International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights UNITED NATIONS CCPR International covenant Distr. on civil and RESTRICTED* political rights CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 21 June 2007 ENGLISH Original: FRENCH HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE Eighty-ninth session 12-30 March 2007 VIEWS Communication No. 1172/2003 Submitted by: Salim Abbassi (represented by Mr. Rachid Mesli) Alleged victim: Abbassi Madani (his father) State party: Algeria Date of communication: 31 March 2003 (initial submission) Documentation references: Special Rapporteur’s rule 97 decision, transmitted to the State party on 12 May 2003 (not issued in document form) Date of adoption of Views: 28 March 2007 Subject matter: Arbitrary detention, house arrest, fair trial, freedom of expression Procedural issue: Power of attorney * Made public by decision of the Human Rights Committee. GE.07-42526 (E) 060707 100707 CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 page 2 Substantive issues: Right to liberty and security of person; arbitrary arrest and detention; right to liberty of movement; right to a fair trial; right to a competent, independent and impartial tribunal; right to freedom of expression Articles of the Covenant: 9, 12, 14 and 19 Articles of the Optional Protocol: ... On 28 March 2007, the Human Rights Committee adopted the annexed draft as its Views under article 5, paragraph 4, of the Optional Protocol in respect of communication No. 1172/2003. [ANNEX] CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 page 3 Annex VIEWS OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE UNDER ARTICLE 5, PARAGRAPH 4, OF THE OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS Eighty-ninth session concerning Communication No. 1172/2003* Submitted by: Salim Abbassi (represented by Mr. Rachid Mesli) Alleged victim: Abbassi Madani (his father) State party: Algeria Date of communication: 31 March 2003 (initial submission) The Human Rights Committee, established under article 28 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Meeting on 28 March 2007, Having concluded its consideration of communication No. 1172/2003, submitted to the Human Rights Committee by Salim Abbassi on behalf of Mr. Abbassi Madani (his father) under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Having taken into account all written information made available to it by the author of the communication and the State party, Adopts the following: * The following members of the Committee participated in the examination of the present communication: Mr. Abdelfattah Amor, Mr. Prafullachandra Natwarlal Bhagwati, Ms. Christine Chanet, Mr. Maurice Glèlè Ahanhanzo, Mr. Yuji Iwasawa, Mr. Edwin Johnson, Mr. Ahmed Tawfik Khalil, Ms. Zonke Zanele Majodina, Ms. Iulia Antoanella Motoc, Mr. Michael O’Flaherty, Ms. Elisabeth Palm, Mr. José Luis Pérez Sanchez-Cerro, Mr. Rafael Rivas Posada, Sir Nigel Rodley and Mr. Ivan Shearer. Individual opinions signed by Committee members Mr. Abdelfattah Amor and Mr. Ahmed Tawfik Khalil are appended to the present document. CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 page 4 Views under article 5, paragraph 4, of the Optional Protocol 1. The author of the communication, dated 31 March 2003, is Salim Abbassi, born on 23 April 1967 in Algiers, who is submitting the communication on behalf of his father, Mr. Abbassi Madani, an Algerian citizen, born on 28 February 1931, in Sidi Okba (Biskra). The author states that his father is the victim of violations by Algeria of articles 9, 12, 14, 19, 20 and 21 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (the Covenant). He is represented by Mr. Rachid Mesli. The Covenant and the Optional Protocol entered into force for the State party on 12 December 1989. The facts as submitted by the author 2.1 Abbassi Madani is one of the founding members and, at the time of the submission of the communication, president of the Front Islamique du Salut (Islamic Salvation Front) (FIS),1 an Algerian political party approved by the State party as of 12 September 1989 following the introduction of political pluralism. With a view to forthcoming elections and in the wake of gains made by FIS during the local elections of 1990, the Algerian Government had to push through a new electoral law, which was unanimously condemned by all Algerian opposition parties. Protesting against this law, FIS organized a general strike along with peaceful sit-ins in public squares. After a few days of strikes and peaceful marches, the parties agreed to end the protest movement in exchange for a review of the electoral law in the near future. Despite this agreement, on 3 June 1991, the head of Government was requested to resign and public squares were stormed by the Algerian army. 2.2 On 30 June 1991, Abbassi Madani was arrested at his party’s headquarters by the military police and on 2 July 1991 was brought before the investigating judge of the military court, accused