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Dubrovački kotar u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj 75 3.8. PRAVO LICE TALIJANSKE OKUPACIJE ad je riječ o prodiranju okupatorske vojske na dubrovačko područje, u Du- Kbrovnik je već 17. travnja 1941. stigao motorizirani njemački odred, a ubrzo za njim ulazi i talijanski motorizirani armijski korpus Druge armije. Dobrodo- licu pridolim odredima poelio je dubrovački gradonačelnik dr. Josip Baljkas. Potom su predstavnici tih odreda na općinskoj zgradi podignuli zastave svojih zemalja. Na putu prema Dubrovniku njemačke jedinice zaposjele su arkovicu, 1941. Srđ, Lapad i područje do Rijeke dubrovačke, ne mijeajući se u civilnu vlast na tome području. Vrlo brzo nakon ulaska talijanskog motoriziranog odreda u Grad je ula i talijanska divizija Marche pod zapovjednitvom generala Giuseppea Ami- coa. Te talijanske oruane snage stigle su iz Albanije zaposjevi zonu Dubrovnik Mostar Metković, a divizije Torino i Littorio zonu Mostar Dubrovnik. 175 17. slika: Ustaki stoernik Ivo Rojnica, dr. J. Baljkas, Tonći Jelich, dr Ante Suđa, teneral Giuseppe Pafundi, J. barbir i druge sluge okupatora na praznome Stradunu prilikom primopredaje Općine u ustake ruke, svibanj 1941. U narednim danima zapovjednik talijanske vojske general Giuseppe Pafundi posjetio je u Kneevom dvoru dubrovačkoga gradonačelnika Baljkasa. Tom su- sretu su nazočile i dubrovački ustae dr. Stijepo Perić, dr. Ante Sugja, dr. Vicko Svilokos, dr. Miho Kisić, dr. Vlaho Buko, Ivo Rojnica i drugi. U pozdravnom 175 Jakić, Mato.1966. Dubrovnik 1941.: 98. 76 Franko Miroević govoru Pafundi je, između ostaloga, rekao: Gospodine načelniče mi smo doli u Hrvatsku kao prijateljska i saveznička vojska. Jugoslavija je razbijena i uspo- stavljena je NDH. Imam nalog od Ducea da surađujem s hrvatskim vlastima i da budem pri ruci oko odravanja reda i mira. Na boravak ovdje je prolazne naravi.176 Događaji koji su slijedili dokazali su da Pafundi nije govorio istinu jer Talijani, to se vrlo brzo pokazalo, nisu u Dubrovniku i dubrovačkom kra- ju namjeravali ostati prolazno, nego su i taj dio Hrvatske anektirali i pripojili Kraljevini Italiji. a) b) c) 18. slika: Dio natpisa (parola) na fasadama i pločnicima Dubrovnika iz svibnja 1941.* * a) Simbioza talijanskih i ustakih napisa na Gradskom zvoniku: U ZA DOM SPRE- MNI; LASSE È INFRANGIBILE (Osovina je nesalomljiva); VICTORIA (Pobjeda); DUE SOLI SONO IN VINCITORI GERMANIA E ITALIA GLI ALTRI SONO I SALVATI (Samo su dva pobjednika: Njemačka i Italija; ostali su spaeni). b) Natpis na zidu Kneeva dvora: ROMA DOMA GERMANIA SPEZZA (Rim pokorava, Njemačka slama). c) Natpis na pločniku ispred Onofrijeve fontane: ROMA CAPUT MUNDI (Rim sredi- te svijeta). Sve prikazane fotografije snimio je Ivo Peko u svibnju 1941. godine. Natpisa je bilo i na ostalim lokalitetima u Gradu, poput: RIM GOSPODARI SVIJETOM, OVDJE OSTAJEMO, RIM SVLADAVA LICEMJERNE BUNTOVNIKE Ispod jedne nacr- tane batine stajao je natpis: STARA, ALI UVIJEK DOBRA itd. 176 Anić, Nikola. 2013. Dubrovnik u Drugom svjetskom ratu (1941. 1945.) Od okupacije do oslobođenja Knjiga prva: 26 i Rojnica, Ivo. 1995. Susreti i doivljaji 1938. 