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E-Journal, Year IX, Issue 176, October 1-31, 2011
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Policy Documentation Center Governance and democracy in Moldova e-journal, year IX, issue 176, October 1-31, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS........................................................................................................ 3 GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................................................................ 3 1. Events of major importance ...................................................................................................................... 3 Premier’s report regarding assaults on share stocks of some banks ........................................................ 3 2. Nominations. Dismissals .......................................................................................................................... -
Russian Military Presence in Moldova – a Sensitive Issue for the Future of Relations Between Chișinău and Moscow
RUSSIAN MILITARY PRESENCE IN MOLDOVA – A SENSITIVE ISSUE FOR THE FUTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN CHIȘINĂU AND MOSCOW Ion TĂBÂRȚĂ The presidential elections in the Republic of Moldova are barely over, and the first divergences between the future President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu – on one hand, and the Kremlin administration – on the other hand, are already foreshadowed. Some statements by Sandu regarding the presence of Russian military troops, illegally stationed on the left bank of the Dniester, and which statements in fact reiterated Chisinău's official stance on this matter, as it was known before the Ion Chicu government, disturbed Moscow and provoked its negative reaction. The statements of the president-elect Maia Sandu Shortly after winning the presidential term on November 15, 2020, Maia Sandu, stated in an interview with the Ukrainian daily Evropeiskaya Pravda, that resolving the Transnistrian conflict presupposes the complete withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova. These statements by Sandu have immediately provoked negative reactions in Moscow. Russian officials have labeled the scenario proposed by the future president of the Republic of Moldova as a return to the year 1992, and as something to which those in Tiraspol will never agree. The outgoing president of the Republic of Moldova, Igor Dodon, also reacted to Maia Sandu's statements, which he stated were a serious mistake1. Later, on November 30, 2020, at a press conference, Maia Sandu came with clarifications of her position on the Russian military presence on the left bank of the Dniester. Asked by the NTV Moldova correspondent whether, as a president, she will opt for the withdrawal of Russian peacekeepers, Sandu specified that the Russian army, deployed on the left bank of the Dniester, is divided into the Operational Group of Russian Forces in Transnistria (OGRF), whose presence on the territory of the Republic of Moldova has no legal status, and the peacekeeping mission, stationed in the Transnistrian region in accordance with the Moldovan-Russian agreement of July 21, 1992. -
Trafficking in Transnistria: the Role of Russia
Trafficking in Transnistria: The Role of Russia by Kent Harrel SIS Honors Capstone Supervised by Professors Linda Lubrano and Elizabeth Anderson Submitted to the School of International Service American University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with General University Honors Bachelor of Arts Degree May 2009 Abstract After declaring de facto independence from the Republic of Moldova in 1992, the breakaway region of Transnistria became increasingly isolated, and has emerged as a hotspot for weapons and human trafficking. Working from a Realist paradigm, this project assesses the extent to which the Russian government and military abet trafficking in Transnistria, and the way in which Russia uses trafficking as a means to adversely affect Moldova’s designs of broader integration within European spheres. This project proves necessary because the existing scholarship on the topic of Transnistrian trafficking failed to focus on the role of the Russian government and military, and in turn did not account for the ways in which trafficking hinders Moldova’s national interests. The research project utilizes sources such as trafficking policy centers, first-hand accounts, trade agreements, non-governmental organizations, and government documents. A review of the literature employs the use of secondary sources such as scholarly and newspaper articles. In short, this project develops a more comprehensive understanding of Russia’s role in Moldovan affairs and attempts to add a significant work to the existing literature. -
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict Over Transnistria
Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Stefan Wolff ECMI WORKING PAPER #51 November 2011 ECMI- Working Paper The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of interethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethnopolitical tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Dr. Tove H. Malloy © ECMI 2011 2 | P a g e ECMI- Working Paper Guarantee Options for a Settlement of the Conflict over Transnistria Any meaningful consideration of guarantee options requires some assumptions about the nature of the underlying settlement. With this in mind, the following discussion draws on comparative experience in two ways. First, it considers the nature of the conflict over Transnistria in a broader context of similar conflicts elsewhere in order to establish the likely dimensions of a settlement. -
The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, Núm