of “jeopardizing State security and the smooth operation of the national economy”. In particular, he was reproached for having organized a strike, which the prosecution described as subversive, since it had allegedly done serious harm to the national economy. The lawyers appointed to defend Abbassi Madani challenged the grounds for his prosecution before the military court, and the lawfulness of the investigation conducted by a military judge under the authority of the public prosecutor’s office. According to the defence, the court had been established in order to remove leaders of the main opposition party from the political scene, and it was not competent to hear the case, it could only adjudicate on offences under criminal law and the Code of Military Justice committed by members of the armed forces in the performance of their duties. The competence of the military court to deal with political offences under legislation dating from 1963 had been revoked with the establishment of the National Security Court in 1971. Since the latter had been abolished following the introduction of political pluralism in 1989, the general rule of competence should therefore apply. 2.3 FIS won the first round of general elections on 26 December 1991, and the day after the official results were released, the military prosecutor was to inform defence lawyers of his intention to end the proceedings against Abbassi Madani. On 12 January 1992, however, the 1 FIS was disbanded in 1992, as the author confirms (see paragraph 2.5). CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 page 5 President of the Republic “resigned”, a state of emergency was declared, the general elections were cancelled and so-called “administrative internment camps” were opened in southern Algeria. On 15 July 1992, the Blida military court sentenced Abbassi Madani in absentia to 12 years’ rigorous imprisonment. The application for judicial review of this decision was rejected by the Supreme Court on 15 February 1993, thereby making the conviction final. 2.4 During his detention in Blida military prison, Abbassi Madani was, according to the author, subjected to ill-treatment on numerous occasions, in particular for having claimed political prisoner status and the same treatment as other prisoners. He was subjected to particularly severe treatment, despite his perilous state of health, spending a very long period of time in solitary confinement and being barred from receiving visits from his lawyers and family. 2.5 Following negotiations with the military authorities in June 1995, he was transferred to a residence normally used for dignitaries visiting Algeria. He was returned to the Blida military prison2 for having refused to concede to the demands of army representatives, in particular that he should renounce his political rights. He was then detained in particularly harsh conditions3 for the following two years until his release on 15 July 1997, on one condition “that he abide by the laws in force if he wished to leave the country”. Upon his release, he did not resume his political activity as president of FIS, since the party had been banned in 1992. 2.6 Initially, the authorities tried to restrict Abbassi Madani’s liberty of movement, considering any peaceful demonstration of support for him a threat to public order. Subsequently, the Minister of the Interior launched a “procedure” to place him under house arrest after he had been interviewed by a foreign journalist and had sent a letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations4 in which he expressed his willingness to help seek a peaceful solution to the Algerian crisis. On 1 September 1997, members of the military police informed him orally that he was under house arrest and forbidden to leave his apartment in Algiers. He was also informed that he was forbidden to make statements or express any opinion “failing which he would return to prison”. He was denied all means of communicating with the outside world: his building was guarded around the clock by the military police, who prevented anyone, except members of his immediate family, from visiting him. He was not allowed to contact a lawyer or to lodge any appeal against the decision to place him under house arrest, which was never transmitted to him in writing. 2.7 On 16 January 2001, a communication was submitted to the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention on behalf of Mr. Madani. On 3 December 2001, the Working Group rendered its Opinion according to which his deprivation of liberty was arbitrary and contrary to articles 9 and 14 of the Covenant. The Working Group requested the State party “to take the necessary 2 Exact date not provided. 3 Conditions not explained. 4 Exact date not provided. CCPR/C/89/D/1172/2003 page 6 steps to remedy the situation and to bring it into conformity with the standards and principles set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights”.5 No steps were taken by the State party.
