • • » -P >3 >3 O bO >3 >3 b0 a p o O o o o O cd cd 0 3 cd cd 3 0 o 0 0 0 0 0 o s S P < SS Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Ph a O r H a O ft ft •\ ft ft r\ rv rv r\ bO CM CM rH ft ft ftcn C M 1— I O J •=j" 1— 1 rv CM ft £ -=3" CM .=)- OS a) OJ CO •rH •*• CM • . *. .• 4-5 . £ a a a •• . ft a a a O. O f 4-5 • a • OJ a a X r H 0 a a > ft •i ft Q) ft ft rv «% «> N ft ft w o rH rH ft P h • ■=r ■=d" ■ = ? m V£> cd *v CO ft b - C^- C— r H rH O b - c*- r - o CO vo CO £ b - b ~ b - b - b - ft b— b - o - t-- vo b - vo o 1—1 rH l—1 b - b - P « r H i—I iH r H i— 1 X r H b - p r H r H £ C M 0 1— I 1—1 VI ft ft ft o as ft ft rv CO ft o b- •=b LO ft ft £ H L n CM OJ o CO CO rv VO ft PQ rH rH CM CO LO 0) H CM r H r H r H pq OJ r H vo r H • ... •• a a • . . *. •.. a £ X i— f b O a b O bO u C W b O o a> cO Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. N N N N N U F N F F F N N u F U F F F F F 2 9 1 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 1767, 23, Boston News-Letter p. p. 1, c3 . p. p. 1, c. 3 p . 2, . cp 1 . p . p 1, . c1 . Sep. 24, 1767, p. 2, c. 2 Oct. 1, 1767, p. 1, c. 2 Jan. 21, 1768, p. 2, c. 2 Feb. 25, 1768, p. 1, c. 3 Mar. 3, 1768, p. 2, c. 1 Jun. 18, 1767, p. 1, c. 1 Jul. 2, 1767, p. 3, 1 Supplement, May 7, 1767, Apr. 7, 1768, p. 1, c. 2&3 Nov, 17, 1768, p. 1, c, 2 Dec. 2, 1768, p. 2, c. 3 Supplement, May 7, 1767, Supplement, Apr. 23, 1767, Supplement, Apr. Apr. 30, 1767, p. 1, c. 1 May 7, 1767, p. 2, c. 2 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o pH OJ CT\ rH OO rH H VO Ph Ph P h P h P h rH LTV Ph Ph P h Ph Ph Ph Ph r H -=r H m r H C\J i—t H O rH CT\ OO OO ft ov OJ VO LT\ oo OJ rH o o 08 OJ ft o o OO rH rH 1—1 rH r—I CM CM o o OJ r—1 H OO OO ci r—1 Fr • • ••• C CM c > c 0 • o o O O • o •• O C c OO O • -P o o o O o o c— O -P rr ci Cl Cl ci rH Cl ci Cl 0 Cl r—1 CM OJ rH Cl rH Cl Cl OJ Cl Cl H CM CM ci P i rH 1—I OJ CM 1—1 1—t ci CM 1 • • •• • c t—1 c c c K> • o, O r O r O r • O r • C O r C • CM O r O r O r c £ O r O r O r O r O r O r O r 0 *1 ci ci ci Cl Cl >5 ci Cl ci s ci o o o o ci rH Cl Cl CM ci ci 0 CM CM OO o o ci o D— 0- r—1 C^- rH CM C'- CM CM s P - o - t~ - o o c 1> - c— c~- C^- t - r — 0- C— o - C— o p - H rH rH 1—1 C -- tH l> - rH t> - 0- -P o H rH 1—I E»- - p rH rH rH rH rH H 0 rH m n ci n Cl •l ci 0 Cl Cl ci ci o n VO OO rH OJ •r rH Cl Cl O ci ci E H crv m LO ci CQ o OJ 1—I l—1 OJ OO OO o- OV OO OO -=r 0 H CM CM 1—1 rH rH rH c • c •••• • c CC O r O r c c •• >5 rH O r ■P > 0 c rQ 0 0 u k *5 O r > P! 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P c\ Cl Cl o «\ r\ n «\ P h ci ci ci Cl Cl P h H\ r* CM OJ CMCM f\ i n i n v o CVI C\J OJ VOVO VOVO « OO -= r i n i n m i n v o v o VO v o P v o VO v o t— t— OO v o v o VO VO» v o v o t— t>- t— v o O C'-C'- r H r H rH i—1 VO t-- i> - f - t>- i—i i—i r H t-- ■P 1—1 r H 1—1 tr— iH i— i i—i i— i i—i i—1 H M *\ r\ *\ r H Cl C\ c\ ci ci Cl Cl O •H HH OJ OJOJOO IH ci o n r H C-- Pd r H r H 1— 1 OJOJ CM r H •H C'- o n r H m i n c r \ OJOJ i— 1 CM «« • • • ■ • • • • • • • • • • • P P p p p Sh P h >5 > P i u w bO P i P i 4-> rQ U (1) P p p p cd P cd o Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Pr • Pr Pr U a Pr Pr Pr a a a ft £ «\ rv ft «\ ft ft Pr O r\ 0\ ON *\ ft ft ON O O O rv OO Ch vo VOOHOHOH VOVO OO O £— >- ftr vo C*- c— VOVO vo c^- t>- l>- t— £— £— £— N- £■— £- O 1— 1 rH c~- c^ iH 1— 1 C^ C— rH rH rH 1— 1 1— 1 C'- r—1 rH rH 1—I rH rH rH c— O rv r» •> *\ •V r\ •\ 1—I rv LO •V ft ft rH rv •V CM LCH CM rv CM VO i OO 1—1 CM O- CM rH CM OOOO CM 1—1 CM o\ rH CM n £ cn 0 • ••••••• • •••••• £ £ rH P. > 0 OO P ,p £> P P p P P ►>3 £ £ 3 (I) O 0 0 0 0 0 P ctS CCS Pr Pr Pr cd CO 3 Q Q Q Ph Ph Ph s s < < S Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 7 (Wilmington) (New (New B e r n ) NORTH CAROLINA North-Carolina Gazette c. c. 1,2&3 Constitutional Gazette 