The Nord Stream 2 Pipeline
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The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System
The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System Chi Kong Chyong, Pierre Noël and David M. Reiner September 2010 CWPE 1051 & EPRG 1026 The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System EPRG Working Paper 1026 Cambridge Working Paper in Economics 1051 Chi Kong Chyong, Pierre Noёl and David M. Reiner Abstract We calculate the total cost of building Nord Stream and compare its levelised unit transportation cost with the existing options to transport Russian gas to western Europe. We find that the unit cost of shipping through Nord Stream is clearly lower than using the Ukrainian route and is only slightly above shipping through the Yamal-Europe pipeline. Using a large-scale gas simulation model we find a positive economic value for Nord Stream under various scenarios of demand for Russian gas in Europe. We disaggregate the value of Nord Stream into project economics (cost advantage), strategic value (impact on Ukraine’s transit fee) and security of supply value (insurance against disruption of the Ukrainian transit corridor). The economic fundamentals account for the bulk of Nord Stream’s positive value in all our scenarios. Keywords Nord Stream, Russia, Europe, Ukraine, Natural gas, Pipeline, Gazprom JEL Classification L95, H43, C63 Contact [email protected] Publication September 2010 EPRG WORKING PAPER Financial Support ESRC TSEC 3 www.eprg.group.cam.ac.uk The Economics of the Nord Stream Pipeline System1 Chi Kong Chyong* Electricity Policy Research Group (EPRG), Judge Business School, University of Cambridge (PhD Candidate) Pierre Noёl EPRG, Judge Business School, University of Cambridge David M. Reiner EPRG, Judge Business School, University of Cambridge 1. -
Security Aspects of the South Stream Project
BRIEFING PAPER Policy Department External Policies SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT FOREIGN AFFAIRS October 2008 JANUARY 2004 EN This briefing paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Foreign Affairs. It is published in the following language: English Author: Zeyno Baran, Director Center for Eurasian Policy (CEP), Hudson Institute www.hudson.org The author is grateful for the support of CEP Research Associates Onur Sazak and Emmet C. Tuohy as well as former CEP Research Assistant Rob A. Smith. Responsible Official: Levente Császi Directorate-General for External Policies of the Union Policy Department BD4 06 M 55 rue Wiertz B-1047 Brussels E-mail: [email protected] Publisher European Parliament Manuscript completed on 23 October 2008. The briefing paper is available on the Internet at http://www.europarl.europa.eu/activities/committees/studies.do?language=EN If you are unable to download the information you require, please request a paper copy by e-mail : [email protected] Brussels: European Parliament, 2008. Any opinions expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the European Parliament. © European Communities, 2008. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorised, provided the source is acknowledged and provided the publisher is given prior notice and supplied with a copy of the publication. EXPO/B/AFET/2008/30 October 2008 PE 388.962 EN CONTENTS SECURITY ASPECTS OF THE SOUTH STREAM PROJECT ................................ ii EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .............................................................................................iii 1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................... 1 2. THE RUSSIAN CHALLENGE................................................................................... 2 2.1. -
Nord Stream 2
Updated August 24, 2021 Russia’s Nord Stream 2 Natural Gas Pipeline to Germany Nord Stream 2, a natural gas pipeline nearing completion, is which accounted for about 48% of EU natural gas imports expected to increase the volume of Russia’s natural gas in 2020. Russian gas exports to the EU were up 18% year- export capacity directly to Germany, bypassing Ukraine, on-year in the first quarter of 2021. Factors behind reliance Poland, and other transit states (Figure 1). Successive U.S. on Russian supply include diminishing European gas Administrations and Congresses have opposed Nord Stream supplies, commitments to reduce coal use, Russian 2, reflecting concerns about European dependence on investments in European infrastructure, Russian export Russian energy and the threat of increased Russian prices, and the perception of many Europeans that Russia aggression in Ukraine. The German government is a key remains a reliable supplier. proponent of the pipeline, which it says will be a reliable Figure 1. Nord Stream Gas Pipeline System source of natural gas as Germany is ending nuclear energy production and reducing coal use. Despite the Biden Administration’s stated opposition to Nord Stream 2, the Administration appears to have shifted its focus away from working to prevent the pipeline’s completion to mitigating the potential negative impacts of an operational pipeline. Some critics of this approach, including some Members of Congress and the Ukrainian and Polish governments, sharply criticized a U.S.-German joint statement on energy security, issued on July 21, 2021, which they perceived as indirectly affirming the pipeline’s completion. -