UNISCI Discussion Papers ISSN: 1696-2206 [email protected] Universidad Complutense de Madrid España Popescu, Nico The EU and Transnistria UNISCI Discussion Papers, núm. 10, enero, 2006, pp. 247-254 Universidad Complutense de Madrid Madrid, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=76701015 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative UNISCI DISCUSSION PAPERS Nº 10 (Enero / January 2006) THE EU AND TRANSNISTRIA AUTHOR:1 NICO POPESCU Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS), Brussels Introduction EU thinking, assessments and policies towards the conflict in Transnistria have evolved quickly. The turning point towards a more active role occurred in late 2002. Since then, the EU has stepped up its attention and actions. The EU now raises constantly the Transnistria issue in relations with Russia and Ukraine. The Union has also used an array of CFSP instruments to support the conflict resolution process – these have included appointing a EU Special Representative, introducing a travel ban against the Transnistrian leadership, as well as envisaging common actions under its ENP Action Plans with Moldova and Ukraine on conflict resolution in Transnistria. 1. Why More EU Engagement? First, because of enlargement. A 2002 Commission paper on EU approaches to Moldova stated: ‘Moldova’s stability clearly matters to the EU. Within a few years, Moldova will be on the borders of an enlarged EU. It has been destabilised by weak government, armed conflict and secession, near economic collapse, organised crime and emigration […] The EU needs to help Moldova address these problems’2. -
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy
Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs April 23, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RS21981 Moldova: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Although a small country, Moldova has been of interest to U.S. policy makers due to its position between NATO and EU member Romania and strategic Ukraine. In addition, some experts have expressed concern about Russian efforts to extend its hegemony over Moldova through various methods, including a troop presence, manipulation of Moldova’s relationship with its breakaway Transnistria region, and energy supplies and other economic links. Moldova’s political and economic weakness has made it a source of organized criminal activity of concern to U.S. policy makers, including trafficking in persons. U.S. and Moldovan experts have expressed concern about whether Russian President Putin’s annexation of Crimea and attempted destabilization of eastern Ukraine presages a similar effort toward Moldova, including Russian recognition of the independence of Transnistria. After July 2009 parliamentary elections, a group of opposition parties to the then-ruling Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova (PCRM) formed a governing coalition that pledged to carry out reforms with the goal of closer integration with the European Union. There are few ideological differences among the governing parties, which are mainly vehicles for key political leaders and politically connected big businessmen. New parliamentary elections are expected to be held in November 2014. Moldova is Europe’s poorest country, according to the World Bank. Moldova’s GDP grew by a rapid 8.9% in 2013, spurred by strong consumer spending and a good agricultural harvest, rebounding from a drought the previous year. -
The Eastern Mission of the Pontifical Commission for Russia, Origins to 1933
University of Wisconsin Milwaukee UWM Digital Commons Theses and Dissertations August 2017 Lux Occidentale: The aE stern Mission of the Pontifical Commission for Russia, Origins to 1933 Michael Anthony Guzik University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.uwm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, History of Religion Commons, and the Other History Commons Recommended Citation Guzik, Michael Anthony, "Lux Occidentale: The Eastern Mission of the Pontifical ommiC ssion for Russia, Origins to 1933" (2017). Theses and Dissertations. 1632. https://dc.uwm.edu/etd/1632 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by UWM Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UWM Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LUX OCCIDENTALE: THE EASTERN MISSION OF THE PONTIFICAL COMMISSION FOR RUSSIA, ORIGINS TO 1933 by Michael A. Guzik A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History at The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee August 2017 ABSTRACT LUX OCCIDENTALE: THE EASTERN MISSION OF THE PONTIFICAL COMMISSION FOR RUSSIA, ORIGINS TO 1933 by Michael A. Guzik The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, 2017 Under the Supervision of Professor Neal Pease Although it was first a sub-commission within the Congregation for the Eastern Churches (CEO), the Pontifical Commission for Russia (PCpR) emerged as an independent commission under the presidency of the noted Vatican Russian expert, Michel d’Herbigny, S.J. in 1925, and remained so until 1933 when it was re-integrated into CEO. -
Jan Zofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Im Moldauischen
692 Book Reviews Jan micro-level of ethnic entrepreneurs, theirZofka, Postsowjetischer Separatismus. Die pro-russländischen Bewegungen motives, discourses, and strategies. Some- im moldauischen Dnjestr-Tal und auf what misleadingly, Zofka uses the term der Krim 1989-1995, Göttingen: Wall- ‘political opportunity structures’ here, but stein Verlag, 2015 (Moderne europäische his objective is not to make the case studies Geschichte 10), 437 pp., ISBN 978-3-8353- comparable (and to isolate key factors) but 1634-8, 39,90 € rather to underline the impact of the pro- cess itself and contingent factors. The com- What happened to Jan Zofka is the worst parison between Crimea and Pridnestrov’e nightmare of any historian or political sci- proves the futility of a comparative study entist: just as you are about to finish your of root causes. All obvious factors (history, PhD thesis, your object of study suddenly economic crisis, ethnicity, homeland, etc.) reinvents itself, effectively falsifying the would have predicted a violent and suc- main conclusions of your analysis. Zofka’s cessful secessionist movement in Crimean dissertation on post-Soviet separatism on Sevastopol’ and a meek copy in Tiraspol’, the left bank of the Dniester River in Mol- Transnistria’s capital. Referring to the cur- dova and on the Crimean peninsula, sub- rent Ukrainian crisis, the author points out mitted at the University of Leipzig in 2013, that despite the overbearing geopolitical argues that Crimea (unlike Pridnestrov’e/ manoeuvring by Moscow, local ethnic en- Transnistria) had never experienced a pow- trepreneurs are much more than puppets of erful, violent secessionist movement. Alas, the Russians. -