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 North Carolina Magazine North-Carolina Gazette Aug. 24-31, 1764, c. 1&2 p. 4, Aug. 31 - Sep. p. 3, 1764, c. 7, 1 F F Jul. 24, 1778, p. 2, c. 1 P Oct. 3, 1777, p. 1, c. 2 P P Nov. 14, 1777, P- 1 P Sep. 19, 1777, 1 3, c. P- P Nov. 7, 1777, p. 1 p Mar. 27, 1778, p. 1, c. 1&2 F Jun. 16, 1775, 1 p. F Sep. 14-21, 1769, p. 3, c. 1 Nov. 30-Dec. 4, 1769, p. 1 U P Nov. 23-27, 1769, p. 1, c. 3 P Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 20 18 328 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 ------ DTew-BerrT) PENNSYLVANIA Pennsylvania Gazette ------North-Carolina Gazette Jan. 27, 1757, P- 2, c. 3 Feb. 10, 1757, p. 2, c. 3 Mar. 24, 1757, p. 2, c. 1 Apr. 28, 1757, p. 1&2, c. 1&2 N N May 12, 1757, F 1 3, c. p. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission O'* I—I oo rH i—I LTV i—I i—I CM i—I i—I rH O i—I OV CO c~- a\ CM m o m in Ph a c n Ph P h Ph a a & Ph Ph Ph CM rH c n CM on c n oo OJ as o8 oS rH on on as rH OJ OJ rH CM CM rH ©8 o» on H H on OJ rH • rH OJ OJ H CD • *•• 0 • O ••• % • -P o o o • o o O • O ••• 0 O 0 0 0 -P O rv O o o o cd rv rv rv r\ r» n OJ rv rv rv n r\ rv N 1—I l— 1 rH CM CM CM o£ rv rH rv rv rv OJ on CM OJ OJ Ctf CM H rH H -=d" OJ CO •••• • •••• • •• O 4 Q* • a a a •• a* ••• 04 a a o< CU a o. 04 04 04 •rH rv r% rv rv rv rv rv rv rv £ t>- t - t— •> >- oo oo rv rv oo rv rv rv ctn cr\ O H 1—I a n ln LT\ c— in in m OO OO in CT\ ctn Ov Ln Ln VO vo VO > in c— C— t~- LT\ m IN- Ln lt\ Ln N- C-— 0- t*— c— rH i—i rH r—1 i>- i—i rH i—i cH t>- H H H H 1—1 >5 H j— 1 rH H rH H IQ rv rv rv n «\ •» r\ rv rv rv rv rv £ oo COOO * CM MD CO rv rv rv rv rv ^r CO -=J* O H £ C\J OJ OJ oo CM rH rH rH IN- rH -=r in -=T H OJ 04 H on CD rH OJ P h •• • • • • * •• • • •• •,# H 1—1 rH a a ?H >> o O £ U 0 0 0 O 0 3 3 £ CD CD CD a cd 0 0 cd 04 cd d 3 cd 0 0 CO CO a =3 S Q Q < S H Q Q Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Pi P h a a a a •- p a P h P h ft • P h CO a ft O h Pi •rH rx A A * •> fx rx A «v A AA A c CM OJ CM OJ CM CM on a oo «=r •=3" A ^r. -=r A •=r cO CM C-- D— t- c~- OO D— C*- ■=J* fr- .=3" > C— O- c— t— 0- t- 0- c*- c— C- r— IS- i—I C— i—1 rH rH 1—1 rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH i— i >5 i— 1 rH t—1 rH co rx A A •X ft fx fx *v A A A A A c fx VO \ o CO o O in -3" A rH O o A LTV OJ A CO G ln CM rH OJ on on CM rH ■=T rH CO CO CO r-H CM VO rH (D rH P, • • » • « • • f • •••*• • • bO bO P h Pi a a > P bO bO U Ph >» P P rH H 3 3 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o Ph OJ CT\ rH OO i—I t>- •. 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P ft ft P cd r» *v #\ r\ r\ ** «% •H OO CO OO oo 00 CO OO oo *> CT\ CT\ *v o\ O OO g vo vo vo vo vo vo vo co vo CTv VO ov ov vo CT\ vo t>- cd t>- C~- t>- vo r— vo vo vo c^ vo c*- f- > 1—1 rH 1—1 rH rH rH rH D— rH C^ i—1 [— rH t*- rH rH rH 1—1 rH rH rH 1—1 rH i—1 >3 ** r\ O «\ r\ r» r\ •N co oo LT\ o O -=t CO ^r C— OO ** *\ O r\ vo m LT\ CM G rH OJ I—1 rH OJ OJ CM OO H OJ CM cr\ oo CM CM rH H CM MC* 0 • • •• • •• • • t • « » t • , • • • CU ,Q & G G G u & > > P & Ft G rH P -P ,0 O u 0 0 cd cd cd p a) o o 0 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o P h s OJ CT\ i—1 OO G> r— P h RH rH VO [Xr pH P h P h pH Ph rH Ph Rh LTi Ph pH P h [X). PH P h P h Ph pH rH iH 00 Ph Ph c m I—1 o I—1 ON OO vjD I>- •=T CO vo in ■=T CO CM rH CM OJ CM as ©a rH oo oo CM oo as i—I H OJ oo OJ i—I oo p H HH oo i—1 1—1 • • • • • H CM • •• •• •• • cd o o o o o •• o • o o • o o o o o G •• • O O o o G A r i A AA OO a r» r» ik A r* 3 CM CM CM CM iH A A CM A OJ rH Ck 1—1 p H OJ OJ -=r O A a r - 1 CM iH 1—( • • • • • OO CM • • • ♦ • • • • Or Or Or O, Or • • Or • ft 04 • 04 f t ft ft f t cd •• o , Or Or ft •rH AA A Or Or rr *\ •k rt •> r\ A G O o O o o A a O A o o •> O O o o o cd > - t — c - C^- A OO C~- O {>- o c*- r - c— > C— C^- [>- o o t - t - c— c~- t>- r— c*- r - c— t — I— rH i—1 rH rH rH rH d - 0- C'- rH c^- H i— i c*~ 1— 1 H 1—1 I— 1 p H > » p - iH iH rH rH to a a *r a HH A r c\ «\ AA G CM CM CM ON VO rr *\ co A OJ ON on O o o o G CM CM CM H CM A xr CM in H i—1 OJ OJ on oo oo OJ 0 OO rH CM Ph • • •••• • ••••••• • GG G G G £*5 >s G 1—1 pH i—1 bO bO bO bO bO Or cd cd cd Or Or cd cd cd cd 0 3 3 0 3 3 3 0) S S S <: ■=3 S a S hs h> h> •d < < < c CO Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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"0 "0 "0 o P h CM Q\ r*H CO H P h i—I P h Ph VO Ph in i—i Ph P h f e ■=t H OO Ph r-1 CM H O i—1 CA CO o- co -=r vo on LPv •^r on CM CM A H CM H oB i—1 CO I—1 CM iH i—1 CO i—1 cr\ H i—1 CM rH CO 1—1 ••• » ••••••••••• r—i O O O • o o o OO O o o • U o O • o cd O o cd o C a AA A AAA A AA s A A A U CM CM H A oo 1—1 CO CM CM CM 1—1 CM A CM H CM A CM 3 H 1—1 A 1—1 o • • • • ••••••• cd • ••• O h P h P h • ft P h O h P h P h P h P h P h • u o P h P h • P h P h P h -p P h cd a AA A A A A A AA A X « A A A •H 1—1 rH i—! A CM CM OO CO -=r -=r m LTV A W H LTV m A ln c t— C*— CM t— C- C-- t— c— c— C*- lr\ N- C-— in t>- cd t>- t— t— 0- t>- C*— C-- A • O- t— t-- > i—1 iH H iH r—1 1—1 iH H i—i i—i i—1 •P ft H rH c— i—i rH i— 1 1—1 ft i—i >■. AAA A AA AA A A A •H •* AA A CO t—1 1—1 o \ A rH 1—1 1—1 1—1 1—I J—1 A U LH -=r ON A ^r C CM CM (H CM CM CM i—i CM CM CO 1—I 1—I a \ O 0- H t—1 C-- rH id co i>- 1—1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Ph Ph vo Ph Ph I—I L T \ Ph Ph i—I Ph Ph P h 52; on Ph ft ft i—I Ph OJ Ph Ph iH O CT\ CO t— o LT\ VO OO m OO OJ on oS -=r rH 08 OJ OJ n 1—i 1—1 OJ on 1—1 OJ 1—I 08 on on OJ on °8 OJ on ■=r O on • 1—1 0 OJ CM • . » 0 (H .» • . 0 »• * -P O 0 • • 0 . 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 0 OJ CD 0 0 ■H 0 O ft ft ft •> -=r ft r\ ft ft * G OO r\ G CM C— c\ O* m ©a O ft OJ rH CM OJ ft 08 vo 1—I (—I OJ ft O OJ 1—1 OJ Ph OJ CM rH D— a • • A •••• 1—1 ••• *> cu a a •• •' O• a a a a •• ft ft ft CO ft ft a a a a ft vo a ft cd ft ft ft CM *\ *v •> t-- •H LTt in n »» •H ft D^- c^- D— D— ft ft ■=r c*- t**- 0- rH G D— 0- CO 00 co g t'- VO vo VO VO c~- D— • vo VO vo cd C— I— cd vo D— c^- C-- D— vo VO > • c*- I>- t*— > iH t— 1 > - L'- > D-- iH rH rH 1—1 i>- t— 0 0 iH 1— 1 1—1 o \ rH I—I 1—1 1—l 1—1 1—1 r—J 1—1 OJ £*3 ft >3 ft r» ft ft l «* *\ | r» 03 m rH CO ft O on O O ft ft V O H 0 0 CO 1—1 OJ G OJ I— 1 ■=? cn vo G OJ on rH OJ CM rH on OJ OJ OJ OJ OJ G G • 0 .• • • . 0 • • •*••• * ft •* • » P h 0 pH a rQ h G GG G G G G h0 -P -p -p 0 ,Q CD Q) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Si Si Si ■=r rH OO Si i—1 C\J i H i H r H O r H ON OO Si on LTV VO oo LTN oo OJ r~ f p I— 1 CO CO CO CO iH CO 1— 1 1—1 o H OJ o c o OJ CO • f t 1— 1 ••• •• • * o • • CO o •• o o • o OO o o hC O o c & •ri o o o £ OJ n C * r\ * • t OJ •H #\ c \ OO O f\ I—1 1—[ r H i— 1 OJ OJ OJ 0 8 £ OJ O l 1— 1 ■>8 OJOJ OJ i— ! 0 OJ £ •• • •••• > ••• O • • f t f t • f t f t f t f t f t • W ft f t ft • f t f t f t f t CU cd r\ rv 9\ r% *v cd «\ •\ •H r\ r» I—I I— 1 *S OJ OJ OJ CO CO •H C-- «i £ 1—1 1— 1 o - r H C-- C-- c ^ o - CO £ [>- C-- c— c o cd C*- fr- t— c— t*- t- C'— r - cd N- D*— o - c— > r H 1— 1 1— i i— ! i— 1 1— 1 1— 1 fr-- > iH i— 1 1— 1 i H H i— ! i— ! 1— 1 ,—I OJ r H O J > 5 r\ * *\ f% > 5 a o £ o S CO I— <=T * CO ir\ o O J C?\ f \ CO o \ ■=T C O H rH £ OO c o 1— i OJ [>- OJOJ 1—I 1— I I— 1 t— ! £ i—1 (H OJ OO £ CO £ •• 0 • • •••••••• 0 • • • o ♦ o f t Sh £ £ £ -P £ r H p u u > 5 f t U b O D i &0 f t £ £ £ O cd £ o f t f t cd f t 2 . Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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(') c. ..., ::::r CD ;:::;: 3 :::J :iE ..., i5" CJl iii" 0 0 (') ::::r - CD 0 ""Tl :::J ..., :iE ::::r - CD CD CD c ;:::). :"""' ::::r - 0 c c. :::J ..., ..., ..., u CD 0 ;:::;: c. ..., i5" ::::r CD CJl 0 0" c ;:::;: "'0 :iE ::::r - iii" "'0 3 ..., i5" ? Reproduced with permission of the copyright"'0 owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. '< CO H P h . VO I—I pH Ph in Ph Ph pH P h pH Ph Ph Ph P h rH -=r i—l co P h i—l PH 5=5 PH CM rH i—I l—I O rH OV co >- vo VO VO cn in -=j- co CM CM i—I O co tw co CO CO OJ i—1 on cn OJ cn rH o CM CM 0 CO • 1—I ■P • CO • ft •• • a rH • ft ft ft 0 • • •P o • o o a o o o o o O ■P cd o o • 0 • o •% • cd P o N o 9\ ** r\ CM O r \ r \ ft* ft* ■p ■H ri cd CM OJ CM i—I 1—1 OJ [>- rH on Lf\ rH CO H CM CO Cr CM D— O rH • 1—1 • ft • • i—1 OJ •••• p P •• cd a • P h P h 1—1 a a a a a a X cd a a • P • f t t \ • -p CO a iH r. p . •H *\ O a * r» * ** r\ rH 1— 1 rH rH oo rH rH i—1 CM -=3* lh in Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. F P N 19 20 18 -FF P 17 N NN F 16 p F N P P P P P 13 13 14 15 11 F F P 10 N P 3 7 2 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 P. 1&2 P. c. 2, 1775, And Country Journal 1 The South Carolina and South Carolina Gazette; American General Gazette Sep. 19, 1 p. c. 2, 1766, Sep. 26, 4 p. c. 1, 1766, Oct. 31766, , p. 2, c. 2 Sep. 19, 3 p. c. 1, 1766, Sep. 19, 2 p. c. 1, 1766, Jun. 27, 4 p, c. 1, 1766, Jul. 4-11, 1766, p. 2, c. 1 Aug. 29, 1766, p. 2, c. 1 Jul. 18-25, 1766, p. 1, c. 2 Jun. Jun. 13, 3 p. c. 2, 1766, Jun, 27, 2 p. c. 1, 1766, Jul. 8 , 1776, p. 2, c. 1 Jun. 6 , 1775, p. 2, c, 2 Jun. 17, 1776, p. 2, c. 1 Apr. 18, 1&2 p. c. 2, 1775* Apr. 18, May 2, 1775, p. 2, c. 1 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 20 18 F 17 F 16 F F F F F FF F F FF F N 13 13 14 15 N N F F F N 11 F 10 U 3 7 5 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 P. 4 1, c. P- 4 1, c. j 1770, 1768, p. 4 1, c. 5, p . p 2, . c2 . p . p . 2, c1 . p . 1, c . p1 . 1, . c The South Carolina and American General Gazette 1 Jan. 2, 1769 Sep. 9-16, 1768, c. p. 1 2, Dec. 26, 1768-Jan. 2, 1769, Jan. 2, 1769, p. 4 2, c. Jan. 23, 1769, p. 4, c. 1&2 Dec. 26, 1768-Jan. 2, 1769, Feb. 20-27, 1769, p. 2, c. 1 Mar. 20, 1769, p. 2, c. 2 Feb. 19, 1770, p. 1 2, c. Dec. May 20, 1769, p. 2, c. 1 Feb. 23, Feb. 23, 1770, p. 1 2, c. Feb. 23, 1770, p. 3 2, c. Mar. 30, 1770, p. 4 1, c. Apr. 6, 1770, p. 2, c. 1 Mar. 30-Apr. 6, 1770, Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. without prohibited reproduction Further owner. copyright the of permission with Reproduced ■d cd P> a)G -=r OO OO The South Carolina VO M3 CM CM rH ov on LT\ E'- CT\ i—I O tH i—I i—I on LT\ tH E— i—I CM o iH i—I H d H 3 0) N Ph cd G CD G 0 Ph cd cd CD o •=r P JO CM OJ ©8 OJ rH CM in CO CT\ e O 0 P Pi P ft *- h • # • • • \n *\ vo on c— rH I— I E*~ P 0 h • P rH CM O OO E— iH E— E— E— E— 0— E— t>- E— C— on O O Cd P h h • 1 OO tH I — t I — t [it ft rH on 08 CM OJ < 3 0 3 O G t f bO iP P P P Pi Pi • r\ O 1-3 CO OO n o rH 0 • 9 \ ft Hr rH rH rH ft on O • • • • • # 9 \ OOO >“D on O 1 E— E— OJ tH —I O O 3 • • \ * 00 00 r ^ t i [ 08 on E— E~~ 3 bO 00 HrH rH 08 OJ t f on rH E— E— OJ O < O 3 P bO 00 00 ^=t P t— on O rH E— cd O 3 P bO h • > H ft CD H s H <; •H H •H D P CD > •H ■PH -P f* f G O P Ph i-t faf) cd cd N H 0 i H 0 h " P O S h G 0 h P OJ CM 08 CM tH E~- on LTV CO 1 E— cd — O 0 ft 3 bO ft h 1 a • a • ■ a 1 -=r ft CM tH CM nO tH Ln CM tH E— E— CO O CD ft p 1 A • A A • •=r P OJ c^ OJ 08 on < 1— 1 rH 0 p P u h • «\ • • •N <=T D- 1 rH CT\ on 1 — O P P P • • • c\ 0 -=r ft ft s LT\ rH 1 rH — a O >3 P • • n * I E— V O on o P h P h CM O', rH OO b- Ph Ph H P h P h ft VO i—I in P h rH cn rH CM rH rH Co P h ft OV Co OO ft b- ft o co VO cn in cn CM CM —1 cn c,8 cn OO cn rH n o rH CM C\J rH CM oS S rH rH rH CM CM •••• •• • •• oS *, • o o o O o O •• O o o o rH ,—I CM OO O rH r\ r\ rv rv rv rv rv rv rv ?H • - • CM rH t—1 OJ rH OJ rv rv rH 1—I rH CM Sh 0) O o O • CM OJOJ o o O • ••• • •••• • r, sd r\ cu • f t P P P P •• a a f t f t CD (D CM rH -=t" ■p f t a a -P bO i—1 - p rv r\ rv rv rv rv rv rv ■P iH ••• CD v o VO v o v o v o VO rv rv v o v o b - b - CD rH f t f t f t • N rH vo vo vo vo VO vo VO vo vo v o VO v o N H f t cd VO C"- t*— t * - !