1945.: 58. Dubrovački kotar u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj 77 Nakon to se njemački odred povukao iz Grada, bilo je jasno da ovaj dio Hr- vatske ulazi u talijansku interesnu sferu, to je zabrinulo i dubrovačke ustae koji su se pribojavali da NDH ne izgubi Dalmaciju, pa tako i Dubrovnik. Talijanski vojnici po Dubrovniku su sakupljali i plijenili ratni materijal, oruje, streljivo, hranu, odjeću, obuću i druge predmete do kojih su mogli doći. Većinu sakuplje- nog su nelegalno prodavali ili odvozili u Italiju. Tako su, primjerice, ostavljene automobile izbjeglih Beograđana i Sarajlija, čiji vlasnici su pobjegli u strahu od ustaa, zaplijenili i potom prodavali. Istodobno su raznu robu i materijal, među 1941. kojim je bilo streljiva i oruja, dopremali u luku Gru iz koje su nakrcane bro- dove otpremali prema Italiji. Namjeravali su odnijeti i spomenuti Metrovićev reljef s likom kralja Petra I. Karađorđevića, ali se tome suprotstavila dubrovačka općina, navodeći da autoru reljefa jo nisu potpuno plaćena autorska prva.177 Po fasadama i gradskim pločnicima ispisivani su različiti natpisi (parole) u kojima je izraavana moć okupatora i talijansko prisvajanje Dubrovnika. Dubrovnik je u tim danima osjećao i trpio sve veći talijanski pritisak i oiv- ljavanje iredentističkih pobuda prema Hrvatskoj. Uz ostalo zahtijevano je od vlasnika trgovina da na poslovne prostore ističu talijanske zastave. Kako je vri- jeme odmicalo, iz dana u dan odnosi s talijanskom okupacijskom vlasti su se pogoravali, pa je Talijanska vojna komanda ubrzo potpuno zabranila isticanje hrvatskih zastava.178 Talijanski okupatori imali su cilj da provedu i organiziraju ne samo vojnu nego i civilnu upravu na području čitavoga dubrovačkoga kotara. Iz izvjeća ci- vilnoga komesara za Dalmaciju vidljivo je da su eljeli stvoriti i osvojiti cjelovitu Dalmaciju, sve do Kotora. Takvo ponaanje talijanskih okupatora stvorilo je ve- liko antitalijansko raspoloenje čitavoga dubrovačkog stanovnitva, a ne samo ustaa i proustakih elemenata. Na okupiranomu dubrovačkom području talijanski zapovjednici uspostavili su talijansku vojnu vlast i utvrdili da Dubrovnik, kao ni Split i Trogir, nisu vie Mletački, ali su uočili da je na tom području itekako promijenjen nacionalni sastav stanovnitva te da većinu ne čine Talijani, nego Hrvati. Na temelju toga zaključka zapovjednik Eugenio Coseleschi u izvjeću Komandi Druge armije ukazuje na potrebu da talijanska okupacijska vlast vodi politiku punog osje- ćaja i razumijevanja za probleme s ciljem da se uspostavi talijanski utjecaj, i to ne samo politički nego i duhovni. Dok su Talijani bili uvjereni da će nakon pregovora između Italije i NDH-a o razgraničenju i Dubrovnik biti anektiran, dubrovački ustae su mislili obratno. Vjerovali su da su Talijani u Gradu samo 177 HDA. SDS. RSUP. Fond 1561, 152. 178 urić-Scotti Neva. 1985. Talijanki okupacioni sistem na dubrovačkom tlu (1941. 1945.): 1020. 78 Franko Miroević prolazno i da će se nakon razgraničenja povući. Kako bilo da bilo, kad je riječ o Dubrovniku to pitanje tada nije rijeeno. Mussolini to pitanje nije rijeio sa svo- jim tićenikom Pavelićem, o čemu je ustako vodstvo vodilo računa. Smatrali su da se, u procesu organizacije ustake vlasti, u Dubrovniku moraju provoditi nastojanja da se ustae i ustake formacije na dubrovačkomu području zadre; osobito nakon formiranja Zapovjednitva hrvatskog orunitva.179 19. slika: Mimohod talijanske vojske Stradunom 1941. Odmah nakon ulaska talijanskih vojnih postrojbi u Dubrovniku je započela čistka među slubenicima javne uprave, a zatim među dravnim slubenicima, učiteljima i drugim javnim djelatnicima. Istodobno s nacionalnim čistkama u organima uprave, sudstvu i prosvjeti, talijanska okupacijska vojna vlast pozor- no je pratila sve one koji su bili potencijalni protivnici talijanske vlasti. Tako je, iz dana u dan, karakter okupacijske vlasti bio sve jasniji. Ogledalo se naročito u nepriznanju organa NDH-a, to je u Dubrovniku izazivalo ogorčenje i ukaziva- lo na vidljive začetke zaotravanja talijansko-ustakih odnosa. Talijanizacija je naročito dola do izraaja prilikom i nakon potpisivanja Rimskih ugovora, to će