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MDE 28/08/93 Distr: UA/SC UA 174/93
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: MDE 28/08/93 Distr: UA/SC UA 174/93 Death Penalty 27 May 1993 ALGERIA: 41 people sentenced to death: Abderrahim Hocine Rachid Hechaichi Karim Fennour Jamal Chikou Belkacem Tahri Jamal Laskri Mabrouk Bakour Ahmed Dahmoun Meliani Mansouri Youcef Boulesbaa Redha Boucherif Said Soussan (sentenced to death twice) Mohamed Aimet (sentenced to death twice) and 28 in absentia Amnesty International is gravely concerned that 41 people were sentenced to death on 26 May 1993 by the special court in Algiers in two separate trials. Thirty-eight of those sentenced to death (26 in absentia) were accused of participating in the bombing of Algiers airport on 26 August 1992, in which nine people died and over 120 were injured. Said Soussan and Mohamed Aimet, who were among the 38 sentenced to death in the first trial, and three others (two in absentia) were accused of terrorist attacks, including planting a bomb in the television station in June 1992. Following the bombing of the airport, six individuals were arrested and the confessions of some of them were shown on Algerian television. There were allegations that the confessions had been extracted under torture. These individuals have no right of appeal, but may seek a review by "cassation" by the Supreme Court; if successful the case will be retried by another special court. Cassation rules only on procedures, and does not reexamine facts, thus failing to safeguard the detainees' right of appeal. Once the death sentences have been upheld by the Supreme Court, executions may not be carried out until a plea for clemency has been presented to the President and refused. -
COVID-19 Vaccine Hesitancy Among Algerian Medical Students: a Cross-Sectional Study 2 in Five Universities
medRxiv preprint doi: https://doi.org/10.1101/2021.08.29.21261803; this version posted August 31, 2021. The copyright holder for this preprint (which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted medRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. It is made available under a CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0 International license . 1 COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy among Algerian medical students: a cross-sectional study 2 in five universities. 3 Mohamed Amine KERDOUN a,b, Abdellah Hamza HENNI c, Assia YAMOUN d, 4 Amine RAHMANI b, Rym Messaouda KERDOUN e, Nazia ELOUAR f. 5 a: Department of Medicine, Faculty of medical sciences, Kasdi Merbah University, 6 Ouargla, 30000, Algeria. 7 b: Mohamed Boudiaf Public Hospital, Ouargla, 30000, Algeria. 8 c: Laboratory of dynamic interactions and reactivity of systems, Kasdi Merbah 9 University, Ouargla, 30000, Algeria. 10 d: Department of Medicine, Faculty of medical sciences, Abdelhamid Mira 11 University, Bejaia, 06000, Algeria. 12 e: Laboratory of biology and environment, Constantine 1 University, Constantine, 13 25000, Algeria. 14 f: EPSP Bechir Mentouri, Constantine, 25000, Algeria. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 NOTE: This preprint reports new research that has not been certified1 by peer review and should not be used to guide clinical practice. medRxiv preprint doi: https://doi.org/10.1101/2021.08.29.21261803; this version posted August 31, 2021. The copyright holder for this preprint (which was not certified by peer review) is the author/funder, who has granted medRxiv a license to display the preprint in perpetuity. -
Algeria: a Grassroots Movement for Change Or Elite Political Gamesmanship?
