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U·M·I University Microfilms International a Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, M148106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 The causes, consequences and dynamics of political corruption in Mexico. Item Type text; Dissertation-Reproduction (electronic) Authors Morris, Stephen David. Publisher The University of Arizona. Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this material is made possible by the University Libraries, University of Arizona. Further transmission, reproduction or presentation (such as public display or performance) of protected items is prohibited except with permission of the author. Download date 27/09/2021 04:31:45 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184518 INFORMATION TO USERS The most advanced technology has been used to photo­ graph and reproduce this manuscript from the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. 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Ann Arbor, MI 48106 THE CAUSES, CONSEQUENCES AND DYNAMICS OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN MEXICO by Stephen David Morris A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 1 988 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Final Examination Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by ___s_t_e_p_h_e_n __ D_a_v_i_d_M_o_r_r_~_'s ______________________ __ The Causes, Consequences and Dynamics of entitled ------------------------------------------------------------------ Political Corruption in Mexico and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement Philosophy Date ' Date Date Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate's submission of the final copy of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation Cirement. 'l!::rita:rt£Jo~ STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgement the proposed use of the material is in the interest of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. DEDICATION To My Parents, James David Morris and Martha Gaye Wilson, with Gratitude, Love and Respect. iii -------- -------- PREFACE As a research topic, Mexican corruption appears exotic, daring and even romantic. In a way, it is; but it also invites certain mis­ understandings. First, corruption is an extremely broad concept and carries a variety of moral overtones. Focus here is on political corruption, however, and is not intended to depict the Mexican people or society as any less or more moral than any other peoples. Second, exposing scanqals and wrongdoing of Mexican officials, naming names and pointing fingers is not the objective of the study. This is an academic endeavor not investigative journalism. Scandals are discussed and examples of corruption used for illustrative purposes, but the discus­ sion is far more theoreticsl than anecdotal. Finally, although corruption is clearly widespread in Mexico, the study does not compare corruption in Mexico to corruption in other countries. Thus, the mere existence of the study does not indicate that Mexico's suffers more or less corruption than other countries. By no stretch of the imagination should this suggest that corruption does not exist in my own country, the us. Such qualifications and disclaimers help show the focus of the inquiry; but they also raise questions concerning the stimuli behind the study and why Mexico was chosen. Actually, two personal experiences marking my earliest encounters with Mexico triggered the intense curiosity underlying the study. iv ~ ~----~~--~--~~~-- -~~-~~~~--.- -~~-----~---------- v The first incident crystallized a key conceptual prejudice of mine, nourished largely by my training in political science. Upon observing the incredible pollution in Mexico City and the buses that spewed layers of black smoke into the atmosphere, 1 asked why the government did not pass laws to deal with the obvious environmental problem. Laughingly, my Mexican colleagues responded that such laws in fact existed, but were non-effective due to widespread corruption. This illustrated first, a perhaps North American predisposition to consider mere rule-making sufficient to respond to social problems; and second. the curious state of things when one part of the government acts in one way while another part acts to the contrary. The second stimulus involved the payment of a mordida to a Mexican police. Stopped for an illegal turn on the picturesque Paseo de 1a Reforma, I engaged the police in what I'thought was the proper pre­ mordida dialogue: the philosophical nature of time and space (or "I'm in a hurry, can we take care of this matter here"). After arriving at the negotiated price of 200 pesos (about US$ 8), however, my Mexican companion urged me to request the citation rather than pay what appeared to me a reasonable amount. Leaving it to the more experienced, I essentially bowed out of the uniquely political affair. Following further negotiations between the police and my companion, 1 gladly forfeited the 50 peso mordida (about US$ 2). Ashamed at my obvious lack of negotiating skill, my partner informed me that such a price was more or less the maximum one should pay for an illegal turn. Obviously it was not my negotiating skills, but my lack of a price list. Wiser from the experience, 1 realized that despite corruption's chaotic and ----,----,~- ---- --~--- vi disordered appearance, unwritten rules, norms and patterns obviously exist. As such, the systematic study of corruption was both possible and enticing. Inquisitiveness bred from these realizations led to the study of corruption in the Mexican polity and the search for answers. For years, the curiosity grew, and like most dissertation topics, eventu­ ally became a veritable obsession. The study that follows is thus the result of a personal quest to answer my own burning queries on the causes, consequences and dynamics of political corruption in Mexico. As always, obstacles, dead ends and headaches dotted the search for answers. Moreover, the inquiry was often intermittent with time and attention often devoted to classes and other business. By and large, however, the result has quenched much of the driving curiosity although many questions and doubts still remain. * * * Since the research has extended over a period of years, many intellectual and personal debts have been acquired. At the insti­ tutional level, the Universidad de las Americas in Puebla, where I served as a Visiting Professor from 1985 to 1986, provided important logistical and clerical support; the Graduate College at the University of Arizona assisted the effort through a Summer Dissertation Support Grant in 1987; tIle American Graduate School of International Management sponsored a conference trip to present ideas included in Chapter 6; and the journal Corruption and Reform published an article on the topic in 1987 that set out many of the ideas included throughout (Morris 1987). vii People from the Hemeroteca Nacional at~ the INational University in Mexico City were particularly kind andl helpful during my hours there. Scores of colleagues have aideld inlthis endeavor as well. The public opinion survey conducted in 19a~6 coald not have been
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