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The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law -
Eurasian Union: the Real, the Imaginary and the Likely
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 132 — September 2014 Eurasian Union: the real, the imaginary and the likely BY Nicu Popescu Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-92-9198-247-9 ISSN: 1683-4917 QN-AA-14-002-EN-N DOI : 10.2815/42011 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. EURASIAN UNION: THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY Nicu Popescu CHAILLOT PAPERS September 2014 132 The author Nicu Popescu, Ph.D, is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS where he deals with EU-Russia relations and the post-Soviet space. He is the author of EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention (Routledge, 2011) and a former advisor to the Moldovan Prime Minister. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli Introduction 7 The real Eurasia 9 1 Decision-making 11 Economics 11 Political commitment 13 The Russian debate 14 Russkii Mir vs Eurasia? 17 The geopolitical Eurasia 19 2 Deepening vs widening 19 The current members 20 The future members 22 The Chinese neighbour -
The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 23 Number 1 Fall Article 3 May 2020 The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force Williams Paul R. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Williams Paul R., The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force, 23 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 1 (1994). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force? PAUL R. WILLIAMS* I. INTRODUCTION The United States consistently asserts that the successor states emerging from the dissolution of the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia are obligated to fulfill the treaty obligations of their predecessor states. The United States bases this duty on the international law of state succession with respect to treaties and on political commitments made during the process of establishing diplo- matic relations. The international law of state succession with respect to treaties, however, indicates that successor states are frequently entitled to a de novo review of the treaty commitments of the predecessor state, and they are not immediately obligated to assume all the treaties of the predecessor state. -
The European Union Vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “Integration Race 2.0”?
Przegląd Europejski vol. 2019, no. 3 doi: 10.5604/01.3001.0013.5846 The European Union vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “integration race 2.0”? Andrey A. Kinyakin, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN), Universty of Potsdam ORCID ID: 0000-0003-4428-508X Svetlana Kucheriavaia, University of Warsaw ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7846-6893 Abstract One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post- -Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequ- ences. -
The Russian-Belarusian Union and the Near Abroad
The Russian-Belarusian Union and the Near Abroad Dr. Kaare Dahl Martinsen Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies June 2002 Introduction Table of Contents INTRODUCTION 1 The model soviet republic 2 Enter Lukashenka 4 MILITARY INTEGRATION 7 Russian security concerns 9 Takeover of defence enterprises 10 Controversies over armaments exports 13 RUSSIAN SUBSIDIES 15 Cheating on trade 16 Gas transit 18 Polish reactions 19 REGIONAL IMPACT 23 Wavering resisters: Poland and Lithuania 23 Ukraine 25 Moldova 27 Western absence 29 SUMMING UP: RUSSIAN INTERESTS 33 Countering Russian influence 33 A more perfect Union? 35 Introduction Introduction Belarus has been transformed into a Russian military outpost. The process has been gradual. Since the early 1990s, the two countries have signed a number of co-operation agreements. All assert the two country’s equal status, but the outcome has been an incremental surrender of sovereignty to Moscow. In this process, integration of the two countries’ armed forces and the alignment of Belarus security policy with Russia’s have proceeded remarkably fast. A major step was the common Defence Doctrine for the Union agreed in October 1999.1 It contains the usual preamble asserting the equality of the two parties. Two years later when the Doctrine was to be amended, the Russian prime minister Kasyanov stated that the doctrine would be similar to the Russian with minor amendments reflecting Belarus status as a non-nuclear country.2 In April 2002, Russian defence minister Sergei Ivanov declared that the countries would merge their armed forces under the framework of the Belarus-Russian Union.3 Ivanov’s announcement is the most recent step in a process whereby the Belarusian leadership has agreed to Russian stationing of troops in the republic, usage of military installations, construction of new ones, and opening up for a Russian takeover of Belarusian defence enterprises. -
Going Regional the Russian Way: the Eurasian Economic Union Between Instrumentalism and Global Social Appropriateness