> - v o v o [> - t> - b - b - cd Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o Ph CM Ch r H OO rH P vo P h r H P h LO Ph P h P h P h P h P h p p p P P h -=r r H OO i—I CM r H O r H G\ OO OO t>- OO vo OO LTs on OJCM o3 o n 1—1 OO rH rH CM on rH rH CM rH rH OO rH CM CM o n 1—I CO > • • • rH • ♦ • • • • •• • O o O • O • O o O O O O o O•• O • O o o o rt rt rt rt *V rv rt rt rt O •y rt r» rt OJ (M CM 00 *t CM t-H H CM rH CMCM rH CM rt rt oo rt r—1 CM on •• ••• m •••••••• a P p • P • PP P P P p PP • • CD p • P PP ■P ** r\ rt rt rt rt rt rt rt rt rt rt P rt rt ■P H rH rH rH rt rH TV rH rH rH rH rH rH rH rH Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. 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Further reproduction prohibited without permission. o Ph C\J l t \ ft rH XT rH OO H CM r—I O rH OO >- Ph MO 393 LO -=r oo CM CM r H O O o a o a i— I 1— 1 CM r H r H .. o . o o O O rr 1— I r\ r H CM CM CM • » 0 •• ft • PH ■ P ft a ft P o 0 OO CO tsl c— > - C O tr— cd C— C-- P C'- 0- 1—1 c - - i—i 1—1 r H r H cd n r\ •rH **«\ OO o C LO OOCM MO r H •H &0 • •• • • f t -P C G r H •H 0 o cd cd > CO o S *“ D r\ n *\ ft ft Q P h P m Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY Colonial Newspapers All of the Following Newspapers Were Read from Microform or Photographic Reproduction. Key (M) = Microform (P) = Photographic Reproduction Boston Chronicle. (Boston), Dec. 1767 - 1770. (M) Boston Evening Post. (Boston), 1756 - 1775* (M) Boston Gazette. (Boston), 1756 - 1778. (M) Boston News-Letter. (Boston), Aug. 1757 - 1776. (M) Boston Post-Boy. (Boston), 1756 - 1775* (M) Censor. (Boston), Nov. 1771 - 1772. (M) Connecticut Courant. (Hartford), Oct. 1764 - 1778. (M) Connecticut Gazette. (New Haven), 1756 - 1768. (M) Connecticut Gazette. (New London), Dec. 1773 - 1778. (M) Connecticut Journal; and New-Haven Post-Boy. (New Haven), Sep. 1775 - 1778. (¥) Constitutional Gazette. (New York City), Aug. 1775 - 1776. Continental Journal. (Boston), May 1776 - 1778. (M) Dunlap's Maryland Gazette. (Baltimore), May 1775 - 1778. Essex Gazette. (Salem), Aug. 1768 - 1775. (M) Essex Journal. (Salem), 1773 - 1777* (M) Gazette of the State of South Carolina. (Charleston), Apr. 1777 - 1778. (M) Georgia Gazette. (Savannah), Apr. 1763 - 1776. (M) 39^ Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 5 Independent Chronicle. (Boston), Sep. 1776 - 1778. (M) Maryland Gazette. (Annapolis), 1756 - 1778. (M) Maryland Journal. (Baltimore), Aug. 1773 - 1778. (M) Massachusetts Spy. (Boston), Jul. 1770 - 1775. (M) New England Chronicle. (Boston), Apr. - Dec. 1776. (M) The New England Chronicle: or, the Essex Gazette. (Cambridge), May 1775 - Apr. 1778. (M) New-Hampshire Gazette. (Portsmouth, New Hampshire), 1756 - 1778. (Ml New-Jersey Gazette. (Burlington), Feb. 1777 - Dec. 1778. (M) New-London Gazette. (New London), Nov. 1763 - 1773- (M) New-London Summary. (New London), Aug. 1758 - 1763. (M) Newport Mercury. (Newport), Jun. 1758 - 1778. (M) New-York Chronicle. (New York City), 1769 - 1770. (M) New-York Gazette. (New York City), Feb. 1759 - 1767. (M) New-York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy. (New York City), 1756 - 1773. (M) New-York Journal. (New York City), May 1766 - 1778. (M) The New-York Mercury. (New York City), 1763 - 1778. (M) North-Carolina Gazette. (New Bern), 1756 - 1759* (M) North-Carolina Gazette. (Wilmington), Sep. 1764 - Feb. 1766. (M) North Carolina Magazine. (New Bern), 1764 - 1768. (M) Pennsylvania Chronicle. (Philadelphia), Jan. 1767 - 1774. (M) Pennsylvania Evening Post. (Philadelphia), 1775 - 1778. (M) Pennsylvania