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Cahiers Balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits Et Mémoires Dans Les Balkans » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 08 Décembre 2011, Consulté Le 06 Juillet 2021

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Cahiers Balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits Et Mémoires Dans Les Balkans » [En Ligne], Mis En Ligne Le 08 Décembre 2011, Consulté Le 06 Juillet 2021 Cahiers balkaniques 38-39 | 2011 Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans Édition électronique URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ceb/61 DOI : 10.4000/ceb.61 ISSN : 2261-4184 Éditeur INALCO Édition imprimée Date de publication : 30 mars 2011 ISBN : 978-2-85831-189-7 ISSN : 0290-7402 Référence électronique Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011, « Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 08 décembre 2011, consulté le 06 juillet 2021. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/ceb/61 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ceb.61 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 6 juillet 2021. Cahiers balkaniques est mis à disposition selon les termes de la Licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d’Utilisation Commerciale 4.0 International. 1 Conflits de mémoire(s), mémoire(s) des conflits… conflits de toutes sortes… mémoires des protagonistes et des anonymes, des vainqueurs et des vaincus, des condamnés, exilés, déportés, des centaines de milliers de déplacés jetés sur les chemins des Balkans depuis plus d'un siècle, mémoires officielles qui élaborent des mythologies nationales, les enseignent et dressent des monuments en leur honneur… mémoires douloureuses, traumatismes sans cesse ressassés, dans les Balkans, on n’a pas la mémoire courte… C'est autour de ces Mémoires que s’organise le présent numéro des Cahiers Balkaniques, en regroupant en particulier les communications de trois Journées consacrées, la première, aux « Conflits idéologiques dans les Balkans, autour de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et de la Guerre Civile grecque », la seconde, au thème « Regards sur la Macédoine au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles » et la troisième intitulée « Mémoires d’exil, exils de mémoire ». Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 2 SOMMAIRE L'éditorial Editorial Faruk Bilici, Joëlle Dalègre et Frosa Pejoska-Bouchereau Le dossier : Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans L’idéologie du mouvement Oustachi de 1930 à 1941 Stefan Sipic Les trotskystes grecs pendant la seconde guerre Mondiale Alexis Hen Mladen J. Žujović et le mouvement de résistance de Dragoljub Mihailović Roland Vasic Des médailles et leurs revers. Des anciens d’Espagne devenus « héros des peuples de Yougoslavie » Hervé Lemesle La déclaration de repentir dans la Grèce des années 1940 Christina Alexopoulos L’idéologie dans les chants de l’EPON Joëlle Dalègre « À la recherche des Macédoniens » : le regard des cartes, 1840-1918 Joëlle Dalègre Un poste consulaire en Macédoine, Bitola-Monastir, 1851-1912 Bernard Lory Victor Bérard et la Macédoine Ivan Savev La littérature comme expérience personnelle : la Macédoine et Stratis Myrivilis Georges Kostakiotis La presse française commente la question macédonienne à l’aube des guerres balkaniques Nicolas Pitsos La République de Macédoine dans la presse française La question du nom Toni Glamcevski La guerre civile macédonienne de 1903-1908 et ses représentations dans l’historiographie nationale grecque Tasos Kostopoulos La question macédonienne pendant la guerre civile grecque Christina Alexopoulos Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 3 La construction sociale de l’altérité en Grèce Anastassia Tsoukala Les femmes et les enfants, prisonniers politiques ou déportés à titre préventif pendant la guerre civile grecque Christina Alexopoulos Le droit d’initiative du sultan et les lois de Fâtih (Mehmed II) Halil Inalcık Que reste-t-il de la langue et de la culture grecques sur les côtes turques de la mer Noire ? Faruk Bilici La Communauté grecque à Marseille au XIXe siècle Entre cadre identitaire et référent-mémoire Michel Calapodis Les Arméniens, les Grecs et les Juifs originaires de Grèce et de Turquie, à Paris de 1920 à 1936 Michel Garin La dictature des colonels en Grèce, 1967-1974 Les enjeux géostratégiques Corinne Talon Les lectures Pascalis M. Kitromilides: A Discourse on the Island of Cyprus Brunehilde Imhaus Isabelle Dépret : Église orthodoxe et histoire en Grèce contemporaine, versions officielles et controverses historiographiques Joëlle Dalègre Anatoli. De l'Anatolie à la Caspienne : territoires, politique, sociétés : publié avec le concours du CNRS, Unité mixte de recherche Géographie-cités/[directeur de la publication Ali Kazancigil ; Georges Prévélakis] Céline Pierre Magnani Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 4 L'éditorial Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 5 Editorial Faruk Bilici, Joëlle Dalègre et Frosa Pejoska-Bouchereau 1 Les Cahiers balkaniques, créés en 1981, visent à faire connaître à l’extérieur le fruit des recherches de l’équipe du CEB (Centre d’Études Balkaniques de l’INALCO) et de ses associés, notamment par la publication des actes de colloques, journées d’étude et tables rondes organisées par le CEB ainsi que des travaux menés en collaboration avec des chercheurs d’autres établissements (province et étranger). 