Chapter 5 the American Revolution
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Coloring Their World: Americans and Decorative Color in the Nineteenth Century
Coloring Their World: Americans and Decorative Color in the Nineteenth Century A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History of the College of Arts and Sciences by Kelly F. Wright B.A. College of William and Mary 1985 M.A. University of Cincinnati 2001 Committee Chair: Wayne K. Durrill, Ph.D. i ABSTRACT Certain events in recent history have called into question some long-held assumptions about the colors of our material history. The controversy over the cleaning of the Sistine Chapel posited questions about color to an international audience, and in the United States the restoration of original decorative colors at the homes of many historically significant figures and religious groups has elicited a visceral reaction suggesting the new colors challenge Americans’ entrenched notions of what constituted respectable taste, if not comportment, in their forebears. Recent studies have even demonstrated that something as seemingly objective as photography has greatly misled us about the appearance of our past. We tend to see the nineteenth century as a faded, sepia-toned monochrome. But nothing could be further from the truth. Coloring Their World: Americans and Decorative Color in the Nineteenth Century, argues that in that century we can witness one of the only true democratizations in American history—the diffusion of color throughout every level of society. In the eighteenth century American aristocrats brandished color like a weapon, carefully crafting the material world around them as a critical part of their political and social identities, cognizant of the power afforded them by color’s correct use, and the consequences of failure. -
AMERICAN REVOLUTIONREVOLUTION Thethe Enlightenmentenlightenment Thethe Ageage Ofof Reasonreason
AMERICANAMERICAN REVOLUTIONREVOLUTION TheThe EnlightenmentEnlightenment TheThe AgeAge ofof ReasonReason ▶ 1650-1800 ▶ Laws of Nature applied to society ▶ Rationalism . “Dare to know! Have the courage to use your own reason!” – Immanuel Kant ▶ Liberalism ▶ Deism . “The Clockmaker” . Absent of human affairs TheThe EnlightenmentEnlightenment JohnJohn LockeLocke ▶ Second Treatise on Government . “The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind … that, being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions” . “Men being, as has been said, by nature, all free, equal, and independent, no one can be put out of this estate, and subjected to the political power of another, without his own consent.” . “Whensoever therefore the legislative shall transgress this fundamental rule of society; and either by ambition, fear, folly or corruption, endeavour to grasp themselves, or put into the hands of any other, an absolute power over the lives, liberties, and estates of the people; by this breach of trust they forfeit the power the people had put into their hands for quite contrary ends, and it devolves to the people, who have a right to resume their original liberty, and, by the establishment of a new legislative, (such as they shall think fit) provide for their own safety and security, which is the end for which they are in society.” TheThe EnlightenmentEnlightenment AdamAdam SmithSmith ▶ An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations ▶ Laissez-faire . Free trade ▶ “the invisible hand” ▶ Three Laws . More production from self- interest . -
Philadelphia and the Southern Elite: Class, Kinship, and Culture in Antebellum America
PHILADELPHIA AND THE SOUTHERN ELITE: CLASS, KINSHIP, AND CULTURE IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICA BY DANIEL KILBRIDE A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1997 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In seeing this dissertation to completion I have accumulated a host of debts and obligation it is now my privilege to acknowledge. In Philadelphia I must thank the staff of the American Philosophical Society library for patiently walking out box after box of Society archives and miscellaneous manuscripts. In particular I must thank Beth Carroll- Horrocks and Rita Dockery in the manuscript room. Roy Goodman in the Library’s reference room provided invaluable assistance in tracking down secondary material and biographical information. Roy is also a matchless authority on college football nicknames. From the Society’s historian, Whitfield Bell, Jr., I received encouragement, suggestions, and great leads. At the Library Company of Philadelphia, Jim Green and Phil Lapansky deserve special thanks for the suggestions and support. Most of the research for this study took place in southern archives where the region’s traditions of hospitality still live on. The staff of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History provided cheerful assistance in my first stages of manuscript research. The staffs of the Filson Club Historical Library in Louisville and the Special Collections room at the Medical College of Virginia in Richmond were also accommodating. Special thanks go out to the men and women at the three repositories at which the bulk of my research was conducted: the Special Collections Library at Duke University, the Southern Historical Collection of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, and the Virginia Historical Society. -