Putin's Frozen Conflicts and the Conflict in Ukraine
Antagonizing the Neighborhood: Putin’s Frozen Conflicts and the Conflict in Ukraine Testimony before Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, Energy, and the Environment Committee on Foreign Relations United States House of Representatives March 11, 2020 Stephen B. Nix, Esq. Eurasia Regional Director International Republican Institute A nonprofit organization dedicated to advancing democracy worldwide Stephen B. Nix, Esq. Congressional Testimony House Committee on Foreign Affairs March 11, 2020 Chairman Keating, Ranking Member Kinzinger, Members of the subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. The conflicts imposed upon Ukraine, Georgia and Moldova by Vladimir Putin have created military, political and policy challenges in all these countries. In addition to providing factual and political analysis in all the countries, we hope to provide the subcommittee with policy recommendations as to how the U.S. might engage in all these situations. Ukraine – Crimea and Donbas Since assuming office, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has dramatically enhanced his government’s efforts to resolve the crisis posed by the Russian-occupied territories of Donbas and Crimea. In a few short months, the Ukrainian government has increased its level of engagement with Ukrainian citizens still residing in these territories, improved the quality of critical public services to address needs created by the conflict, and re-invigorated diplomatic efforts to increase international pressure on the Kremlin to allow for the reintegration of these territories. It is crucial that the United States does all it can to support the Ukrainian government in achieving these aims. Challenges The conflict has created a humanitarian crisis in Donbas as vital public infrastructure, such as airports, bridges, highways, apartment buildings, and power and water lines have been destroyed or severely damaged. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Progress Report for 2009
Contract number: 2009/219-955 Project Title: Building confidence between Chisinau and Tiraspol Report starting date: 01 January 2010 Report end date: 31 December 2011 Implementing agency: UNDP Moldova Country: Republic of Moldova Support to Confidence Building Measures II – Final Report 2010-2011 – submitted by UNDP Moldova 1 Table of Contents I. SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................................................. 3 II. CONTEXT ................................................................................................................................................................. 4 III. PROJECT BACKGROUND .................................................................................................................................. 5 1. BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT ............................................................................................................................................ 5 2. COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT ........................................................................................................................................ 6 3. CIVIL SOCIETY DEVELOPMENT ...................................................................................................................................... 7 4. SUPPORT TO CREATION OF DNIESTER EUROREGION AND RESTORATION OF RAILWAY TRAFFIC. ........................................... 7 IV. SUMMARY OF IMPLEMENTATION PROGRESS ......................................................................................... -
Response to the Report by the Head of the OSCE Mission to Moldova Ambassador Michael Scanlan
PC.DEL/1538/17 16 November 2017 ENGLISH only United States Mission to the OSCE Response to the Report by the Head of the OSCE Mission to Moldova Ambassador Michael Scanlan As delivered by Chargé d'Affaires, a.i. Michele Siders to the Permanent Council, Vienna November 16, 2017 Thank you, Mr. Chair. The United States warmly welcomes you, Ambassador Scanlan, to the Permanent Council. Thank you for your substantive report on the work of the OSCE Mission to Moldova in support of achieving progress in the 5+2 settlement process, as well as Moldova’s reform agenda. The United States is a strong supporter of the output-based 5+2 process, and joined consensus on a Ministerial Council declaration in Hamburg last year endorsing this approach. We welcome the recent agreement by the sides on November 3 to reopen the Gura Bicului- Bychok bridge across the Nistru river and congratulate both sides on this achievement. This bridge will facilitate greater trade, thereby improving the lives of ordinary people, and symbolically help stitch the country together. The November 3 agreement also shows that substantive progress can be made when there is political will to do so. Both sides should capitalize on this political will and translate public commitments to the settlement process into additional concrete actions that could generate tangible results, before the end of this year. In this light, we call on the sides to build on this momentum and make progress on other confidence building measures in the “Package of Eight,” before the next 5+2 meeting in Vienna on November 27.