2 Le présent numéro, un numéro double, reste fidèle à cet esprit. On y trouvera donc en première partie, des communications présentées lors des Journées et Colloques. Il s’agit ici de trois Journées, la première, le 16 mai 2008, consacrée aux « Conflits idéologiques dans les Balkans, autour de la Seconde Guerre mondiale et de la Guerre Civile grecque », la seconde, le 3 avril 2009 organisée sur le thème « Regards sur la Macédoine au tournant des XIXe et XX e siècles » et la troisième, le 29 mars 2011, intitulée « Mémoires d’exil, exils de mémoire », autour de l’œuvre de IIias Poulos et à l’occasion de son exposition de photographies « Mémoires en exil », (26 mars-26 avril 2010) à la Maison d’Europe et d’Orient. Une seconde partie réunit des articles rédigés par des membres du CEB ou certains de ses associés, enfin quelques comptes rendus de lectures complètent le numéro. L’équipe du CEB tient à vous rappeler son site internet http:// www.etudes-balkaniques.fr/; elle vous informe également que les Cahiers balkaniques seront, d’ici quelques semaines, progressivement mis en ligne sur le site revues.org. Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 6 Le dossier : Conflits et mémoires dans les Balkans Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 7 L’idéologie du mouvement Oustachi de 1930 à 1941 The Oustachi movement ideology from 1930 to 1941 Stefan Sipic Introduction 1 À la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale, les Slaves du sud de l’Empire d’Autriche- Hongrie se séparent, pour former avec la Serbie et le Monténégro, le Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slovènes1 sous la dynastie des Karageorgević. La politique centralisatrice menée par Belgrade aggrave rapidement les tensions et l’incompréhension entre Croates et Serbes, qui culminent avec l’assassinat en 1928 du leader de l’opposition et chef du Parti paysan croate2 Stjepan Radić3. C’est surtout la mise en place de la dictature en janvier 1929, qui ferme tout espace politique et pousse le Parti croate du Droit4 et son chef, Ante Pavelić 5, à la radicalisation en créant le mouvement oustachi au début des années 1930. Né d’une « réaction » plutôt que « mouvement spontané », il s’est principalement développé dans l’émigration, tout en bénéficiant du soutien italien. Puisant ses racines dans le Parti croate du Droit, le mouvement tente de se façonner une identité politique propre. 2 Si le fascisme italien semble être un modèle pour Pavelić, peut-on pour autant considérer le mouvement oustachi comme fasciste ? Enfin, on peut se demander si la politique qui engendra les massacres de 1941 était inhérente à l’idéologie du mouvement dès les années 1930. Cahiers balkaniques, 38-39 | 2011 8 Les racines idéologiques : le HSP Le XIXe siècle et la naissance des idéologies 3 La formation au XIXe siècle, de deux idéologies politico-nationales concurrentes, à savoir le « droitisme »6 et « l’illyrisme », influence de manière décisive l’histoire politique des Croates durant cette période. 4 Le mouvement illyrien de renaissance nationale croate est initié par Ljudevit Gaj7. Essentiellement linguistique et culturel, il ne réussit pas à déboucher sur un projet d’union des Slaves du Sud. L’unité linguistique, comme base première d’une union politique est refusée par les linguistes Jernej Kopitar8 et Vuk Stefanović Karadžić9 qui considèrent les Croates de parler kajkavien et štokavien comme membres de leurs groupes respectifs. Ainsi, selon ces deux linguistes, la langue croate, voire le peuple croate n’existe pas. L’illyrisme défendu par Gaj, n’est qu’un moyen pour les Croates de s’affranchir de la tutelle austro-hongroise. Par la suite, c’est l’évêque croate de Đakovo, Juraj Strossmayer10 qui reprend cette idée d’union des Slaves du Sud. Afin de favoriser un rapprochement politique entre les peuples slaves, Strossmayer prône un rapprochement culturel et crée, en avril 1868, l’Académie yougoslave des Sciences et des Arts.11 5 C’est à partir de cet échec, et en réaction aux positions des linguistes serbes et slovènes qu’apparaît un mouvement plus radical et défendant le droit des Croates à un État, le « droitisme ». L’idéologie défendue par Ante Starčević12, est celle du droit des Croates à un État qui doit perpétuer la continuité étatique du royaume croate. Il prône l’indépendance de la Croatie sur un territoire englobant toute la Bosnie-Herzégovine qu’il considère comme faisant partie des « terres historiques croates ». Starčević nie l’existence du peuple serbe, qu’il estime être des Croates orthodoxes parlant le štokavien-jekavien13. Malgré tout, son discours reste teinté de démocratie libérale et prône la liberté religieuse qu’il estime être une question individuelle. Concernant la Croatie même, la philosophie de Starčević se résume à deux adages : « Dieu et les Croates » et « la Croatie aux Croates ». Selon lui, la Croatie doit s’émanciper de la tutelle austro-hongroise et ne doit pas chercher son salut dans une union des Slaves du Sud, qu’il dénonce comme un élément de l’hégémonisme serbe dans les Balkans. Il est souvent cité comme le « père de la nation croate », étant le premier à défendre un nationalisme exclusif et à revendiquer l’indépendance de la Croatie. Selon l’historienne Mirjana Gross, « le droitisme a été le porteur d’une idéologie nationale croate exclusive »14.
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