Brussels Admits EU Law Does Not Apply to Nord Stream 2 the European Commission Has Admitted There Is No Legal Ground to Apply Matter Before the End of the Year
Energy Reproduced with permission by Energy Intelligence for Oxford Institute of Energy Studies Intelligence Issue Vol.17, No. 186, Thursday, September 21, 2017 Vol. 17, No. 186 Thursday, September 21, 2017 Special Reprint from International Oil Daily for Oxford Institute of Energy Studies . Copyright © 2017 Energy Intelligence Group. Unauthorized copying, reproduc- ing or disseminating in any manner, in whole or in part, including through intranet or internet posting, or electronic forwarding even for internal use, is prohibited. Brussels Admits EU Law Does Not Apply to Nord Stream 2 The European Commission has admitted there is no legal ground to apply matter before the end of the year. EU energy laws to Gazprom’s Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project despite its Observers believe Brussels’ mandate is plagued with problems, starting long-drawn opposition to the plan. with the fact that it would not ensure that Moscow must negotiate. PrintIn a Sep. 12 letter sent to a member of the European Parliament by the "If the commission does secure the mandate, it would acquire certain le- commission and leaked to the press, the commission’s legal service said gitimacy to negotiate, and it would be difficult for Russia to refuse entering that the application of the EU’s Third Energy Package regulations to off- negotiations; nonetheless Russia could still refuse to negotiate,” according shore import pipelines such as Nord Stream 2 "would raise specific legal to Katja Yafimava, senior research fellow at the Oxford Institute for Energy and practical questions, arising ... from the fact that Union rules cannot be Studies. Even if Russia does agree to negotiate, Yafimava doubts whether made unilaterally binding on the national authorities of third countries.” Moscow will accept the application of EU energy law to the project. -
The Environmental Impacts of the P Nord Stream Gas Pipeline in The
The Environmental Impacts of the Nord Stream Gas Pipeline in the Baltic Sea Juha-Markku Leppänen SYKE Marine Research Centre Content Nord Stream is a natural gas pipeline through the Baltic Sea linking Russian gas fields to the central Europe . The Nord Stream ggpppjas pipeline project . Environmental concerns . Environmental Impact Assessments . Permitting process . CoConstructionnstruction . First results of the environmental monitoring The Nord Stream gas pipeline project . Most extensive single construction in the Baltic Sea . Total length of 1124 km . 2 parallel pipelines . 55 billion m3 gas per year . Total investment of 7, 4 billion € Construction Monitor . First pipeline completed . Second pipeline to be ready in 2012 Main environmental concerns before the construction . Physical damage to the seabed • Increase in water turbidity • Release of nutrients and hazardous substances • Impacts on bottom currents . Dumped munitions and barrels • leakage, poisoning . MitiMunitions cl earance • sediment disturbance • fish,,, seals, birds... Ship wrecks and other cultural heritage . Scientific heritage . Nature reserves . Fisheries, maritime transport, safety Permitting process before commencement of the construction . The pi peli ne passes th e t errit ori al wat ers or EEZ of Russia, Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Germany . Espoo Convention: Convention on Environmental Impact Assessment in a Transboundary Context requires • Contracting Parties to notify and consult each other on all major projects that might have adverse environmental impact across borders • Individual Parties to integrate environmental assessment into the plans and programmes at the earliest stages • RiRussia no tCttiPttEt a Contracting Party to Espoo Concen tion Permitting process before commencement of the construction . TbdTransboundary const ttidtbdruction and transboundary impacts require both national and international permitting processes . -
Russia's Hostile Measures in Europe
Russia’s Hostile Measures in Europe Understanding the Threat Raphael S. Cohen, Andrew Radin C O R P O R A T I O N For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR1793 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0077-2 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2019 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface This report is the collaborative and equal effort of the coauthors, who are listed in alphabetical order. The report documents research and analysis conducted through 2017 as part of a project entitled Russia, European Security, and “Measures Short of War,” sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff, G-3/5/7, U.S. -
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff
Power and Plunder in Putin's Russia Miriam Lanskoy, Dylan Myles-Primakoff Journal of Democracy, Volume 29, Number 1, January 2018, pp. 76-85 (Article) Published by Johns Hopkins University Press DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2018.0006 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/683637 Access provided by your local institution (13 Mar 2018 16:12 GMT) PRE created by BK on 11/20/17. The Rise of Kleptocracy POWER AND PLUNDER IN PUTIN’S RUSSIA Miriam Lanskoy and Dylan Myles-Primakoff Miriam Lanskoy is senior director for Russia and Eurasia at the National Endowment for Democracy (NED). She is the author, with Ilyas Akhmadov, of The Chechen Struggle: Independence Won and Lost (2010). Dylan Myles-Primakoff is senior program officer for Russia and Eurasia at the NED. Since Vladimir Putin rose to power in 1999, the quest to restore the might of the Russian state at home and abroad has been a hallmark of his rule. Yet another such hallmark has been rampant looting by the country’s leaders. Thus Russia has figured prominently in recent schol- arly discussions about kleptocracies—regimes distinguished by a will- ingness to prioritize defending their leaders’ mechanisms of personal enrichment over other goals of statecraft. In a kleptocracy, then, cor- ruption plays an outsized role in determining policy. But how have the state-building and great-power ambitions of the new Russian elite coex- isted with its scramble for self-enrichment? Putin’s Russia offers a vivid illustration of how kleptocratic plunder can become not only an end in itself, but also a tool for both consolidating domestic political control and projecting power abroad. -
Nord Stream 2: Background, Objections, and Possible Outcomes Steven Pifer
NORD STREAM 2: BACKGROUND, OBJECTIONS, AND POSSIBLE OUTCOMES STEVEN PIFER APRIL 2021 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Nord Stream 2 is an almost-finished natural gas pipeline from Russia to Germany. The Biden administration opposes it and has come under congressional pressure to invoke sanctions to prevent its completion, in large part because the pipeline seems a geopolitical project targeted at Ukraine. The German government, however, regards the pipeline as a “commercial project” and appears committed to its completion, perhaps in the next few months. U.S. sanctions applied on Russian entities to date have failed to stop Nord Stream 2, raising the question of whether the U.S. government would sanction German and other European companies for servicing or certifying the pipeline. Such sanctions would provoke controversy with Germany at a time when both Berlin and the Biden administration seek to rebuild good relations. The two sides have work to do if they wish to avoid Nord Stream 2 becoming a major point of U.S.-German contention. THE PIPELINE The European Union currently imports about 40% of its natural gas from Russia, or about one-third Nord Stream 2 is actually a pair of natural gas of its total gas consumption.4 Gazprom began pipelines that, if/when completed, will run some discussions with European companies on a direct 1,200 kilometers along the bottom of the Baltic Russia-Germany gas pipeline in 2001. At that time, 1 Sea from Ust-Luga, Russia to Greifswald, Germany. it shipped gas to western Europe via pipelines that The two pipelines, collectively referred to as Nord mainly transited Ukraine, and also Belarus and Stream 2, are projected to have the capacity to Poland (the Yamal system). -
Nord Stream 2 – Germany's Dilemma
NO. 32 APRIL 2021 Introduction Nord Stream 2 – Germany’s Dilemma Kirsten Westphal The Nord Stream 2 project presents the German government with the dilemma of choosing between energy and foreign policy interests. Geopolitical arguments often prevail in the political discourse. Yet, a weighing of priorities requires a look at the energy policy context, too. When it comes to balancing interests, there are no easy or “cheap” answers. With a focus on the energy context, it has to be emphasized that a cooperative approach toward energy transformation promises the greatest dividend for a balance of interests, but it presupposes a minimum consensus within the Euro- pean Union (EU), along with the United States (US), Ukraine, and Russia. By mid-April 2021, there were still nearly the German government to take a political 130 km missing from the Nord Stream 2 stance. pipeline (100 km in Denmark and 30 km in Germany), which stretches from Russia to Germany through the Baltic Sea and is built Foreign Policy Changes in two strings of 1,230 km each. US sanc- tions had halted construction work for more Nord Stream 2 was launched by Gazprom than a year starting in December 2019. and five European companies in 2015, one As a result of the sanctions, the continued year after the annexation of Crimea. In its construction, insurance, and certification dealings with the project, the German gov- of the pipeline is now a Russian matter. ernment took a fallback position early on, The package of US sanctions (Countering relying on existing German law and an eco- America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions nomic-technical position, and therefore it Act [CAATSA], the Protecting Europe’s classified the expansion of Nord Stream as a Energy Security Act [PEESA], and the Protect- commercial project. -
Nord Stream 2 and Turkstream – Update on New Us Sanctions