GR:EEN Working Paper Author: Diana Shendrikova, GR:EEN Visiting Researcher at ISPI – Italian Institute for international Political Studies Going regional the Russian way: The Eurasian Economic Union between instrumentalism and global social appropriateness Introduction In his A Russian idea (1946), the philosopher Alexander Berdyaev divided Russia’s history in five major epochs: “There is Kiev Russia, Russia during the Tatar invasion, Moscow Russia, Russia of Peter the Great, Soviet Russia. It is possible that there will be some other new Russia. Russia’s historical development has been catastrophic”1. Expanding Berdyaev’s periodization, the current stage of Russia’s history might be defined ‘Eurasian Russia’, at least to the extent that the country’s current foreign policy seems to be actually underpinned – if not utterly driven – by the willingness to embrace an epochal trend orienting its development. This sort of ‘manifest destiny’ hinges on the East/West divide that has constantly characterized the country’s identity – as well as the political agenda of its leaders, These powerful opposing pulls have often resulting in an ambition for a distinct ‘Russian way’, more or less consistently combined with the Eurasian perspective, bestowing on Russia the role of bridging between the Western European and Eastern cultures.2 1 Николай А. Бердяев, Русская идея. О России и русской философской культуре: философы русского послеоктябрьского зарубежья Nikolay A. Berdyaev, The Russian Idea: On Russia, Russian philosophical culture: philosophers of Russian post-October immigration, Moscow, 1990, Chapter I 2 See more: Marlèn Laruelle, L’ideologie eurasiste russe, ou comment penser l’empire, Paris, L'Harmattan, 1999;, Всеволод Н. -
Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H
Florida State University Libraries Electronic Theses, Treatises and Dissertations The Graduate School 2011 Ethnic Violence in the Former Soviet Union Richard H. Hawley Jr. (Richard Howard) Follow this and additional works at the FSU Digital Library. For more information, please contact [email protected] THE FLORIDA STATE UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES ETHNIC VIOLENCE IN THE FORMER SOVIET UNION By RICHARD H. HAWLEY, JR. A Dissertation submitted to the Political Science Department in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Degree Awarded: Fall Semester, 2011 Richard H. Hawley, Jr. defended this dissertation on August 26, 2011. The members of the supervisory committee were: Heemin Kim Professor Directing Dissertation Jonathan Grant University Representative Dale Smith Committee Member Charles Barrilleaux Committee Member Lee Metcalf Committee Member The Graduate School has verified and approved the above-named committee members, and certifies that the dissertation has been approved in accordance with university requirements. ii To my father, Richard H. Hawley, Sr. and To my mother, Catherine S. Hawley (in loving memory) iii AKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people who made this dissertation possible, and I extend my heartfelt gratitude to all of them. Above all, I thank my committee chair, Dr. Heemin Kim, for his understanding, patience, guidance, and comments. Next, I extend my appreciation to Dr. Dale Smith, a committee member and department chair, for his encouragement to me throughout all of my years as a doctoral student at the Florida State University. I am grateful for the support and feedback of my other committee members, namely Dr. -
Kleptocrats of the Kremlin: Ties Between Business and Power in Russia
115th CONGRESS Printed for the use of the 1st Session Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe KLEPTOCRATS OF THE KREMLIN: TIES BETWEEN BUSINESS AND POWER IN RUSSIA JULY 20, 2017 Briefing of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe Washington: 2017 Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe 234 Ford House Office Building Washington, DC 20515 202–225–1901 [email protected] http://www.csce.gov @HelsinkiComm Legislative Branch Commissioners HOUSE SENATE CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, NEW JERSEY ROGER WICKER, MISSISSIPPI, Co-Chairman Chairman ALCEE L. HASTINGS, FLORIDA BENJAMIN L. CARDIN. MARYLAND ROBERT B. ADERHOLT, ALABAMA JOHN BOOZMAN, ARKANSAS MICHAEL C. BURGESS, TEXAS CORY GARDNER, COLORADO STEVE COHEN, TENNESSEE MARCO RUBIO, FLORIDA RICHARD HUDSON, NORTH CAROLINA JEANNE SHAHEEN, NEW HAMPSHIRE RANDY HULTGREN, ILLINOIS THOM TILLIS, NORTH CAROLINA SHEILA JACKSON LEE, TEXAS TOM UDALL, NEW MEXICO GWEN MOORE, WISCONSIN SHELDON WHITEHOUSE, RHODE ISLAND Executive Branch Commissioners DEPARTMENT OF STATE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE [II] (2) ABOUT THE ORGANIZATION FOR SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE The Helsinki process, formally titled the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, traces its origin to the signing of the Helsinki Final Act in Finland on August 1, 1975, by the leaders of 33 European countries, the United States and Canada. As of January 1, 1995, the Helsinki process was renamed the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe [OSCE]. The membership of the OSCE has expanded to 56 partici- pating States, reflecting the breakup of the Soviet Union, Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia. The OSCE Secretariat is in Vienna, Austria, where weekly meetings of the partici- pating States’ permanent representatives are held. -
Ch 1: Russia's Historical Roots
1 Russia’s Historical Roots Russia’s thousand-year history is replete with colorful leaders, global and continental wars, and the dramatic juxtaposition of brilliant culture with extreme brutality and poverty. Some Westerners find these qualities at- tractive, others repelling—there is little middle ground in how foreigners respond to Russia. This chapter outlines some of the enduring legacies of Russia’s political and economic organization and conveys Russia’s perspective on both its global and regional position and its identity. For the last 500 years, Russia has been one of the traditional European powers,1 with an inheritance both rich and complicated: Many of the peculiarities of tsarist Russia— some pertaining to geography, others to tradition—persist today; similarly, the Soviet period of 1917–91 is over, but it too has left indelible marks. Over the past two centuries, occasional tsarist and even Soviet leaders have struggled to free Russia from the “path dependencies” of its central- ized and authoritarian economic and political systems and its deeply ter- ritorial sense of security, which has fueled expansion and the domination of its neighbors. In addition to these challenges, the Russian reformers who came to power in 1991 strived to join the West but succeeded only partially. The Muscovite, Tsarist, and Soviet Legacies Looking at a map of the world, one cannot help but be impressed by the sheer vastness of Russia. From the beginning of the 16th century through 1. This point has been made most strongly by Martin Malia, Russia under Western Eyes (Cam- bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999). -