POLICY OUTLOOK Algeria: A Grassroots Movement for Change or Elite Political Gamesmanship? Dr Tarek Cherkaoui Michael Arnold Yasmina Allouche (Farouk Batiche - Anadolu Agency) What are the core issues behind the recent protests? How are Algeria’s complex political dynamics playing out with regards to the ongoing protests? What role do regional and international players have in the most recent developments? What are the possible outcomes of the political situation leading up to and after the April presidential elections? POLICY OUTLOOK military that protests, orchestrated by foreign elements, Introduction threaten the country’s stability and peace which will lead to Politics in Algeria is known for, if nothing else, its opacity. a repeat of the civil war. Since the end of the war of independence in 1962 the The promise of reforms and the repression and subsequent country has been governed by groups claiming to be the descent into violence with some of the states of the Arab guardians of the legitimacy of the revolution. The latter Spring was enough to deter Algerians from carrying on emerged after a series of power struggles against their with protests in 2011. However the lack of concrete reforms, fellow comrades-in-arms. Subsequently, the historical aside from constitutional amendments in 2016, are words legacy slowly diluted with more groups of shadowy, largely perceived as empty promises after numerous unelected power brokers taking over power nodes in the repetitions and no longer a viable concession in place of country. Known as “le pouvoir”, this cabal of ruling elites Bouteflika’s resignation demanded by the people. -
Immigration Matters
ISSUE 8 • MAY 2008 Immigration Matters C A I I • THE CHURCHES’ AGENCY ON INTERNATIONAL ISSUES: RESOURCING CHURCHES AND CONGREGATIONS ON GLOBAL CONCERNS Seeking Refuge in a Strange Land – the experiences of refugees and asylum seekers hroughout history innocent people cleansing and crimes against humanity. Nicholson have been forced from their homes The Responsibility to Protect is becoming Tto seek safety and refuge in the an important issue for collective face of violence. Despite the United discussion and action when states and Nations (UN) agreeing in 1951 to the the international community have failed Convention relating to the Status of to prevent catastrophe. Refugees, civilians continue to be The United Nations High Commission for caught up in horrifying wars, whole Refugees (UNHCR) currently recognises communities are displaced within their some 14 million refugees. In addition, own countries and many live or are an estimated 24.5 million people are “warehoused” in makeshift refugee displaced within their own countries. camps relying on humanitarian aid With the large numbers of displaced for their very survival. Displacement people and increasing insecurity, there has become a strategy of war. Some, is a lot of pressure on governments, the especially those with more resources, international community, the churches, have sought refuge in developed and concerned people to uphold the countries but many more have entered Responsibility to Protect. Facing these neighbouring developing countries where challenges as a faith community is part often they are competing for limited of the continuing Christian commitment resources with those living in the host to help those made vulnerable by country. -
Governing Board Meeting 1-2 April 2015 – Association of Arab Universities
Euro-Mediterranean Universities Network TETHYS Governing Board Meeting 1-2 april 2015 – Association of Arab Universities A ce jour (6 mars 2015), le Consortium Téthys regroupe 76 universités réparties dans 17 pays du pourtour méditerranéen ALGERIE JORDANIE The Tethys Network Université Benyoucef Benkhedda - Alger Université Philadelphia - Amman Université Abderrahmane Mira - Béjaïa Université de Technologie Princesse Sumaya - Amman Université d’Oran Université de Mutah Université Badji Mokhtar - Annaba Université de Yarmouk Université du 08 Mai 1945 - Guelma Université Jordanienne de Science et technologie - Irbid Université du 20 Août 1955 - Skikda Université de Jordanie – Amman Université Larbi Ben M’hidi - Oum El Bouaghi Université Mohamed Khider - Biskra Université Constantine I LIBAN Université Constantine II Université Constantine III Université Saint-Esprit de Kaslik-Jounieh Today, the Tethys Network is Université d’Alger 2 Université Saint Joseph - Beyrouth Université de Balamand - Tripoli Université Libanaise – Beyrouth composed of 76 universities from 17 CHYPRE Université de Chypre - Nicosie LIBYE countries of the Mediterranean Université de Zawia CROATIE Université de Split Basin Université de Zagreb MALTE Université de Malte EGYPTE Université d’Alexandrie Université d’Assiut MAROC Université d’Helwan Université Abdelmalek Essaâdi - Tanger Université du Caire Université Chouaïb Doukkali - El Jadida MUST Université Science et Technologie - Le Caire Université Cadi Ayyad - Marrakech Université Française d’Egypte Université Euro-Méditerranéenne -