Gazette. (Philadelphia), 1757 - 1778. (P) (M) Pennsylvania Journal. (Philadelphia), 1756 - 1778. (M) Pennsylvania Ledger. (Philadelphia), 1775 - 1778. (M) Pennsylvania Pacquet. (Philadelphia), Oct. 1771 - 1778. (M) Providence Gazette and Country Journal. (Providence), Oct. 1762 - 1778. (M) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 6 Rivington's New-York Gazetteer. (New York City), 1773-1778. (Ml The South Carolina and American General Gazette. (Charleston), Nov. 175B-177B. (Ml South Carolina Gazette. (Charleston), 1756-1778. (M) South Carolina Gazette; and Country Journal. (Charleston), Nov. 1765-1775. (M) Story and Humphrey’s Pennsylvania Mercury. (Philadelphia), A p r . - Dec. 1775- (Ml Virginia Gazette. (Williamsburg), John Pinkney 1774- I77Z~. (P7 (M) Virginia Gazette. (Williamsburg), Alexander Purdie 1765-1766. (P) (M) Virginia Gazette. (Williamsburg), Alexander Purdie and John Dixon 1766-1775- (P) (M) Virginia Gazette. (Williamsburg), William Rind and Clementina Rind 1766-1774. (P) (M) Virginia Gazette or, Norfolk Intelligencer. (Norfolk), 1774-1775. (Ml Der Wochentliche Philadelphische Staatsbote. (Philadelphia), Apr. 1766. ( W T ^ Guides and Indexes Brigham, Clarence Saunders. History and Bibliography of American Newspapers 1690-1820. 2 Vols. Worcester, Massachusetts: American Antiquarian Society, 1947- Parsons, Henry Spaulding. A Checklist of American Eighteenth-Century Newspapers in the Library of Congress. Washington, D. C. : Government Printing Office, 1936. Schwegmann, George A., Jr. Newspapers on Microfilm. Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress, 1967 - Secondary Material on British and American Politics Alden, John Richard. A History of the American Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1969- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 7 Bailyn, Bernard. The Ideological Origins of the American Revolution. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of the Harvard University Press, 1967• ______, ed. Pamphlets of the American Revolution 1750-1776. Vol. I. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1965* Barker, George Pisher Russell. "Pitt, William, first Earl of Chatham." Dictionary of National Biography. 1937-1938. Vol. VII. Becker, Carl. The Eve of the Revolution: A Chronicle of the Breech with England. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1921. Boyd, Julian Parks. Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway11 s Plans to Preserve the British Empire, 1774-1771T Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 19^1* Brewer, John. "The Paces of Lord Bute: A Visual Contribution to Anglo-American Political Ideology." Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 95-116. Brooke, John. The Chatham Administration, 1766-1768. England In The Age of the American Revolution. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1956. Burrows, Edwin and Wallace, Michael. "The American Revolution: The Ideology and Psychology of National Liberation." Perspectives in American History, VI (1972), 167-306.' Dickerson, Oliver Morton. The Navigation Acts and the American Revolution. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1951- Dorn, Walter Louis. Competition for Empire 1740-1763. The Rise of Modern Europe. Edited by William L. Langer. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1963- Piala, Robert. "George III in the Pennsylvania Press: A Study in Changing Opinions, 1760-1776." An Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, Wayne State University, 1967. Poord, Archibald Smith. His Majesty’s Opposition 1714-1830. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964. Guttridge, George Herbert. English Whiggism and the American Revolution. Berkeley: University of California Press, 19^2. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 398 Henretta, James A. "Salutary Neglect:” Colonial Administration under the Duke of Newcastle. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972. Kenyon, Cecelia. "Men of Little Faith: The Anti-Federalists on the Nature of Representative Government." William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. XII (1955)a 3-43. Kramnick, Isaac. Bolingbroke and His Circle: The Politics of Nostalgia in the Age of Walpole. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1968. Kurtz, Stephen Guild and Hutson, James Howard, eds. Essays on the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973* Miller, John Chester. Origins of the American Revolution. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1943. Montross, Lynn. The Reluctant Rebels: The Story of the Continental Congress 1774-1789. New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1950. Morgan, Edmund Sears. The Birth of the Republic 1763-1789. The Chicago History of American Civilization. Edited by Daniel Joseph Boorstin. Chicago:' The University of Chicago Press, 1956. ______and Morgan, Helen Mayer. The Stamp Act Crisis: Prologue to Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1953* Namier, Sir Lewis Bernstein. The Structure of Politics at the Accession of George III. New York: Macmillan, 1968. ______. England in the Age of the American Revolution. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1966. Norton, Mary Beth. "The Loyalist Critique of the Revolution." The Development of a Revolutionary Mentality. Papers Presented at the First Symposium, May 5 and 6, 1972. Edited by Library of Congress Symposia on the American Revolution. Washington, D. C.: Library of Congress, 1972. Olson, Alison Gilbert and Brown, Richard Maxwell, eds. Anglo-American Political Relations, 1675-1775. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1970. Pares, Richard. George III and the Politicians. Oxford: Clarendon Press7 1967* Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission 3 9 9 Plumb, John Harold. England In the Eighteenth Century. Vol. VII of The Pelican History of England. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1950. ______. Sir Robert Walpole, The Making of a Statesman. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1956. ______. Sir Robert Walpole, The King's Minister. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1961. ______. The Origins of Political Stability: England TS75-1725• Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1967* Ritcheson, Charles. British Politics and the American Revolution. Norman, Oklahoma: University of Oklahoma Press, 195^. Robbins, Caroline. The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman. Studies in the transmission, development and circum stance of English liberal thought from the Restoration of Charles II until the war with the Thirteen Colonies. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1959- ______. "Algernon Sidney's Discourses Concerning Government: Textbook for Revolution." William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. IV (1947), 267-296. Von Ruville, Albert. William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. 3 Vols. Translated by H. J. Chaytor. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1907. Selby, John Edward. "A Concept of Liberty." Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Brown University, 1955. Shalhope, Robert. "Toward a Republican Synthesis: The Emergence of an Understanding of Republicanism in American Historiography." William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser. XXIX (1972), 49-80. Sherrard, Owen Aubrey. Lord Chatham: A War Minister In the Making. London: The Bodley Head Limited, 1952. ______. Lord Chatham: Pitt and the Seven Years War. London: The Bodley Head Limited, 1955- Lord Chatham and America. London: The Bodley Head Limited, 1958. Ubbelohde, Carl. The Vice-Admiralty Courts and the American Revolution. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, i960. Watson, John Steven. The Reign of George III, 1760-1815. Vol. XII of Oxford History of England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 400 Williams, Basil. The Whig Supremacy, 1714-1760. Vol. XI of Oxford History of England. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1939. ______. The Life of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham. 2 Vols. New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1914. Wood, Gordon. The Creation of the American Republic, 1776-1789. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1969. Secondary Materials on Newspapers Andrews, Alexander. The History of British Journalism: Prom the Foundation of the Newspaper Press in England to The Repeal of the Stamp Act in 1855 with Sketches of Press Celebrities. Vol. I. New York: Haskall House Publishers, Limited, 1968. Brigham, Clarence Saunders. Journals and Journeymen: A Contribution to the History of Early American Newspapers. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1971. Cook, Elizabeth Christine. Literary Influences in Colonial Newspapers, 1704-1750- Port Washington, New York: Kennikat Press, Inc., 1966. Cohen, Hennig. The South Carolina Gazette, 1732-1775. Columbia, South Carolina: University of South Carolina Press, 1953- Crittenden, Christopher Charles. North Carolina Newspapers Before 1790- Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1928. Davidson, Philip. Propaganda and the American Revolution, 1763-1783. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1941. Dill, William Adelbert. The First Century of American Newspapers. Bulletin of the Department of Journalism in the University of Kansas. Lawrence, Kansas: Published from the Journalism Press, 1§25. Hart, Jim Allee. The Developing VIEWS ON THE NEWS Editorial Syndrome, 1500-1800. Carbondale, Illinois: Southern Illinois University Press, 1970. Hudson, Frederick. Journalism in the United States. New York: Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1873- Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4ol Kobre, Sidney. The Development of the Colonial Newspaper. Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Smith, I960. Foundations of American Journalism. Tallahassee: School of Journalism, Florida State University, 1958. Merritt, Richard Lawrence. Symbols of American Community, 1735-1775. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1966. Morse, Jarvis Means. Connecticut Newspapers in the Eighteenth Century. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1935- Mott, Frank Luther. American Journalism. New York: The Macmillan C o ., 1941. Oswald, John Clyde. Printing in the Americas. New York: Gregg Publishing Co., 1937- Rea, Robert Right. The English Press in Politics, 1760-177*1 • Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1963. Schlesinger, Arthur Meier, Sr. Prelude to Independence: The Newspaper War on Britain, 1764-177~6~^ New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1958. Tebbel, John. The Compact History of the American Newspaper. New York: Hawthorn Books, Inc., 1963. Wroth, Lawrence Counselman. The Colonial Printer. Charlottesville: The University Press of Virginia, 1964. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. VITA Carol Lynn Homelsky Knight Born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April 12, 1946. Graduated from Willingboro High School in that city, June, 1964. B. A., Rutgers, The State University, 1967. M. A., Old Dominion University, 1969* In September, 1969, the author entered the College of William and Mary as a graduate assistant in the Department of History. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.