Print › Chapter 4: Revolutionary America | Quizlet
Chapter 4: Revolutionary America Study online at quizlet.com/_flcg7 1. Boston A confrontation between a group of citizens 9. Gaspée In June, 1772, the British customs ship ran Massacre and British troops on March 5, 1770, Incident around off the colonial coast. When the during which the troops opened fire on the British went ashore for help, colonials citizens, killing five of them. boarded the ship and burned it. They were sent to Britain for trial. Colonial outrage led 2. Committees of These started as groups of private citizens to the widespread formation of Committees of Correspondence in Massachusetts, Rhode Island and New Correspondence. York who, in 1763, began circulating information about opposition to British 10. George As Prime Minister, he passed the Sugar Act in trade measures. Other colonies created Grenville 1764 and the Stamp Act in 1765 to help their own committtees in order to exchange finance the cost of maintaining a standing information and organize protests to force of British troops in the colonies. He British trade regulations. The groups believed in reducing the financial burden on became particularly active following the the British by enacting new taxes in the Gaspee Incident. colonies 3. Common Sense Thomas Paine's influential pamphlet that 11. Internal Taxes which arose out of activities that forcefully argued for American Taxes occurred within the colonies. The Stamp Act independence, attacked the institution of was considered this tax, because it taxed the monarchy, and defended a democratic colonists on legal transactions they theory of representative government. undertook locally. Many colonists and Englishmen felt that Parliament did not have 4. -
The Original Meaning of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Clause, the Right of Natural Liberty, and Executive Discretion
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 29 (2020-2021) Issue 3 The Presidency and Individual Rights Article 4 March 2021 The Original Meaning of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Clause, the Right of Natural Liberty, and Executive Discretion John Harrison Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, Legal History Commons, President/Executive Department Commons, and the United States History Commons Repository Citation John Harrison, The Original Meaning of the Habeas Corpus Suspension Clause, the Right of Natural Liberty, and Executive Discretion, 29 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 649 (2021), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol29/iss3/4 Copyright c 2021 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE ORIGINAL MEANING OF THE HABEAS CORPUS SUSPENSION CLAUSE, THE RIGHT OF NATURAL LIBERTY, AND EXECUTIVE DISCRETION John Harrison* The Habeas Corpus Suspension Clause of Article I, Section 9, is primarily a limit on Congress’s authority to authorize detention by the executive. It is not mainly con- cerned with the remedial writ of habeas corpus, but rather with the primary right of natural liberty. Suspensions of the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus are statutes that vest very broad discretion in the executive to decide which individuals to hold in custody. Detention of combatants under the law of war need not rest on a valid suspen- sion, whether the combatant is an alien or a citizen of the United States. The Suspension Clause does not affirmatively require that the federal courts have any jurisdiction to issue the writ of habeas corpus, and so does not interfere with Congress’s general control over the jurisdiction of the federal courts. -
British and Colonial Naturalists Respond to an Enlightenment Creed, 1727–1777
“So Many Things for His Profit and for His Pleasure”: British and Colonial Naturalists Respond to an Enlightenment Creed, 1727–1777 N MAY OF 1773 the Pennsylvania farmer and naturalist John Bartram (1699–1777) wrote to the son of his old colleague Peter Collinson I(1694–1768), the London-based merchant, botanist, and seed trader who had passed away nearly five years earlier, to communicate his worry over the “extirpation of the native inhabitants” living within American forests.1 Michael Collinson returned Bartram’s letter in July of that same year and was stirred by the “striking and curious” observations made by his deceased father’s friend and trusted natural historian from across the Atlantic. The relative threat to humanity posed by the extinction of species generally remained an unresolved issue in the minds of most eighteenth-century naturalists, but the younger Collinson was evidently troubled by the force of Bartram’s remarks. Your comments “carry Conviction along with them,” he wrote, “and indeed I cannot help thinking but that in the period you mention notwithstanding the amazing Recesses your prodigious Continent affords many of the present Species will become extinct.” Both Bartram and Collinson were anxious about certain changes to the environment engendered by more than a century of vigorous Atlantic trade in the colonies’ indigenous flora and fauna. Collinson 1 The terms botanist and naturalist carry different connotations, but are generally used interchange- ably here. Botanists were essentially those men that used Linnaeus’s classification to characterize plant life. They were part of the growing cadre of professional scientists in the eighteenth century who endeavored to efface irrational forms of natural knowledge, i.e., those grounded in folk traditions rather than empirical data. -