u nastavku biti posebna tema. I pored svega prilikom govora u sjeditu Ustake komande u Dubrovniku ista- knuti ustaki ideolog Ivan Oranić naglasio je kako će, nakon odlaska talijanskih 179 Ibid. 1019. Dubrovački kotar u Nezavisnoj Dravi Hrvatskoj 79 jedinica iz Dubrovnika, ustae ponovno preuzeti vlast i isčupati srpski korov iz hrvatskih gradova, a unititi i sve one koji su protiv ustake vlasti.180 3.9. ZLOGLASNI RIMSKI UGOVORI ri utvrđivanju gra- Pnica NDH-a prema Italiji Pavelić se nadao 1941. njemačkoj potpori, ali je ona izostala. Da- lji hrvatsko-talijanski pregovori vođeni su diplomatskim kanali- ma. U pregovorima je Pavelić, pristajući na ustupke, izmijenio svoj raniji prijedlog. Na toj osnovi 7. svibnja 1941. u slovenskome mjestu Triću odrani su za- 20. slika: Potpisivanje Rimskih ugovora* vrni razgovori između Pavelića i Mussolinija. Pregovori su vođeni 25. travnja 1941. u Ljubljani, gdje su se sastali poglavnik Ante Pavelića i talijanski ministar vanjskih poslova grof Gelleazzo Ciano. U pregovorima je Dubrovnik bio u sreditu pozornosti ustaa iz Dalmacije okupljenih oko Pavelića, među kojima je bio i dubrovački odvjetnik i jedan od prvih dubrovačkih ustaa dr. Stijepo Perić.181 I Ciano je doao s veli- kom svitom talijanskih generala, diplomata i gospodarskih stručnjaka i zatraio je cjelokupno područje juno od crte Ogulin Livno Mostar, u to je ulazio i Dubrovnik zajedno s čitavim područjem dalmatinske obale. U svom govoru naglasio je talijansko pravo na Dalmaciju i vojnu potrebu svoje zemlje za Jadran- skim morem, ali je diplomatski naglaavao i velike simpatije Italije prema mladoj *Kako je poznato, Ugovori su potpisani 18. svibnja 1941., s dugoročnim kobnim poslje- dicama za stanovnike Istre, Hrvatskoga primorja i Dalmacije. Dravnu delegaciju NDH-a na potpisivanju je predvodio poglavnik Ante Pavelić, a uza nj su bili Slavko Kvaternik, ministar vojske i Mladen Lorković, ministar vanjskih poslova. Na slici se slijeva nadesno vide: Mladen Lorković, Slavko Kvaternik i Ante Pavelić (sjede) i ministar vanjskih poslova Kraljevine Italije Galeazzo Ciano (stoji). 180 Ibid. 1039. 181 Pobjegao je 1945. iz Hrvatske. U jednom emigrantskom listu pisao je da ovakva nepovoljna podjela Dalmacije za NDH isključivo je rezultat Pavelićeva pokornog dranja prema Mussolinijevim zahtjevima. 80 Franko Miroević hrvatskoj
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    Fascist Thought in Twentieth Century Europe Case Study of Ante Pavelić By Goran Miljan Submitted to Central European University History Department In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Professor Constantin Iordachi Second Reader: Professor Marsha Siefert CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2009 “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection Abstract The case study of Ante Pavelić, Poglavnik (Leader) of the Ustashi movement and the Independent State of Croatia, presents the first attempt to place Pavelić within the contemporary models of fascism. It also provides one of the first analyses of his ideological basis, in order to place him within European fascist thought in the 20th century. As to my knowledge, such research has not yet been done, and therefore presents an important aspect and new approach when dealing with Ante Pavelić. The paper analyzes Ante Pavelić within two contemporary models of fascism. The models used in this paper are by Roger Griffin and Stanley G. Payne, the two most influential scholars of modern fascist theory. By method of comparison, based on these two models, I have demonstrated that when using and analyzing primary sources, Pavelić can be placed within the two models of fascism.