Recommended publications
  • Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
    Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s.
    [Show full text]
  • US Move Towards Brotherhood Ban Could Upend Turkish-Qatari Strategies
    UK £2 Issue 204, Year 5 May 5, 2019 EU €2.50 www.thearabweekly.com Hope after Baghdadi’s Corruption- Spanish first video fuelled unrest elections in five years in the Arab world Page 17 Pages 6,7-9 Page 4 US move towards Brotherhood ban could upend Turkish-Qatari strategies ► Support to Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated groups is a major pillar of Turkey’s and Qatar’s influence strategies in the region. Thomas Seibert in its relations with the United States. Ties are under strain by US support for Kurdish militants in Istanbul Syria, Ankara’s wish to buy Rus- sian military hardware and by plan by members of the Turkey’s determination to pursue US administration to close relations with neighbour designate the Muslim Iran despite the threat of US sanc- A Brotherhood an interna- tions. tional terrorist organisation is ex- Gunter Seufert, a Turkey expert pected to be yet another irritant at the German Institute for Inter- in troubled relations between An- national and Security Affairs, a kara and Washington. think-tank in Berlin, said a desig- The move could also put fresh nation of the Muslim Brotherhood pressure on ties between Wash- as a terrorist group would be “an- ington and Doha. Like Turkey, other point of conflict” between Qatar is a major backer of the Turkey and the United States. Muslim Brotherhood. It is also the “This would harden fronts fur- site of the largest US military base ther,” Seufert said by telephone. in the Middle East. Both Turkish US President Donald Trump’s and Qatari strategies in the region decision to consider putting the could be upended.
    [Show full text]
  • The Algerian Islamic Movement from Protest to Confrontation: a Study in Systemic Conflagrations
    Intellectual Discourse, 1998 Vol 6, No I, 39-65 The Algerian Islamic Movement From Protest to Confrontation: A Study in Systemic Conflagrations Berkouk The current crisis in Algeria has brought to the forefront the various dimensions of the Islamic tendencyin the country. Theseinclude the political, the intellectual, the educational and the insurrectional aspects. While analysing the various dimensionsof the movement,this paper focuseson the mainstreamof the movement.This mainstreamis essentiallynon- violent and actively involved in the establishedpolitical process. It strives to transform both state and society in line with the essentialprecepts of Islam. It is the assertion of this paper that Islamic resurgencein Algeria is primarily a cultural phenomenonthat cannotbe understoodby usingsimple quantitative analytical models. Only a multi-dimensionalperspective that has as its centrefocus the civilizational and cultural forces can ascertain all the parameters and dynamics of this movement. Nowhere is the Islamist challengemore manifestthan in Algeria. This was brought to the world's attention not only by the ongoing armed Islamist insurgencybut also by the consecutiveelectoral successesof the Islamists. The purpose of this paper is not merely to analysethis phenomenonhistorically, or in terms of its different components,but also to understandwhy this movementhas gained so much strength in Algeria. The central focus of this paperis to show that this movement is a home-grownphenomenon that reflectsthe complexity of the social dynamics of Algeria. An exclusive reliance on economicand political analytic tools is not sufficient to understandthe phenomenonthat is primarily social and cultural in nature. It is a quest for identity and authenticity. M'hand Berkouk is currently AssistantProfessor of Political Science,and Head, Departmentof General Studies,IIUM.