The Expression of Gentility in Colonial America
The Expression of Gentility in Colonial America by Stephanie Zwinggi The seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in American history are filled with discovery and rapid evolvement as well as a constant feeling or theme of instability and a heavy influence from multiple countries and other sources. This is comparable to the outlook of a modern teenager trying to make sense of their surroundings and take control of their future. The creation of the United States of America could be, and usually is, considered a successful project, but it can be difficult to understand our simple and fragile beginnings when there is little to no written documentation of the many cultures and circumstances in the vastly different but also strikingly similar economies and environments where the United States, as a unified nation, first began. Because of this, one must look to the physical evidence and the most abundant and important source of documentation left behind by these early Americans, their household inventories, in order to attempt to grasp their lives and cultures in an everyday sense. Gentility was an extremely influential factor in early American culture and continued to play an even more influential role as the years unfolded, but for the middle to lower classes, it did not seem to affect spending habits near as much as one might think. Shown by purchasing habits and associated items listed in ten comparable inventories of middle-class Americans from York County, Virginia to different locations in Massachusetts, there is less of a struggle to appear wealthy and more of a focus on every day survival and basic needs for the majority of early American citizens. -
Britain's Conciliatory Proposal of 1776, a Study in Futility John Taylor Savage Jr
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Master's Theses Student Research 6-1968 Britain's conciliatory proposal of 1776, A study in futility John Taylor Savage Jr. Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/masters-theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Savage, John Taylor Jr., "Britain's conciliatory proposal of 1776, A study in futility" (1968). Master's Theses. Paper 896. This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Research at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Project Name: S °''V°'~C,._ ~JoV1.-.._ \ _ I " ' J Date: Patron: Specialist: Oc,~ o7, Co.-. .... or ZD•S ~Tr ""0. ""I Project Description: Hardware Specs: BRITAIN'S CONCILIATORY PROPOSAL OF 1778, A STUDY IN FUTILITY BY JOHN TAYLOR SAVAGE, JR. A THESIS SUBMITI'ED TO THE GRADUATE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF RICHMOND IN CANDIDACY FOR IBE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN HISTORY JUNE, 1968 L:·--:..,:.·:·· -. • ~ ' > ... UNJVE:i1'.':~ i ., ·:.·. ',' ... - \ ;, '.. > TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • iv INTRODUCTION • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • v CHAPTER I. THE DECEMBER TO FEBRUARY PREPARATIONS LEADING TO THE NORTH CONCILIATORY PLAN OF 1778 • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1 II. CONCILIATORY PROPOSAL AND COMMISSIONERS: FEBRUARY TO APRIL 1778 • • • • • • • • • • 21 III. THE RESPONSE IN ENGLAND AND FRANCE, FROM MARCH TO MAY, TO BRITAIN'S CONCILIATORY EFFORTS • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 52 IV. AMERICA PREPARES FOR THE RECEPTION OF THE CARLISLE Cu'1MISSION, MARCH TO JUNE 1778. • 70 V. THE JUNE NEGOTIATIONS • • • • • • • • • • • 92 VI. THE SUMMER NEGOTIATIONS: A DISAPPOINT· MENT •••••••• • • • • • • • • • • • 115 VII. -
Judges in the British Cabinet and the Struggle Which Led to Their Exclusion After 1806
Michigan Law Review Volume 20 Issue 1 1921 Judges in the British Cabinet and the Struggle which Led to Their Exclusion After 1806 Arthur Lyon Cross University of Michigan Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Judges Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the Rule of Law Commons Recommended Citation Arthur L. Cross, Judges in the British Cabinet and the Struggle which Led to Their Exclusion After 1806, 20 MICH. L. REV. 24 (1921). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mlr/vol20/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Michigan Law Review at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Law Review by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JUDGES IN THE BRITISH CABINET AND THE STRUG GLE WHICH LED TO THEIR EXCLUSION AFTER r8o6 MONG the anomalies in the queer and devious course of Eng A lish constitutional progress few have been more striking than 1 the number of reforms which have been due to the Conservatives. One of no little significance was brought about during that period of political stagnation-the era of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars. This was the exclusion of judges from the Cab inet, as the result of a political struggle in which the forces of oppo sition, though temporarily defeated, formulated a policy which was destined henceforth to prevail. -