  • Communist Penetration of Croatian American Organizations During World War Ii1

    Review of Croatian History 5/2009, no.1, 169 - 188 UDK: 329.15 (73=163.42) “1941/1945” Izvorni znanstveni članak Received: August 25, 2009 Accepted: October 6, 2009 COMMUNIST PENETRATION OF CROATIAN AMERICAN ORGANIZATIONS DURING WORLD WAR II1 Jure KRIŠTO* Introduction Lately, the problem of Communist penetration of American institutions during World War II and the period of the “Cold War” has assumed a prominent place.2 Although authors do not single out Croatian Americans, it is clear that several of them were members of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA) and active in intelligence gathering for the Soviet Union.3 American agencies became aware of that fact during the war. Surprisingly, the Federal Bureau of Investigations and other government agencies first engaged in the surveillance of Croatian Americans for their alleged involvement in supporting the Pavelić government in the Independent State of Croatia,4 but gradually they came under the surveillance for their Communist activities in the States. * Jure Krišto, Ph. D., Croatian Institute of History, Zagreb 1 This article is based on similar archival material used in writing “Čuvari svoje braće: policijsko nadgledanje američkih Hrvata tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata”, Časopis za suvremenu povijest, 35/2003., br. 2, 407-430, by the author. 2 John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona. Decoding Soviet Espionage in America (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999); Jerrold and Leona Schecter, Sacred Secrets: How Soviet Intelligence Operations Changed American History (New York: Potomac Books, Inc., 2003); excerpts available at: http://books.google.hr/books?id=M2pbieYYHrYC&dq=Leona+SCHECTER&printse c=frontcover&source=bl&ots=f9ixnVTSni&sig=Wh8v6sXPUGGD-TJe5dyN56P7SK0&hl=hr&ei =QTnkSq7cMJTimgPt5YGjCw&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3&ved=0CA8Q6AE wAg#v=onepage&q=&f=false 3 John Kraljic, “The Croatian Section of the Communist Party of the United States and the ‘United Front’: 1934 1939”, this issue of Review of Croatian History.