    [Show full text]
  • A-W-The Algerian Islamist Movement
    The Algerian Islamist Movement between Autonomy and Manipulation Extracts from a report presented by the Justice Commission for Algeria at the 32nd Session of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal on HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS IN ALGERIA (1992-2004) 5 - 8 November 2004 Salima Mellah May 2004 The full report is in French: http://www.algerie-tpp.org/tpp/pdf/dossier_19_mvt_islamiste.pdf Table SUMMARY ..........................................................................................................................3 HISTORY OF THE FIS.......................................................................................................6 THE 1989 POLITICAL REFORMS AND LEGALIZATION OF THE FIS ............................................6 THE ISLAMIST 'NEBULA'.......................................................................................................7 THE "SOUND OF BOOTS"......................................................................................................9 WHAT HAPPENS WITH FIS AFTER THE INTERRUPTION OF THE ELECTIONS?...........................11 1992-1994: THE ORGANIZATION OF ARMED GROUPS...........................................12 MANIPULATION, FROM THE START .....................................................................................12 THE GIA ESTABLISHES ITSELF AND SUPPLANTS ALL OTHER GROUPS....................................15 Uniting within the GIA..................................................................................................15 The political context .....................................................................................................17
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations 2007.Fm
    AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS LAW REPORTS 2007 2008 African human rights law reports 2007 Published by: Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) The Pretoria University Law Press (PULP) is a publisher at the Faculty of Law, University of Pretoria, South Africa. PULP endeavours to publish and make available innovative, high-quality scholarly texts on law and related disciplines in Africa. PULP also publishes a series of collections of legal documents related to public law in Africa, as well as text books from African countries other than South Africa. For more information on PULP, see www.pulp.up.ac.za Printed and bound by: ABC Press Cape Town To order, contact: PULP Faculty of Law University of Pretoria South Africa 0002 Tel: +27 12 420 4948 Fax: +27 12 362 5125 [email protected] www.pulp.up.ac.az ISSN: 1812-2418 © 2008 CONTENTS Editorial v User guide vi Abbreviations vii Case law on the internet vii TABLES AND INDEXES Table of cases ix Alphabetical table of cases xi Subject index xii International instruments referred to xix International case law considered xxviii African Commission decisions according to communication xxxiii numbers CASES United Nations human rights treaty bodies 1 African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights 71 Sub-regional courts 117 Domestic decisions 147 iii EDITORIAL The African Human Rights Law Reports include cases decided by the United Nations human rights treaty bodies, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights and domestic judgments from different African countries. This eighth volume of the Reports for the first time also includes judgments that deal with human rights issues from the courts of African regional economic communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy in the Arab World Explaining the Deficit
    Democracy in the Arab World Explaining the defi cit Despite notable socio-economic development in the Arab region, a deficit in democracy and political rights has continued to prevail. This book examines the major reasons underlying the persistence of this democracy deficit over the past decades and touches on the prospect for deepening the process of democratization in the Arab world. Contributions from major scholars of the region give a cross-country analysis of economic development, political institutions and social factors, and the impact of oil wealth and regional wars, and present a model for democracy in the Arab world. Case studies are drawn from Algeria, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Sudan and the Gulf region; they build on these cross-country analyses and look beyond the influence of oil and conflicts as the major reason behind this demo- cracy deficit. The chapters illustrate how specific socio-political history of the country concerned, fear of fundamentalist groups, collusion with foreign powers and foreign interventions, and the co-option of the elites by the state also contribute to these problems of democratization facing the region. Situating the democratic position of the Arab world in a global context, this book is an important contribution to the field of Middle Eastern politics, develop- ment studies and studies on conflict and democracy. Ibrahim Elbadawi, formerly Lead Economist at the Development Research Group of the World Bank, he is currently Director of the Macroeconomics Research and Forecasting Department at the Dubai Economic Council and has published widely on macroeconomic and development policy and the economics of civil war.
    [Show full text]
  • Information to Users
    INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfihn master. UMI films the text directly firom the original or copy submitted. Thus, some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough,margins, substandard and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and continuing firom left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced form at the back of the book. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6" x 9" black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to order. UMI University Microlilms International A Bell & Howell Information Company 300 North Z eeb Road. Ann Arbor. Ml 48106-1346 USA 313/761-4700 800/521-0600 Order Number 9411896 Aborted transition: T he case of the failure of the democratization process in Algeria, 1989-1992 Al-Hadban, Ibrahim Naji, Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Algerian Civil War 1989- 1999 Descend Into What Has Been Called a “Savage War”?