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ALGERIA: ADVERSARIES IN SEARCH OF UNCERTAIN COMPROMISES Rémy Leveau September 1992 © Institute for Security Studies of WEU 1996. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the Institute for Security Studies of WEU. ISSN 1017-7566 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction The context of coup d'état The forces involved in the crisis Questions and scenarios Postscript PREFACE Earlier this year the Institute asked Professor Rémy Leveau to prepare a study on `Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises.' This was discussed at a meeting of specialists on North African politics held in the Institute. In view of the continuing importance of developments in Algeria the Institute asked Professor Leveau to prepare this revised version of his paper for wider circulation. We are very grateful to Professor Leveau for having prepared this stimulating and enlightening analysis of developments which are also of importance to Algeria's European neighbours. We are also grateful to those who took part in the discussion of earlier drafts of this paper. John Roper Paris, September 1992 - v - Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises Rémy Leveau INTRODUCTION The perception of Islamic movements has been marked in Europe since 1979 by images of the Iranian revolution: hostages in the American Embassy, support for international terrorism, incidents at the mosque in Mecca and the Salman Rushdie affair. The dominant rhetoric of the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) in Algeria, which has since 1989 presented a similar image of rejection of internal state order and of the international system, strengthens the feeling of an identity of aims and of a bloc of hostile attitudes. -
Care Ethics and Narratives of the 'Grateful Refugee' and 'Model Minority'
62 Care ethics and narratives of the ‘grateful refugee’ and ‘model minority’: A postcolonial feminist observation of New Zealand in the wake of the Christchurch terror attacks NISHHZA THIRUSELVAM Abstract In this article, Nishhza Thiruselvam interrogates Aotearoa/New Zealand politics in the last decade and a half, attempting to make sense of the events leading up to March 15, referred to by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern as ‘New Zealand’s darkest day’. She argues that the terror attacks perpetrated on this day were, paradoxically, both shocking yet unsurprising, given that racist and Islamophobic scapegoating and anti-Māori rhetoric are consistently manipulated by Aotearoa/New Zealand’s political elite in a strategy to maintain power. Informed by postcolonial feminist analysis, Thiruselvam argues that social discourses in the wake of March 15, such as Ardern’s insistence that ‘This is not who we are’, constitute forms of institutional gaslighting, which invalidate the author’s own lived experience of occupying the space of the ‘Other’ in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Key words Christchurch, ‘grateful refugee’, ‘model minority’, gaslighting, (post)colonialism, Islamophobia In the aftermath of the March 15 Christchurch terror attacks, those of us living in Aotearoa/New Zealand persevere with our grief as we try to make sense of a senseless event. Our centre-left government’s immediate response to the attacks – banning semi-automatic weapons – gained us worldwide praise. Such an appropriate response strengthened Aotearoa/New Zealand’s reputation as a peaceful nation far down in the Pacific. On the day of the attacks, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern addressed the nation, repeating in her speech the lines ‘This is not who we are’ and ‘They are us’ (see e.g. -
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s. -
Frantz Fanon: the Brightness of Metal
FRANTZ FANON: THE BRIGHTNESS OF METAL Dossier no 26 Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research March 2020 Cover photograph | Frantz Fanon walking up a ship gangway. To Fanon’s right is Rheda Malek, a journalist from the Algerian National Liberation Front’s newspaper, El Moudjahid. Frantz Fanon Archives / IMEC FRANTZ FANON: THE BRIGHTNESS OF METAL Dossier no 26 | Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research March 2020 Dossier no 26 French colonial map of Martinique from the Covens & Mortier’s Atlas Nouveau, 1942. Geographicus Rare Antique Maps / Wikimedia Commons On this earth there is that which deserves life. – Mahmoud Darwish Frantz Fanon was born on the Caribbean island of Martinique on 25 July 1925. He died in the United States, from leukaemia, on 6 December 1961. He was thirty-six years old. At thirty-six he had been a protagonist in two wars, a political militant in the Caribbean, Europe and North Africa, a playwright, a practicing psychiatrist, the author of numerous articles in scientific journals, a teacher, a diplomat, a journalist, the editor of an anti-colonial newspaper, the author of three books, and a major Pan-Africanist and internationalist. Like Ernesto “Che” Guevara – another revolutionary who valued the poetic and was a committed internationalist, doctor, soldier, teacher, and theorist – Fanon’s life was marked by a permanent, courageous, and militant motion into the present, and into the specificity of the situations in which he found himself. Fanon’s thought carries, in Ato Sekyi-Otu’s memorable phrase, an ‘irrepressible … openness to the universal’. In the realm of the political, as in the poetic, the truest route into the universal has always been through an intense engagement with the particular in its concrete manifestations in space and time: this piece of land occupied in the interstices of this city, these women rebuilding in the ruins of the last attack, the plastic burning in this brazier as the night wears on, these men stepping out of the shadows with these guns. -
