DareGender Cybernauterne

Under the influence: Ways into extreme digital communities through gender and English summary

This is how we did it We’ve mapped out purpose-giving communities with a gender chauvinistic foundation. These communities can be anything from loosely connected people in comment tracks on YouTube videos to organisations with members and hierarchies. The term “gender chauvinistic communities” refers to those communities that believe that male dominance is natural. The communities we have identified fall differently on a gender chauvinistic scale, however they are all opposed to and or to political movements that work to further gender equality and equal treatment across all genders, sexualities and ethnicities.

Our data set consists of 12.344.050 comments on videos from 42 YouTube channels, posted between January 1st, 2019 and July 1st, 2020. The 42 channels represent three cross sections: Danish mainstream YouTubers, Danish political YouTubers and international political YouTubers. Based on these YouTube comments, we have identified six communities that we were also able to locate on other social medias. We have conducted content analyses of posts, comments, pictures and videos on YouTube, Discord, Facebook, Instagram and Telegram, as well as interviews with young men that have participated in these communities.

The gender chauvinistic communities The six communities we identified are: the , ethnonationalists, anarcho- capitalists, neo-pagans and traditionalists, neo-Nazis and conspiracy theorists.

The manosphere refers to influencers and digital forums focused on masculinity and men’s rights, that are based on a belief that feminism and the gender equality agenda has gone too far and is oppressing men. Subgroups of the manosphere include Men’s Rights Activists (MRA), Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW), pick-up artists (PUA) and involuntary celibates (). In Denmark, the manosphere does not have a very large audience.

The ethnonationalist communities have strong ties to their ethnic and national identities, as well as and a criticism of immigration. Gender is secondary in these communities’ communication and mobilisation, however, an explicit antifeminist tendency exists, as feminists are ridiculed and struggles for gender equality are seen as an attack on the nation. These communities appeal to young men with a narrative of their identity being under attack: Muslims attack them because they are Danes, feminists are after them because they are men, etc.

Anarcho-capitalists want to liquidate the state and build a community governed by free- market forces and private property rights. For some anarcho-capitalist communities, gender

2 plays an important role. In Danish communities, influencers and followers discuss gender based on stereotypical understandings of men being more rational, better leaders and money earners, and women being irrational, superficial and emotionally driven. There are explicit negative attitudes towards gender equality and feminism, and LGBT+ and minority groups’ struggles for equality are ridiculed.

Neo-pagans outlook on life stems from a pre-Christian faith, based on their ethnic and geographical origins. The Neo-pagans and traditionalist communities encourage the hypermasculine muscular body and promote fitness, exercise and health through specific diets and exercise programs. Ideas of brotherhood, the “tribe” and the family, and how to care for these, are significant in these communities. Traditional family constellations and gender norms are also common.

Neo-Nazi communities celebrate traditional gender roles, and most of their members are men who are expected to participate in combat training. On their digital platforms, virtuous Aryan women who care for their husband and children are idealised, and women who are left-oriented or have relationships with black or brown men are “prostitutes” and “racial traitors”. In Denmark, the Neo-Nazi community primarily consists of Den Nordiske Modstandsbevægelse.

Lastly, conspiracy theoretical communities in Denmark have grown, and the QAnon movement has especially gained traction in Denmark. Movements that work with gender equality and feminism are frequently included in conspiracy theories as agents that work for secret backers.

Men, women, resistance and oppression Some common features of the identified communities include a categorical approach to gender and gender roles, a general opposition to feminism and other progressive movements and a narrative about marginalisation of men and the repression of free speech.

“Real men” In these communities, the question of how to be a real is often answered with an idealised hypermasculinity, which entails being strong, violent, dangerous and having contemptuous attitudes towards women. For some, masculinity is connected to a strong, well trained body. For others, it has more to do with being a protector and provider in society, relationships and their family. Sexual experience is also viewed by some as being significant.

The good woman Attitudes towards women are not the same in all these communities, however, most of these have strongly negative attitudes towards certain types of women. The first is the promiscuous woman. She is the object of disgust and ridicule, but also sexualisation. The second is the feminism. She is angry, unfeminine and unattractive. She is the object of ridicule, anger and conspiracy theories. The third woman is perceived as the ideal, “the

3 tradwife” who lives up to traditional gender roles. She is a stay-at-home mom to a lot of Caucasian children and her husband is the head of the family.

Antifeminism A common feature of these communities is the perception of feminism as a threat against society. Most communities have their own idea of what exactly this threat is. For example, in the manosphere, resistance against feminism is the very core of the ideological project, and in the ethnonationalist and Neo-Nazi communities, the resistance against feminism has more to do with reproduction and the “”.

Freedom of speech and marginalisation There is a prevalent narrative across platforms, ideological groups and influencers that men, particularly Caucasian heterosexual men, are under pressure or have been marginalised in society. These communities see men and masculinity as being under attack from feminists, modernity, immigration or an unnamed elite, and this is often presented in a conspiratorial light.