    Why did the Algerian civil war 1989- 1999 descend into what has been called a “savage war”? Explaining the nature of the Algerian civil war Cato Stensland Master thesis, (60sp,MØNA 4590) “Midtøsten og Nord- afrikastudier” Institutt for kulturstudier og orientalske språk UNIVERSITY OF OSLO Spring 2015 © Author Cato Stensland Year 2015 Why did the Algerian civil war 1989-1999 descend into what has been called a “savage war”? Author Cato Stensland http://www.duo.uio.no/ Print: Reprosentralen, Universitetet i Oslo II Abstract This paper tries to answer some perplexing questions surrounding the Algerian civil war of the 1990‟s. The country went through a civil war that descended into a bloody chaos that few can reconcile with. It is this “decent” that is explored in the paper. By relying on a set of categories and rules for these interactions set forth in the selectorate theory the negligence of the people at large by the government is sought to be explained. Particular actions like the massacres, assassinations, bombings, killings and sabotage are put into a context that however grisly it may be portrays a rationale making sense of the violence. It discusses the rationale behind the massacres that took place from 1995 and the inaction to prevent these. To find this rational it is necessary to start the paper with a political analysis that can identify the key players and to link the political happenings as an extension of politics to acts of war. Therefore the first part of the paper is primarily concerned with the reasons behind the conflict, aligning the different parties of it and describing their primary motives.
    [Show full text]
  • An Islamic Republic of Algeria? Implications for the Middle East and the West
    THE WASHINGTON INSTITUTE POLICY FOCUS AN ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF ALGERIA? IMPLICATIONS FOR THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE WEST GIDEON GERA RESEARCH MEMORANDUM NUMBER TWENTY-NINE JUNE 1995 Cover and title page illustrations from windows of theal-Hakim Bi-Amrillah Mosque, 990-1013 THE AUTHOR Dr. Gideon Gera, The Washington Institute's 1994 Meyerhoff Fellow, is a research associate at Tel Aviv University's Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies specializing in current political and strategic issues. He retired from the Israeli army in 1976 with the rank of colonel. The views expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and should not be construed as representing those of The Washington Institute, its Board of Trustees or Board of Advisors. Acknowledgments Any attempt at predictive analysis of the type presented in this paper requires the assistance of many people. First and foremost, I would like to thank The Washington Institute and its director, Dr. Robert Satloff, for making this endeavor possible by granting me a Meyerhoff Fellowship and by extending to me their warm hospitality. I am also very grateful to the many French scholars—especially to Remy Leveau—who shared with me, during a brief visit to France, their knowledge and views on actual and potential developments in Algeria. I am equally grateful to U.S. government officials who took some of their valuable time to answer my questions. Respecting the wishes of most of them I shall name none. Furthermore, I would like to thank my colleagues at the Dayan Center at Tel Aviv University and especially Professor Asher Susser, head of the center, for stimulating my curiosity about the Algerian situation and its possible influence on the region in which we live.
    [Show full text]
  • Military-Islamists Relations in The
    MILITARY-ISLAMISTS RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: CONFRONTATIONS AND CONTAINMENT By SUZANE MNEIMNEH Bachelor of Arts The Lebanese University Beirut, Lebanon 1999 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate College of Oklahoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2005 MILITARY-ISLAMISTS RELATIONS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA: CONFRONTATIONS AND CONTAINMENT Thesis Approved: Joel Jenswold Thesis Adviser David Nixon Bob Darcy A. Gordon Emslie Dean of the Graduate College ii PREFACE Are Islamists willing to accept a modern state system, secular political order, modernization, and democracy in order to establish non-violent relations with the military? Armed forces and political Islam are in constant confrontations in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) countries especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Islamists in the MENA region have been steadily moving towards acceptance of the mentioned concepts. In fact, many Islamists (individuals and parties) succeeded in entering the political order in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Kuwait and many other countries. In doing so, some demonstrated a willingness to work within the system and with various political forces especially with the military in pursuit of common goals, like regime liberalization. Others used democracy only as means to reach power and threaten modern state system; thus, invoked military interference in politics to prevent them from reaching power. The participation of self-identified islamically oriented groups in elections and in modern political processes in general aroused considerable controversies. Armed forces, who believe in secularism and separation of religion and politics, perceive Islamist groups as threats to their values.