The Importance of Practice Social Distancing to Reduce the Spread of COVID-19
Journal of Human Sciences – University Center Ali Kafi of Tindouf - Algeria Vol. 04 N° 02 The Importance of practice social distancing to reduce the spread of COVID-19 Dr. Mourad Benharzallah Lecturer at the University Center of Tindouf - Algeria E-mail : [email protected] Abstract : After the World Health Organization announced that coronavirus is a pandemic, and in front of the widespread of this disease, it was decided that people should practice social distancing by avoiding public spaces, keep at least 6 feet between them and others if they must go out, they do not attend or host large gatherings, avoid using mass transit, and stay home as much as they can. All of these practices led to the streets of major capitals and cities of the world became ghost cities; this paper attempts to highlight the seriousness of coronavirus disease on the one hand and show the importance of practice social distance to reduce and limit the spread of Covid-19 over the globe on the other hand. Keywords: Social distancing; World Health Organization; Covid-19; Pandemic الملخص: بعد إعﻻن منظمة الصحة العالمية أن فيروس كورونا جائحة ، وأمام انتشار هذا المرض ، تقرر أن يمارس الناس التباعد اﻻجتماعي عن طريق تجنب اﻷماكن العامة ، والبقاء على مسافة 6 أقدام على اﻷقل بينهم وبين اﻵخرين إذا اضطروا للخروج. ﻻ يحضرون أو يستضيفون التجمعات الكبيرة ، ويتجنبون استخدام وسائل النقل الجماعي ، ويبقون في المنزل قدر اﻹمكان. كل هذه الممارسات أدت إلى شوارع العواصم الكبرى والمدن في العالم أصبحت مدن أشباح. تحاول هذه الورقة تسليط الضوء على خطورة مرض فيروس كورونا من ناحية وإظهار أهمية ممارسة المسافة اﻻجتماعية لتقليل والحد من انتشار Covid-19 في جميع أنحاء العالم من ناحية أخرى. -
Where Life Is Seized Adam Shatz
This site uses cookies. By continuing to browse this site you are agreeing to our use of cookies.× (More Information) Back to article page Where Life Is Seized Adam Shatz Écrits sur l’aliénation et la liberté by Frantz Fanon, edited by Robert Young and Jean Khalfa La Découverte, 688 pp, £22.00, October 2015, ISBN 978 2 7071 8638 6 Author of the anti-racist jeremiad Black Skin, White Masks; spokesman for the Algerian Revolution and author of The Wretched of the Earth, the ‘bible’ of decolonisation; inspiration to Third World revolutionaries from the refugee camps of Palestine to the back streets of Tehran and Beirut, Harlem and Oakland; founder, avant la lettre, of post-colonialism; hero to the alienated banlieusards of France, who feel as if the Battle of Algiers never ended, but simply moved to the cités: Frantz Fanon has been remembered in a lot of ways, but almost all of them have foregrounded his advocacy of resistance, especially violent resistance. Fanon speaking in Accra in 1958 Fanon was not a pacifist, but the emphasis on his belief in violence – or ‘terrorism’, as his adversaries would say – has obscured the radical humanism that lies at the heart of his work. In her 1970 study, On Violence, addressed in part to Fanon’s student admirers, Hannah Arendt pointed out that both his followers and his detractors seemed to have read only the first chapter – also entitled ‘On Violence’ – of The Wretched of the Earth. There Fanon described how violence could serve as a ‘cleansing force’ for the colonised, liberating them not only from their colonial masters, but from their inferiority complex. -
Algeria 2020 Human Rights Report
ALGERIA 2020 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Algeria is a multiparty republic whose president, the head of state, is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister, who is the head of government. A 2016 constitutional revision requires the president to consult with the parliamentary majority before appointing the prime minister. President Abdelmadjid Tebboune came to office after winning the December 2019 presidential election, which saw approximately 40-percent voter turnout, following mass popular demonstrations (known as the Hirak) throughout 2019 calling for democratic reforms. Observers characterized the elections as well organized and conducted without significant problems or irregularities, but noted restrictions on civil liberties during the election period and lack of transparency in vote-counting procedures. The 130,000-member National Gendarmerie, which performs police functions outside of urban areas under the auspices of the Ministry of National Defense, and the 200,000-member General Directorate of National Security or national police, under the Ministry of Interior, share responsibility for maintaining law and order. The army is responsible for external security, guarding the country’s borders, and has some domestic security responsibilities. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control over the security forces. The Ministry of Justice reported no civil, security, or military officials were prosecuted or convicted of torture or other abusive treatment. Members of the security forces committed some abuses. Algeria held a constitutional referendum on November 1. The president and supporters of the referendum argued the new constitution will lead to a greater balance of power between the president and parliament; opponents believed the draft will further consolidate presidential power and did not include sufficient governance and human rights reforms.