The Issue of Territorial Forces in the Republic of Moldova
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Bölgesel Güvenlik Dengeleri Bağlaminda Rusya-Iran Ilişkileri
T. C. ULUDAĞ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER ANABİLİM DALI ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER BİLİM DALI BÖLGESEL GÜVENLİK DENGELERİ BAĞLAMINDA RUSYA-İRAN İLİŞKİLERİ (YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ) Aytan MAMMADLI BURSA - 2014 T. C. ULUDAĞ ÜNİVERSİTESİ SOSYAL BİLİMLER ENSTİTÜSÜ ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER ANABİLİM DALI ULUSLARARASI İLİŞKİLER BİLİM DALI BÖLGESEL GÜVENLİK DENGELERİ BAĞLAMINDA RUSYA-İRAN İLİŞKİLERİ (YÜKSEK LİSANS TEZİ) Aytan MAMMADLI Danışman: Prof.Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR BURSA - 2014 ÖZET Yazar Adı ve Soyadı : Aytan MAMMADLI Üniversite : Uludağ Üniversitesi Enstitü : Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Anabilim Dalı : Uluslararası İlişkiler Bilim Dalı : Uluslararası İlişkiler Tezin Niteliği : Yüksek Lisans Tezi Sayfa Sayısı : VIII+173 Mezuniyet Tarihi : …. / …. / 2014 Tez Danışmanı : Prof. Dr. Ömer Göksel İŞYAR BÖLGESEL GÜVENLİK DENGELERİ BAĞLAMINDA RUSYA-İRAN İLİŞKİLERİ Soğuk Savaşın bitmesi ve Sovyetler Birliği’nin dağılmasının ardından, uluslararası sistem yeni yapılanma sürecine girmiştir. Bir yandan sistem tek kutuplu hal alırken, diğer yandan Doğu Avrupa, Orta Asya ve Güney Kafkasya’da yeni bağımsız devletler oluşmuş ve bu bölgelerde güç boşlukları meydana gelmiştir. Böylelikle Ortadoğu bölgesine ek olarak, Orta Asya ve Kafkasya bölgeleri de istikrarsızlık alanlarına eklenmiştir. SSCB’nin varisi olarak Rusya da bu durum karşısında dış politikasını yeniden belirlemek zorunda kalmıştır. İlk başlarda, Batı eksenli olarak yürütülen Rus dış politikası, zamanla yeniden büyük güç olmayı hedefleyen çok taraflılık ve çok kutupluluk politikaları -
ADEPT Political Commentaries
ADEPT Political Commentaries September-December 2004 Concerns on the eve of elections Igor Botan, 15 September 2004 Democracy and governing in Moldova e-journal, II year, no. 37, August 30 - September 12, 2004 With the launch of the fall political season analysts and media alike engaged in assessing preparations for parliamentary elections. According to their estimates, elections might be held late May or even June next year. The source for such predictions is the Constitution itself. Paragraph 3 Article 61 of the Constitution provides that "election of Parliament members will be started not later than 3 months from the end of the previous mandate or from the dissolution of the previous Parliament". Article 63 specifies that "the mandate of the current Parliament may be extended until the structure of the new Parliament has been completed and the latter can meet in full session" that according to the same article is held "within at most 30 days from election day". That is why it is considered that Parliament mandate commences on the day of its first session. Given that the last parliamentary elections were held on February 25, while the Parliament was convened on a first session via a Presidential Decree on March 20, 2001, it is expected that parliamentary elections would be held sometime during the three months March 21 - June 21, 2005. This estimation is logical and at the first glance seems accurate. Arguments cited by those who claim election date would be set for the end of May or even June cite, derive from the supposed interests of the ruling party. -
E-Journal, Year IX, Issue 176, October 1-31, 2011
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center Governance and democracy in Moldova e-journal, year IX, issue 176, October 1-31, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS........................................................................................................ 3 GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Events of major importance ...................................................................................................................... 3 Premier’s report regarding assaults on share stocks of some banks ........................................................ 3 2. Nominations. Dismissals .......................................................................................................................... -
Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow
RUSSIAN MILITARY PRESENCE IN MOLDOVA – A SENSITIVE ISSUE FOR THE FUTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CHIȘINĂU AND MOSCOW Ion TĂBÂRȚĂ The presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova are barely over, and the first divergences between the future President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu – on one hand, and the Kremlin administration – on the other hand, are already foreshadowed. Some statements by Sandu regarding the presence of Russian military troops, illegally stationed on the left bank of the Dniester, and which statements in fact reiterated Chisinău's official stance on this matter, as it was known before the Ion Chicu government, disturbed Moscow and provoked its negative reaction. The statements of the president-elect Maia Sandu Shortly after winning the presidential term on November 15, 2020, Maia Sandu, stated in an interview with the Ukrainian daily Evropeiskaya Pravda, that resolving the Transnistrian conflict presupposes the complete withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova. These statements by Sandu have immediately provoked negative reactions in Moscow. Russian officials have labeled the scenario proposed by the future president of the Republic of Moldova as a return to the year 1992, and as something to which those in Tiraspol will never agree. The outgoing president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, also reacted to Maia Sandu's statements, which he stated were a serious mistake1. Later, on November 30, 2020, at a press conference, Maia Sandu came with clarifications of her position on the Russian military presence on the left bank of the Dniester. Asked by the NTV Moldova correspondent whether, as a president, she will opt for the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers, Sandu specified that the Russian army, deployed on the left bank of the Dniester, is divided into the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF), whose presence on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has no legal status, and the peacekeeping mission, stationed in the Transnistrian region in accordance with the Moldovan-Russian agreement of July 21, 1992. -
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict Over Transnistria
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Stefan Wolff ECMI WORKING PAPER #51 November 2011 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2011 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Any meaningful consideration of guarantee options requires some assumptions about the nature of the underlying settlement. With this in mind, the following discussion draws on comparative experience in two ways. First, it considers the nature of the conflict over Transnistria in a broader context of similar conflicts elsewhere in order to establish the likely dimensions of a settlement. -
The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Popescu, Nico The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 10, enero, 2006, pp. 247-254 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 10 (Enero / January 2006) THE EU AND TRANSNISTRIA AUTHOR:1 NICO POPESCU Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels Introduction EU thinking, assessments and policies towards the conflict in Transnistria have evolved quickly. The turning point towards a more active role occurred in late 2002. Since then, the EU has stepped up its attention and actions. The EU now raises constantly the Transnistria issue in relations with Russia and Ukraine. The Union has also used an array of CFSP instruments to support the conflict resolution process – these have included appointing a EU Special Representative, introducing a travel ban against the Transnistrian leadership, as well as envisaging common actions under its ENP Action Plans with Moldova and Ukraine on conflict resolution in Transnistria. 1. Why More EU Engagement? First, because of enlargement. A 2002 Commission paper on EU approaches to Moldova stated: ‘Moldova’s stability clearly matters to the EU. Within a few years, Moldova will be on the borders of an enlarged EU. It has been destabilised by weak government, armed conflict and secession, near economic collapse, organised crime and emigration […] The EU needs to help Moldova address these problems’2. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs
HIIA Papers T-2012/1 ZSUZSANNA VÉGH Winds of Change in the Transnistrian Settlement Process HIIA PAPERS Series of the Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Publisher: Hungarian Institute of International Affairs Editor and typesetting: Andrea Tevelyné Kulcsár Editorial office: H-1016 Budapest, Bérc utca 13-15. Tel.: +36 1 279-5700 Fax: +36 1 279-5701 E-mail: [email protected] www.kulugyiintezet.hu www.hiia.hu © Zsuzsanna Végh, 2012 © Hungarian Institute of International Affairs, 2012 ISSN 2060-5013 Zsuzsanna Végh Winds of Change A RESOLV A BLE CONFLI C T A T THE BO R DE R S OF THE EU R OPE A N UNION he Transnistrian conflict is often referred to as the most easily resolvable territorial conflict in the neighbourhood of the European Union (EU). The reason is the Tnature of the conflict. For one, there has been no violence since the Transnistrian war in 1992 between the Republic of Moldova and Transnistria, the separatist entity and it is very unlikely that any violent clash would occur in the future. For two, as opposed to other territorial conflicts in the post-Soviet space, the conflict between Moldova and Transnistria is not based on ethnic differences. Both Moldova and Transnistria are ethnically mixed, there is no ethnic violence between Moldovans, Russians and Ukrainians, and the inhabitants of both territories generally have multiple citizenships. The resolution, nonetheless, despite several attempts, is still only a distant goal. The EU became engaged in the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in 2005 through the so-called ‘5+2 talks’ which got to a halt in 2006. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Khojaly Genocide