    [Show full text]
  • Radical Islamism in Algeria: Evolution and Current Situation
    Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.4, n.8, Jul./Dec. 2015 | p.100-125 RADICAL ISLAMISM IN ALGERIA: EVOLUTION AND CURRENT SITUATION Yoslán Silverio González1 The Islamic militants that have been operating in Western Africa Sa- hara-Sahel during last years have their origins in the 1990s, in the context of the internal war that broke in Algeria. This north-African country has been the most affected by the violence of terrorism of the Islamic kind, a phenomenon that, even though spreading through most of the countries from Northern Africa and Middle East, had different impacts on each country. The Algerian case was deeply linked to the long civil war faced by this country and, since the beginning of the 21st century, turned into a residual element restrained to a few Algerian wilayas and expanded towards south, entering the Sahara. Being one of the most affected countries, with incidence throughout the rest of the region, it is necessary to explain how this problem evolved to become an issue of security to lots of nations in the region. Internal antagonisms: the path to civil war Thirty years after celebrating its independence of French colonialism (1962 - 1992), the Algerian nation broke into an armed conflict, a result of its economic difficulties, the exhaustion of the post-independence political model and the following state crisis, social pressures and the emergency of new political forces that had as its programmatic base the Islam. Under the presidency of Chadli Bendjedid (1979 - 1992), third president of the nation, the gravest tensions took place as a result of the destabilization of the state combined with the rise of Islamist movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Algeria Country Report
    ALGERIA COUNTRY REPORT April 2004 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION AND NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM CONTENTS 1. Scope Of The Document 1.1 2. Geography 2.1 3. Economy 3.1 4. History Pre-1990 4.1 1991-1992: Rise of the FIS and 1991-2 Elections 4.4 1993-1998: Continuing Violence 4.7 1999-2000: Civil Concord Law and Dissolution of the AIS 4.11 Events of 2001-2002 4.18 Events of 2003 4.24 Events of 2004 and Presidential Election 4.31 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 Political System 5.4 Political Parties 5.6 Elections 5.13 Judiciary Structure 5.16 Country and Human Rights Reports 5.20 Legal Rights/Detention Detention Provisions 5.27 Pre-Trial Detention 5.28 Human Rights Reports 5.30 Double Jeopardy 5.31 In Absentia Convictions 5.32 Death Penalty and Moratorium 5.33 Internal Security Organisation - 5.37 Police Forces 5.40 Local Police 5.42 Local Militias 5.43 Special Intervention Units 5.44 Intelligence Units 5.45 Prisons 5.48 Political Prisoners 5.50 Independent Monitoring of Prisons 5.51 Military Service - Background 5.53 Conscientious Objection 5.57 Registration 5.58 Selection 5.61 The Reserve 5.66 Reserve Recalls 5.68 Postponed Enlistment 5.75 Deferments 5.76 Exemptions and Amnesties - 5.78 Exemption for Men over 30 at 1 November 1989 5.80 Exemptions/Regularisation Measures from 1999 5.83 Employment and Travel 5.92 Documents Relating to Military Service 5.94 5.96 Penalties for Draft Evasion and Desertion Military Service Personnel - 5.97 Absence Without Leave – Conscripts, Reservists and Deserters 5.111 Threat to Military Servicemen From Armed Groups 5.114 Medical Services 5.121 HIV/AIDS 5.122 MtlHlth Algeria April 2004 Mental Health 5.126 NGOs 5.127 Disabled persons 5.128 Educational System 6.
    [Show full text]