4 The other YouTube YouTube is home to many influencers that game, play music, share make-up tutorials and talk about fashion and gossip. However, political influencers with extreme ideas also use digital platforms to communicate, organise themselves, spread messages and draw in new followers or members. We have focused on how mainstream social media, especially YouTube, is used to discuss, spread and attract followers.

International extremist YouTubers have a Danish audience We know that international extremist YouTubers have a Danish audience, because our data shows that approximately 2000 Danish YouTube users actively engage in the comment tracks of both Danish mainstream and political influencers, as well as international political influencers.

From the main streets of the Internet to the back alleys As an influencer on YouTube, it is possible to gain a large audience, as YouTube is a popular platform with many users that can be referred to certain videos by the platform’s algorithms. However, YouTube is also a platform that checks for and removes inappropriate content. Because of this, many political YouTubers also utilise other, less popular, media platforms, both mainstream and non-mainstream. Although political influencers may be banned from mainstream social media, their followers are still active and help recruit new followers in comment tracks.

The journey down the rabbit hole We have carried out a series of interviews with young men that have been part of communities that engage in either gender ideals or a resistance to gender equality and feminism. All the interviewees have moved on from these communities, and the purpose of our interviews was to gain an understanding of what it was that attracted them to these communities, what their experiences within them were, and why they decided to leave them again.

One of the simplest ways in which individuals are invited into these communities is when friends invite them to join large discussion groups on Facebook. It can also happen when a YouTuber or other influencer introduce individuals to political influencers.

A simple explanation to complex problems The young men we interviewed all expressed that the communities they had been a part of provided them with simple answers to the complex questions they struggled with; why they felt lonely, why they had a hard time in relationships, why our society is structured the way it is and why inequalities exist.

Counterculture and community In the interviews and comments, we analysed, we can see that followers engage with content that challenges the tendencies they find frustrating or unfair, especially when it comes to gender and gender equality. It is important for them to experience a space where they can discuss topics that they cannot discuss elsewhere because of “political correctness.” The experience of being a part of a community that is marginalised and

5 exposed to injustices can both be what makes these communities appealing, as well as further the journey into these digital communities.

Superior men: “Feminist gets OWNED!” Crude, transgressive content is popular online. Being rude and condescending and confronting others is a form of content that can be found on mainstream YouTube, and which has successfully been taken over by political influencers. “Take-downs” or “owns”, a kind of content in which progressive movements are ridiculed and criticised, is a genre in itself.

Guidance and self-help Self-help and advice are appealing content for young, identity-seeking men. This can be advice on how to talk to women, like the content made by the manosphere’s pick-up artists.

6 Alternatively, it can be a space in which frustrations about dating can be discussed, which is what the forums are intended to provide.

The communities close around themselves Although the digital communities are attractive, because they promise total freedom of speech and critical content, our interviewees describe how criticism of the group’s fundamental attitudes is suppressed within the communities.

The way out of the rabbit hole There are recurrent themes in our interviews and the stories of how to leave these communities. One way is by being presented to counter-narratives and critical questions, which initiate critical thinking about how influencers present the world. Another way out is by being confronted by someone close to you, for example a family member or a friend. A third way is getting into new environments and hobbies and associating with ideas and people that were previously seen as ideological “enemies”.

7 A focus on gender and masculinity in preventive work In the communities mapped out in this report, it is political influencers who present ideas and narratives of gender and masculinity. In preventive work, it is important to understand what these communities offer young men that they cannot find elsewhere. Tradition gender norms are currently being challenged, and for some this means a new freedom, but for others this can cause insecurity.

Research on extremism suggests that some communities offer a remasculinisation, that is, a way in which men can feel confident in their masculinity, that involves aggressive behaviour, carrying firearms, committing or taking part in acts of war. This remasculinisation is especially attractive to young boys and men who perceive their masculinity as being threatened.

Ideas about the hypermasculine man and resistance to gender equality is gaining traction in Denmark, and individuals do not need to be socially marginalised in order to find extreme communities appealing. Therefore, we need to re-evaluate who is at risk of radicalisation.

Digital communities’ function as a safe space for people who feel insecure, excluded or threatened by society’s evolution. In the prevention of hate, harassment and violence, we ought to discuss topics and frustrations that have to do with these feelings.

We must be careful not to strengthen feelings of marginalisation and exclusion among individuals that are attracted by or a part of these communities. We ought to make space for conversations about insecurities about being a man and create communities that offer a remasculinisation without violence and hostile attitudes towards women and minorities.

Positive role models create the basis for constructive conversations about gender, masculinity and sexuality that can occur in educational institutions or in smaller groups.

Preventing gender chauvinistic tendencies can include a constructive presence on digital platforms that make space for conversations about men and masculinity.

Negative reactions to the developments occurring in society must be taken seriously. Gender equality agendas are perceived by some as an attack on boys and men, and a positive focus on girls and women can feel as though men’s problems are invisible. Therefore, it is advantageous to make room for a wide spectrum of experiences with gender, where nobody is condemned but instead heard, supported and challenged in a constructive manner. It is important to understand what these young men are experiencing and to talk to them about gender, sexuality and insecurity, as well as acknowledging their starting point and need for masculine communities.

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