A History of US Trade Policy
This PDF is a selection from a published volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Clashing over Commerce: A History of U.S. Trade Policy Volume Author/Editor: Douglas A. Irwin Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBNs: 978-0-226-39896-9 (cloth); 0-226-39896-X (cloth); 978-0-226-67844-3 (paper); 978-0-226-39901-0 (e-ISBN) Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/irwi-2 Conference Date: n/a Publication Date: November 2017 Chapter Title: The Struggle for Independence, 1763–1789 Chapter Author(s): Douglas A. Irwin Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c13851 Chapter pages in book: (p. 31 – 67) Chapter one The Struggle for Independence, 1763–1789 he regulation of America’s foreign trade played an important role in Tshaping events during the critical period around the country’s move toward independence and nationhood. While the confl ict between Britain and the thirteen North American colonies was ultimately about politi- cal power and sovereignty, many disputes concerned the restrictions and taxes that Britain imposed on colonial commerce. Lacking any political voice in Parliament to infl uence those policies, the colonists responded by employing the only weapons at their disposal, including economic pres- sure through the boycott of British goods. After having fought success- fully for independence, however, Americans discovered that engaging in trade outside the British Empire was difficult. These problems were com- pounded by a weak central government under the Articles of Confedera- tion, which prevented Congress from establishing a national trade policy or imposing import duties to raise revenue. -
Traditions and Belligerent Recognition: the Libyan Intervention in Historical and Theoretical Context Sam F
University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications 2012 Traditions and Belligerent Recognition: The Libyan Intervention in Historical and Theoretical Context Sam F. Halabi University of Missouri School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.missouri.edu/facpubs Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Sam Halabi, Traditions and Belligerent Recognition: The Libyan Intervention in Historical and Theoretical Context, 26 Fla. T. Int'l. L. 321 (2012). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of University of Missouri School of Law Scholarship Repository. Harbison, Ashley 10/16/2017 For Educational Use Only TRADITIONS OF BELLIGERENT RECOGNITION: THE..., 27 Am. U. Int'l L.... 27 Am. U. Int'l L. Rev. 321 American University International Law Review 2012 Article Sam Foster Halabi a1 Copyright (c) 2012 American University International Law Review; Sam Foster Halabi TRADITIONS OF BELLIGERENT RECOGNITION: THE LIBYAN INTERVENTION IN HISTORICAL AND THEORETICAL CONTEXT I. INTRODUCTION 322 II. THE HISTORY AND PURPOSE OF BELLIGERENT RECOGNITION 330 A. The American Revolution 334 B. The Spanish Colonial Wars of Independence 337 C. The American Civil War 341 D. The Spanish Civil War 346 III. TRADITIONS OF BELLIGERENT RECOGNITION 350 A. The Commercial Tradition of Belligerent Recognition 354 B. The Constitutional Tradition of Belligerent Recognition 360 C. The Institutionalist Tradition of Belligerent Recognition 367 IV. LIBYA AND THE TRADITIONS OF BELLIGERENCY 371 A. The Factual Background 371 B. -
George Washington - Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopediavisited on 11/13/2014
George Washington - Wikipedia, the free encyclopediavisited on 11/13/2014 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Washington From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia George Washington (February 22, 1732 [O.S. February 11, George Washington 1731][Note 1][Note 2] – December 14, 1799) was the first President of the United States (1789–1797), the Commander- in-Chief of the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, and one of the Founding Fathers of the United States.[3] He presided over the convention that drafted the United States Constitution, which replaced the Articles of Confederation and remains the supreme law of the land. Washington was elected president as the unanimous choice of the electors in the elections of both 1788–1789 and 1792.[4] He oversaw the creation of a strong, well-financed national government that maintained neutrality in the wars raging in Europe, suppressed rebellion, and won acceptance among Americans of all types.[5] Washington established many forms in government still used today, such as the cabinet 1st President of the United States system and inaugural address.[6][7] His retirement after two terms and the peaceful transition from his presidency to that In office of John Adams established a tradition that continued up until April 30, 1789[nb] – March 4, 1797 Franklin D. Roosevelt was elected to a third term.[8] Vice President John Adams Washington has been widely hailed as "father of his country" Preceded by Inaugural holder even during his lifetime.[3][9] Succeeded by John Adams Washington was born into the provincial gentry of Colonial Senior Officer of the Army Virginia; his wealthy planter family owned tobacco In office plantations and slaves, that he inherited.