  • Cahiers Balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits Et Mémoires Dans Les Balkans » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 08 Décembre 2011, Consulté Le 06 Juillet 2021

    Cahiers Balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits Et Mémoires Dans Les Balkans » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 08 Décembre 2011, Consulté Le 06 Juillet 2021

    Cahiers balkaniques 38-39 | 2011 Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ceb/61 DOI : 10.4000/ceb.61 ISSN : 2261-4184 Éditeur INALCO Édition imprimée Date de publication : 30 mars 2011 ISBN : 978-2-85831-189-7 ISSN : 0290-7402 Référence électronique Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 08 décembre 2011, consulté le 06 juillet 2021. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ceb/61 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ceb.61 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 6 juillet 2021. Cahiers balkaniques est mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d’Utilisation Commerciale 4.0 International. 1 Conflits de mémoire(s), mémoire(s) des conflits… conflits de toutes sortes… mémoires des protagonistes et des anonymes, des vainqueurs et des vaincus, des condamnés, exilés, déportés, des centaines de milliers de déplacés jetés sur les chemins des Balkans depuis plus d'un siècle, mémoires officielles qui élaborent des mythologies nationales, les enseignent et dressent des monuments en leur honneur… mémoires douloureuses, traumatismes sans cesse ressassés, dans les Balkans, on n’a pas la mémoire courte… C'est autour de ces Mémoires que s’organise le présent numéro des Cahiers Balkaniques, en regroupant en particulier les communications de trois Journées consacrées, la première, aux « Conflits idéologiques dans les Balkans, autour de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et de la Guerre Civile grecque », la seconde, au thème « Regards sur la Macédoine au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles » et la troisième intitulée « Mémoires d’exil, exils de mémoire ».
  • Controversies About the Croatian Victims at Bleiburg and in “Death Marches”

    Controversies About the Croatian Victims at Bleiburg and in “Death Marches”

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE UDK 341.45(497.1)’’1945’’ CONTROVERSIES ABOUT THE CROATIAN VICTIMS AT BLEIBURG AND IN “DEATH MARCHES” Martina GRAHEK RAVANČIĆ* Croatian contemporary history is marked by controversial issues, and even though many years have now gone by, some still seek to manipulate these issues for their own ends. The Bleiburg tragedy and the postwar “death marches” are frequently brought up in this sense in the daily press and elsewhere. These issues are also discussed in historiography, which still appears unable to deal with those topics properly. To do so, it is therefore first necessary to identi- fy the events included in these topics. The Bleiburg tragedy includes the sur- rounding and capture of German and Croatian troops who were withdrawing through Slovenia toward Austria (Bleiburg) at the end of the World War II, the extradition of prisoners from the Viktring POW camp, and the “death march- es” that followed, which are also called the “Ways of the cross”. During the last days of WW II members of the Allied forces created their own spheres of control, often ignoring the destiny of the defeated party. The postwar period called for individuals able to carry out the “final struggle with the enemy”. Even today, the number of losses during those days cannot be clarified. Previous interpretations by Croatian and Yugoslav historians are often subjective and ignored the question of responsibility for the crimes com- mitted then.1 On the other hand, members of the Croatian emigration tried to present their view of the truth, but their efforts, while often well-intentioned, also included inaccuracies, creating additional problems for contemporary scholars.
  • Vjeran Pavlaković Croatia's Contested Memoryscape1 Croatia's

    Vjeran Pavlaković Croatia's Contested Memoryscape1 Croatia's

    Vjeran Pavlaković Croatia’s Contested Memoryscape1 Croatia’s memoryscape underwent several waves of dramatic transformation during and after the country’s War of Independence (referred to as the Homeland War, or Domovinski rat, 1991-1995). As noted in the growing body of work analyzing memory politics in the Yugoslav successor states, the monumental heritage related to the Second World War was systematically targeted and partially destroyed, while hundreds of new memorials were erected by a wide array of organizations, veterans’ groups, religious communities, and state actors. This revitalized need for memorialization included not only monuments, plaques, busts, and museums dedicated to the events of the 1990s, but numerous new interpretations of the Second World War. While some memorial spaces sought to reexamine the historical narrative and recognize the victims and fallen soldiers who had been excluded from the collective memory during communist rule in a dignified manner, other monuments were blatant attempts at politicized revisionism that attempt to turn perpetrators into innocent victims. The debates over memorials reflects a broader division in Croatian society about the conflicts in the 20th century, reaching beyond simply historiographical differences and spilling into the political arena, cultural politics, education, and human and minority rights. Memorials, because of their visibility in public spaces and role in politicized commemorative practices, draw particular attention in the media and public discussions. Memorial spaces often include a variety of objects which seek to create a narrative of past, often traumatic events, but for the purpose of this study the focus is on physical monuments rather than museums or intangible forms of remembrance.