Anais-Marin-Union-State-Of-Belarus
ANAÏS MARIN THE UNION STATE OF BELARUS AND RUSSIA. MYTHS AND REALITIES OF POLITICAL-MILITARY INTEGRATION © 2020 Vilnius Institute for Policy Analysis www.vilniusinstitute.lt ISBN 978-609-8281-00-2 COVER: Presidential Press and Information Office THE UNION STATE OF BELARUS AND RUSSIA – BY ANAÏS MARIN TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 1 THE UNION STATE AT TWENTY ........................................................................................... 2 A dead-born vanity project ..................................................................................................... 3 Irreconcilable views ................................................................................................................. 3 From stalemate to ultimatum… and back to square one ....................................................... 5 DEBUNKING THREE BROTHERHOOD MYTHS ....................................................................... 7 Myth #1. “Belarus is Russia’s closest military ally” ................................................................. 7 Brothers in arms .................................................................................................................. 7 Cracks in the façade ............................................................................................................ 8 Belarus’ security dilemma and entrapment ........................................................................ 9 Disputes -
Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008
1 Revanchist Russia? Russian Perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian Sovereignty, 1990-2008 Rasmus Nilsson UCL For the degree of PhD 2 I, Rasmus Nilsson, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 3 Abstract The theme of this thesis concerns post-Soviet Russian foreign policy perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty between 1990 and 2008. In the thesis I argue that Russian perceptions became increasingly revanchist in nature during this period, and that we may distinguish between two different types of revanchism, the consequences of which for Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty are quite different. I argue that all Russian perceptions of international affairs are constituted by perceptions of Russia. Thus, perceptions of Belarusian and Ukrainian sovereignty may be divided into three categories, or paradigms, each of which centres on a specific concept that legitimises the existence of Russia, and determines how Belarus and Ukraine are viewed. The three central concepts are the concepts of Law, Power, and Nation, respectively. In the introduction, I outline these paradigms, both in abstract terms and in relation to Russian foreign policy in general, as well as Russian foreign policy towards Belarus and Ukraine. Subsequently, I present my methodology and my literature review, together with a discussion of the theoretical assumptions, which provide the foundation for my argument. Then, I briefly outline Russian foreign policy making during the period relevant for my thesis, before the four main chapters of my thesis outline in roughly chronological fashion how the relative significance of the three paradigms has changed over time. -
Latvia 1988-2015: a Triumph of the Radical Nationalists
The Baltic Centre of Historical and Socially Political Studies Victor Gushchin Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists Political support of the West for Latvian radical nationalism and neo-Nazismand the import of this ideology into Latvia after the West’s victory in the Cold War. Formation of a unipolar world led by the USA, revision of the 1945 Yalta and Potsdam treaties and the 1975 Helsinki Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe as main reasons for the evolution of the Republic of Latvia of May 4th, 1990,from elimination of universal suffrage to relapse of totalitarianism: establishment of the so-called «Latvian Latvia», Russophobia, suppression of ethnic minority rights, restriction of freedom of speech and assembly, revision of the outcome of World War Two and propaganda of neo-Nazism. Riga 2017 UDK 94(474.3) “19/20” Gu 885 The book Latvia 1988-2015: a triumph of the radical nationalists» is dedicated to Latvia’s most recent history. On May 4, 1990, the Supreme Soviet (Supreme Council) of the Latvian SSR adopted the Declaration on the Restoration of Independence of the Latvian Republic without holding a national referendum, thus violating the acting Constitution. Following this up on October 15, 1991, the Supreme Soviet deprived more than a third of its own electorate Latvia 1988 - 2015: of the right to automatic citizenship. As a result, one of the most fundamental principles of a triumph of the radical nationalists democracy, universal suffrage, was eliminated. Thereafter, the Latvian parliament, periodically re-elected in conditions where a signif- icant part of country’s inhabitants lack the right to participate in elections, has been adopting Book 1.