IG CIRCULAR – NORD STREAM 2 AND TURKSTREAM – UPDATE ON NEW U.S. SANCTIONS Nord Stream is a system of offshore natural gas pipelines from Russia to Germany. It includes two lines running from Vyborg to Greifswald forming the original Nord Stream (NS1), and two lines running from Ust-Luga to Greifswald termed Nord Stream 2 (NS2). NS1 is owned and operated by Nord Stream AG, whose majority shareholder is the Russian state company Gazprom, and NS2 is owned and will be operated by Nord Stream 2 AG, a wholly owned subsidiary of Gazprom. NS1 was completed on 8 October 2012. Work to lay NS2 took place between 2018–2019 but has been disrupted by US sanctions. Prior to the imposition of U.S. sanctions, it had been expected to become operational in mid-2020. TurkStream is a natural gas pipeline running from Russia to Turkey. It starts from Russkaya compressor station near Anapa in Russia crossing the Black Sea to the receiving terminal at Kıyıköy. Construction on TurkStream started in May 2017 and gas deliveries to Bulgaria via the pipeline began on 1 January 2020. This Circular concerns efforts by the United States to enhance the sanction provisions targeting the construction of the NS2 and TurkStream pipeline projects and those who provide vessels and services in connection with either project. The recent efforts are mainly focused on two pieces of legislation – the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) and the Protecting Europe’s Energy Security Act (PEESA). While the wording in the CAATSA and PEESA sanction authorizations is different, both Acts have the potential to reach the activities of non-U.S. -
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy
CORRUPTION PIPELINE: the threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy Ilya Zaslavskiy Ilya Zaslavskiy | Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 to EU Security and Democracy | Free Russia Foundation, 2017 1 CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 3 NS2 AS A TOOL OF KREMLIN’S POLITICAL INFLUENCE AGAINST NEIGHBORS AND CORRUPTION 4 ACTUAL RESULTS OF NORD STREAM 1 7 ROOTS OF GAZPROM’S APPEASEMENT IN EUROPE 10 IMPLICATIONS OF NS2 FOR WESTERN POLICY-MAKERS 16 Corruption Pipeline: The Threat of Nord Stream 2 CONTENTS to EU Security and Democracy I. INTRODUCTION his paper is a continuation of publications on security architecture. This Moscow-led pipeline Tthe Kremlin’s subversive activity in Europe seemingly being served as a free and lucrative prepared by Free Russia Foundation. The first gift to European energy corporations in reality paper, The Kremlin’s Gas Games in Europe, comes at the expense of taxpayers and the published jointly with the Atlantic Council, reasonable long-term development of gas looked at Gazprom’s overall current tactics in resources in Russia. Nord Stream 1 and 2 have Europe, including its pipeline plans, energy already started bringing the Kremlin’s business propaganda, and other policies.1 However, after practices and political cooptation to Europe, and our presentations in the US and Europe earlier they will further undermine EU aspirations for this year,2 we realized that a separate paper better governance, democratic institutions and specifically focused on certain aspects of Nord security. Stream 2 was required. To understand why this development is accepted Gazprom and its Western partners that are slated in Germany, and meets with weak and confused to benefit from Nord Stream 2 are aggressively resistance in the EU, it is important to look at advancing the pipeline as a purely commercial the roots of the friendship between big Western project that will only bring benefits to Europe. -
“Russian Energy Policy and Its Challenge to Western Policy Makers”
“Russian Energy Policy and its Challenge to Western Policy Makers” Keith C. Smith Senior Associate Center for Strategic and International Studies March 2008 Summary • The U.S. and the EU have too long ignored the Kremlin’s non -transparent and monopolis tic energy policies , and its use of natural resources to exert political influence over the new democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. • The responses of the EU and U.S. to Russian energy policies ha ve been weak and uncoordinated and have had little or n o effect on Kremlin behavior . • The disruption of natural gas to Ukraine and Georgia in January 2006, of oil to Lithuania and Belarus in 2006, and of gas to Georgia again in January 2007 was only an intensification of Russia’s petro -politics that began as ea rly as 1990 . • Studies document that there have been over 40 politically -motivated energy disruptions or threatened disruptions by Moscow in the past 17 years. • Europe could be less concerned if Russia were rapidly moving in the direction of Western -style d emocracy. Unfortunately, Putin’s Russia has become more authoritarian, nationalistic and desirous of re -establishing its Soviet -era hold over its European and Central Asian neighbors. • The U.S. and Europe’s tolerance of, or at most token opposition to, Russ ia’s coercive policies and non -transparent business practices have convinced the Kremlin that the West is either powerless or lacks the will to re act because of its perceived need for Russia’s substantial resources . • The reality , however, is that Russia is very much dependent on revenue from Europe ’s energy markets and on Western financing and technology in the energy sector .