CHAPTER 1 KHOJALY. HISTORY, TRAGEDY, VICTIMS P R E S I D E N T I A L L I B R A RY Administrative Department of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan CONTENTS BRIEF HISTORY OF KARABAKH .............................................................................................................5 INFORMATION ON THE GRAVE VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTED DURING THE COURSE OF THE ARMENIAN AGGRESSION AGAINST AZERBAIJAN....................................7 BRIEF INFORMATION ABOUT KHOJALY ........................................................................................... 10 THE TRAGEDY........................................................................................................................................... 11 LIST OF THE PEOPLE DIED AT THE KHOJALY TRAGEDY ............................................................. 12 LIST OF FAMILIES COMPLETELY EXECUTED ON 26TH OF FEBRUARY 1992 DURING KHOJALY GENOCIDE .............................................................................................................................. 22 LIST OF THE CHILDREN DIED IN KHOJALY GENOCIDE ................................................................ 23 LIST OF THE CHILDREN HAVING LOST ONE OF THEIR PARENTS AT THE KHOJALY TRAGEDY.................................................................................................................................................... 25 LIST OF THE CHILDREN HAVING LOST BOTH PARENTS AT THE KHOJALY TRAGEDY ....... 29 MISSING PEOPLE ..................................................................................................................................... -
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 122 – December 2015 The Transnistrian Conflict in the Context of the Ukrainian Crisis by Inessa Baban1 Until recently, relatively little was known about the Transnistrian conflict that has been undermining the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic of Moldova since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with waves of enlargement towards the East of NATO and the European sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- Union drew attention to Transnistria, which has been seen as one of the liance. Papers produced by the Research Division convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience “frozen conflict zones” in the post-Soviet area alongside Abkhazia, South of the international strategic community and con- tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. Ossetia and Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the Transnistrian issue has The RD’s civil and military researchers come from not been perceived as a serious threat to Euro-Atlantic security because a variety of disciplines and interests covering a broad spectrum of security-related issues. They no outbreaks of large-scale hostilities or human casualties have been conduct research on topics which are of interest to the political and military decision-making bodies reported in the region since the 1990s. Beyond a few small incidents in of the Alliance and its member states. the demilitarized zone, the 1992 ceasefire has been respected for more The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the than two decades. -
Registration Goes Online A.W.A.R.E
ARCHIVES MARCH 14, 1997 THE STUDENT NEWSPAPER OF CONCORDIA COLLEGE VOLUME 7, NUMBER 69 Got milk? Dr. Vincent Arnold to present Centennial Lecture Tuesday Eric Larson The Centennial Scholars program pro- Staff Writer vided the funds for the group to travel to Italy. And we thought the Super Bowl was important. This program, accord- According to an upcoming lecture by Concordia ing to Arnold, awards history professor Dr. W. Vincent Arnold, the role of funding on a yearly athletics in Benito Mussolini's fascist Italy was far basis to professors who more important than providing the country with the wish to conduct latest commercials: Mussolini's regime used sports research with students. as nationalistic proganda. Arnold is the first Arnold's lecture will take place at 7:30 p.m., professor to take stu- Tuesday, March 18, in Science Center 212S. dents abroad to research Arnold, Concordia senior Dana Dwyer and Tanya a project funded by the Dr. Vincent Arnold Singer, a Concordia graduate now studying at Notre Centennial Scholar program. "I was travelling in Dame University, spent three weeks in Italy last sum- uncharted waters," he said. mer researching the roles of sports and architecture in Arnold encourages more research teams to go Mussolini's Italy. abroad, but he admits that these "uncharted waters" The result is the 1996-97 spring lecture of the dried up the researchers* pocketbooks. Centennial Scholars program, titled "Athletics, Though Centenial scholars stipends are intended Architecture and Authority in Fascist Italy: The cult as payment, Arnold, Dwyer and Singer used their of sport and the construction of Foro Mussolini." stipends to cover the expenses of travelling abroad.